Research Methods in Psychology

Honoring Foundational Black Psychologists’ Contributions to Research on Black Fathers

Shauna M. Cooper1, Alvin Thomas2, Justin Harty3, Shedrick Garrett1, Qiana Cryer-Coupet4, Marketa Burnett1, 5, Margarett McBride1, and David Pate6

1 Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 2 Human Development and Family Studies, University of Wisconsin–Madison

3 School of Social Work, Arizona State University 4 School of Social Work, Georgia State University

5 Department of Psychology, University of South Carolina 6 School of Social Welfare, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee

Much of the early psychological research on Black fathers and families employed a deficit lens, pathologizing Black fathers as absent and uninvolved contributors to their children’s develop- ment. As a response, several Black psychologists articulated the need to move away from deficit- based approaches and employ strengths-based and adaptive frameworks to examine the social experiences of Black fathers and their contributions to child development. This transformative work was not only central to advancing research on Black fathers but also a cornerstone in the broader fathering literature. Though the list of foundational architects of Black fatherhood scholarship spans disciplines, we center this article around the contributions of eight Black psychologists—Drs. Phillip Bowman, Cleopatra Howard Caldwell, Anderson J. Franklin, Nancy Boyd-Franklin, Vivian Gadsden, Harriette PipesMcAdoo, John L.McAdoo, andMelvinWilson. Their collective works and scientific contributions provided a critical lens and articulated a vision for research on Black fathers. In highlighting their contributions, we focus on six thematic areas: (a) conceptual and theoretical advancements, (b) research methods and designs that centered Black fathers, (c) description and contextualization, (d) children’s development and well-being, (e) theory to practice and intervention, and (f) scientific cross-pollination and collaborative ethos. Last, we review and highlight research branches and extensions of these foundational roots.

Public Significance Statement This article highlights foundational Black psychologists for their contributions to the study of Black fathers and families. Additionally, this article outlines key thematic areas of scientific inquiry and advancement regarding research on Black fathers.

Keywords: fathers, Black psychology, scientific contributions, Black families

Reflecting broader social movements occurring in the United States and worldwide, the late 1960s through the 1980s were a critical time for psychological and social science research focused on Black children and families.

Increasing visibility, representation, and voice of Black psy- chologists led to several pivotal events in the field of Black psychology (e.g., establishment of the Association of Black Psychologists, 1968; first issue of the Journal of Black

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Shauna M. Cooper https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7607-1276 The authors would like to thank the special issue editors and reviewers for

their thoughtful comments on this article. The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose. Shauna M. Cooper played lead role in conceptualization, writing–

original draft and writing–review and editing. Alvin Thomas played supporting role in conceptualization, writing–original draft and writing– review and editing. Justin Harty played supporting role in writing–original draft and writing–review and editing. Shedrick Garrett played supporting

role in writing–original draft and writing–review and editing. Qiana Cryer-Coupet played supporting role in writing–original draft and writing– review and editing. Marketa Burnett played supporting role in writing–review and editing. Margarett McBride played supporting role in writing–review and editing. David Pate played supporting role in writing–review and editing. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Shauna

M. Cooper, Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 214 Davie Hall, 235 East Cameron Avenue, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, United States. Email: [email protected]

American Psychologist

© 2023 American Psychological Association 2023, Vol. 78, No. 4, 535–550 ISSN: 0003-066X https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0001120

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Psychology, 1974) and the broader landscape of psychology (e.g., Kenneth Clark becomes first Black American to be president of the American Psychological Association, 1970; HarrietteMcAdoo is the first Black American appointed to the Society for Research in Child Development’s Governing Council, 1979; see Holliday, 2009 for a historical timeline). As part of this movement, there was a catalyzation of theo- retical and empirical studies that began to counter deficit- based narratives often ascribed to Black families, address development and well-being within racialized and ecological contexts, and identify cultural assets and adaptive processes within Black communities. At this same time, increased attention was given to the role of fathers in the normative development of their children. However, much of this work was overwhelmingly focused onWhite middle-class samples, and Black fathers were rendered invisible, pathologized as absent and uninvolved contributors to their children’s devel- opment. Early investigations that did examine Black fathers often employed comparative frameworks that did not situate fathering within broader ecological and racial contexts. Though there were foundational architects of Black

fatherhood scholarship across the disciplines (e.g., Andrew Billingsley, Noel Cazenave), a dynamic group of Black psychologists articulated the need to reframe and reenvision scholarship on Black fathers. One can argue that the under- taking of this research was a revolutionary act—to resist deficit narratives and center the varied voices, experiences, and contributions of Black fathers. This transformative work was not always included or reflected in the broader fathering literature. But, unequivocally, this transformative work was not only central to advancing research on Black fathers but also a cornerstone in the broader fathering literature. Yet, there have been few opportunities to reach back and honor founda- tional Black psychologists who have contributed significantly to our understanding of Black fathers’ social experiences, well-being, and contributions to their children’s development. As we envision the future of psychological research on

Black fathers and families, we must reflect upon our bedrock. This article honors the pioneering and sustained scientific contributions of eight Black psychologists—Drs. John L. McAdoo (1935–1994), Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1940– 2009), Phillip Bowman, Vivian Gadsden, Cleopatra Howard Caldwell, Anderson J. Franklin, Nancy Boyd-Franklin, and Melvin Wilson. Here, we provide a brief synopsis of their training and scientific contributions. Dr. John L. McAdoo, who bridged psychology and social work disciplines, con- tributed several landmark observational studies examining father–child interactions in Black families. A developmental psychologist, Dr. Harriet Pipes McAdoo published founda- tional conceptual and empirical investigations that examined Black familial contexts, illuminating Black fathers’ roles in the socialization of their children. Dr. Phillip J. Bowman, a social psychologist, conducted work that situated Black fathers’ parenting and family experiences within racial and

economic contexts. Bowman’s seminal work explored role strain among Black men and subsequent impacts on involve- ment and well-being. Dr. Vivian Gadsden, formally trained as an educational psychologist, has contributed pioneering work exploring the social contexts guiding fathers’ engage- ment and considerations for early childhood development and learning. A social psychologist, Dr. Cleopatra Howard Caldwell has a sustained body of work investigating father– adolescent dyadic relationships, including implications for health outcomes for adolescents and fathers. With sustained contributions for over 4 decades, Dr. Melvin Wilson has integrated clinical, developmental, and community psycho- logical frameworks to examine intergenerational contexts of fathering and family roles and illuminate how father involve- ment shapes child outcomes. Scientific contributions by Dr. Anderson J. Franklin and Dr. Nancy Boyd-Franklin informed clinical and therapeutic approaches that addressed the social realities of Black fathers and families. In highlighting these pioneers, our hope is not only to

emphasize their individual contributions but also to provide a thematic synthesis of their collective works, reflecting their mutual influence, collaborative ethos, contributions to the study of Black fathers, and the psychological discipline. Arguably, this list of thematic contributions could be much longer. Given the scope of this article, we highlight the following thematic contributions to the study of Black fathers: (a) conceptual and theoretical advancements; (b) research methods and designs that centered Black fathers; (c) description and contextualization; (d) children’s devel- opment and well-being; (e) theory to practice and interven- tion; and (f) multidisciplinary cross-pollination, discourse, and collaborative ethos. Last, we briefly review and high- light research branches and extensions of these influential roots as well as recommendations for the future of research on Black fathers and their families.

Thematic Contributions

Conceptual and Theoretical Foundations

In celebrating fatherhood, we must be able, finally, to put to rest the stereotypes and myths that inhibit our understanding of the diversity of roles played by the Black father in his family. (J. L. McAdoo, 1986, p. 18)

U.S. social policy and directives during the 1960s and 1970s, such as the Moynihan (1965) report, often guided discussions about the social and economic concerns of Black families and households. Societal and policy discussions often framed Black fathers as problematic, absent, and un- interested in the lives of their children and families, which further contributed to the pathologizing of Black fathers and families. This societal context was also mirrored in the broader field of social science, with atheoretical and decontextualized comparative designs further perpetuating

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the myth of the missing Black father. While several scholars were central in articulating the need to move away from pathology and deficit-based perspectives about Black families (e.g., Allen, 1978; Billingsley, 1974; Cazenave, 1979; Nobles, 1974; Ogbu, 1981; Peters, 1974; Staples, 1971), there was specific attention given to interrogating theoretical and research approaches applied to studies with Black fathers.

Critical questions should be raised about studies on African American fathers: (1) that overgeneralize from small unrepresentative samples with extreme psychosocial problems, (2) that analyze Black deficits as root causes of underachievement while undermining persistent institutional barriers, and (3) that emphasize deviance fromWhite middle-class norms while ignoring cultural strengths, which often enable adaptive coping against great odds. (Bowman & Sanders, 1998, p. 40)

A central contribution of Black psychologists to the study of Black fathers was the application of ecological, socially embedded, and life-course approaches, which provided a window into the experiences, family roles, and contributions of Black fathers. This rich, theoretically grounded research was in response to the need for a more balanced scientific inquiry that identified potential barriers to fathering as well as adaptive resources. There is no question that this work was an act of resistance to persistent negative stereotypes and imagery of Black fathers and families. Individually and through col- lective efforts, this group of scholars, thoughtfully articulated the need for contextualized, adaptive, and strengths-based perspectives (Bowman, 1988, 1990; Boyd-Franklin, 1989; H. P. McAdoo, 1999; McAdoo & Younge, 2009; J. L. McAdoo, 1981; Wilson, 1986a). Wilson (1986a) argued that pathological and disorganization approaches to research on Black families do not adequately center their voices or reflect their cultural perspectives. Similarly, Bowman (1988) expressed a need to move beyond pathology and deficits to provide a more balanced assessment of the experiences of Black fathers. Highlighting characteristics of studies at this time, Bowman (1990) outlined two primary domains of research on Black fathers, which were differentiated by the degree of emphasis on (a) maladaptive and adaptive behavioral patterns and (b) internal or external determinants of behavioral outcomes (p. 3). Bowman (1990) also suggested that assess- ment along these two domains revealed four main themes in the literature: (a) pathology, (b) oppression, (c) coping, and (d) ethnicity. Bowman’s critical assessment of the existing literature led to a focus on adaptive coping among Black fathers. Bowman’s transformative research on role strain and coping, which reflected the sociohistorical and cultural con- texts that surrounded Black men, has continued to provide support for studies that explore intersections of masculinity and fathering, with studies ranging from youth to adult samples of Black men and fathers (Caldwell et al., 2016; Gadsden & Trent, 1995; Griffith et al., 2016; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Hunter & Davis, 1994; Rowley & Bowman, 2009; Watkins et al., 2011).

Research Methods and Designs That Centered Black Fathers

In the broader discussion of Black psychology, several scholars (e.g., A. Wade Boykin, Kathy Burlew, James Jones, Reginald Jones, Joseph White) emphasized the need for culturally centered measurement and design. Key critiques were rooted in the use of comparative frameworks, often atheoretical, which compared White middle-class fathers to lower resourced Black fathers (J. L. McAdoo, 1988). Com- parative designs perpetuated that White fathers’ behaviors and patterns were normative, and deviations from norms were assessed as deficient. Wilson (1986a) emphasized that assumptions of cultural equivalence and homogeneity severely limited the field’s understanding of the Black family and household patterns. This sentiment was echoed across several studies and reviews focused on Black fathers (e.g., Bowman & Sanders, 1998; H. P. McAdoo & J. L. McAdoo, 1997; Tolson & Wilson, 1990). Framing their research within this context, scholars unequivocally articulated the need for studies to better reflect the diversity and variation among Black fathers.

African American fathers are as different from one another as they are from other groups. They come in all shades, shapes, and types, yet the stereotyped Black father is seen—by those who are not of color—as a visitor to his family, underemployed, marginal to his family, inattentive to his children, rather violent, and plainly not in the family picture. In reality, African American fathers are as dedicated to their children and families as are men of other racial groups.… (H. P. McAdoo & J. L. McAdoo, 1997, p. 7)

In its formative stage, this collective body of work on Black fathers was an impressive assemblage of theoretically and conceptually grounded research designs and approaches. For instance, work by Bowman (1990), H. P. McAdoo (1993, 2005), J. L. McAdoo (1981, 1986, 1988), and Wilson (1984, 1986a, 1986b) applied ecological, life course, and cultural adaptation models to the examination of fathering processes, which were well connected to and aligned with their study designs. A broader assessment indicates that, among this pioneering group, there was diversity and variability in the methodological and analytical approaches utilized. For example, J. L. McAdoo’s (1970, 1977, 1979) seminal work employed observational methodologies to examine father– child interactions among working and middle-class Black families. Using conventional developmental psychological methodologies, this work provided a model for applying a cultural lens to observational designs. Other scholars have leveraged larger data sources, which provided an opportunity to analytically examine diversity among samples of Black fathers. Noting the need to recruit a more “accurately repre- sentative” sample of Black fathers, early studies by Bowman (1990) were based on a national sample of Black fathers recruited using a probability sampling procedure.

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The observational and reporting techniques used by most social scien- tists reflect cultural biases in studying African American fathers ac- cording to the cultural standards of the White middle class. Although methodological techniques have improved, conceptual sophistication is needed to deal with the gender, class, regional, and economic variables of African American families. (J. L. McAdoo, 1993, p. 33)

Both Gadsden and Wilson utilized qualitative and mixed- method designs to better understand the guiding processes that shape fathers’ identity and engagement and give way for Black fathers to be interpreters of their own experiences. Gadsden’s body of work has relied heavily on qualitative methods, including case studies, focus groups, and in-depth interviews (Gadsden, 1990; Gadsden et al., 1997, 2001). Complementing her early work on literacy development in Black families, Gadsden explored fathers’ narratives about their familial experiences and early childhood devel- opment (Gadsden, 1990). These qualitative studies have contributed to our understanding of Black fathers’ own meaning-making about fatherhood as well as critical pro- cesses that influence engagement with their children. Gadsden et al. (1997) explored fathers’ roles in the early literacy development of their children. Following up on later work, Gadsden (Gadsden et al., 2001) conducted a discourse analysis of lower income Black fathers’ narra- tives, which revealed fathers’ awareness of their fatherhood roles, barriers to involvement with their children, as well as positive and negative assessments of their paternal engagement. Her foundational qualitative work helped to catalyze the fathering indicators framework (Gadsden et al., 2001), which emphasized six indicators for measuring the change in fathering practices and child well-being: (a) father presence, (b) caregiving, (c) child social compe- tence, (d) cooperative parenting, (e) healthy living, and (f) financial contributions. Gadsden’s work has informed broader discussions about conceptualization and measure- ment. Later iterations of the this framework (Gadsden et al., 2003) were included in the popular text, Conceptual- izing and Measuring Father Involvement (edited by Day & Lamb, 2003). Between the 1970s and 1990s, there was a dearth of

empirical investigations that used multireporter assessments, including data from fathers, their partners, and children. Pivotal research by H. P. McAdoo (1981) examined linkages among stress, economic mobility, and kinship support among a sample of 178 mother–father dyads. This investigation, which was published in the Journal of Marriage and Family, included both father and mother reports of family, economic, and race-related stressors, providing key insight into transac- tional stress processes in Black households. Findings from H. P. McAdoo’s groundbreaking research (e.g., H. P. McAdoo, 1978a, 1978b, 1981, 1982) would provide critical support for subsequent research examining fathers within the broader family context, including Wilson’s (1984, 1986a, 1989) hall- mark studies, which were published in flagship APA (e.g.,

American Psychologist,Developmental Psychology) and Soci- ety for Research in Child Development (e.g., Child Develop- ment) journals. In particular, Wilson’s work highlighted the importance of capturing the dynamic nature of Black fathers’ interactions with their children as well as exploration of transactional family processes with coparents, spouses, and extended family networks. Building upon and complementing this work, Caldwell also has contributed studies highlighting dyadic processes among Black fathers and sons, including implications for father and son well-being (e.g., Caldwell, Wright, et al., 2004; Caldwell et al., 2011).

Black Fathers and Fatherhood: Description and Contextualization

There was a concerted effort from Black psychologists to describe and contextualize the lived experiences and family roles of Black men and fathers (e.g., Bowman, 1985, 1988; Boyd-Franklin, 1989; J. L. McAdoo, 1979, 1986; Wilson, 1986a). Providing a comprehensive review of the literature, J. L. McAdoo dispelled myths about Black fathers, noting their active engagement in child-rearing and parenting decision- making. One particular myth was rooted in assertions that, because a larger proportion of Black fathers did not reside in the same household with their children, they were assumed to be uninvolved in the rearing of their children. Though previous studies suggested that family structure and residential status have some implications for parenting and child outcomes (Hinton et al., 1995), a unidimensional focus was methodo- logically inadequate and did not reflect the multidimensional- ity of fathering among Black fathers (Gadsden & Smith, 1994; J. L. McAdoo, 1981; Wilson, 1986a). Included as a chapter in Black Children (edited byH. P.& J. L.McAdoo), Franklin and Boyd-Franklin (1985) emphasized that standard methods for assessing fathers’ residential status were limited in capturing the presence and contribution of father figures and social fathers in Black households. In the quest to represent the multiple aspects of Black

fathers’ experiences, involvement, and contributions to child development, there was an emergence of studies that situated Black fathers’ involvement within the broader social milieu. Scholars sought to underscore the importance of sociohistorical context as well as current racial, eco- nomic, and structural conditions (Billingsley, 1968, 1992; Bowman, 1993; Cazenave, 1979; Gadsden, 1995; Hill, 1971; J. L. McAdoo, 1981; Nobles, 1974; Staples, 1971). This work explicated adaptive processes among a diverse range of Black fathers, such as adolescent, unmarried, and married samples (Bowman & Sanders, 1998; Gadsden & Trent, 1995). Building upon research examining the impacts of economic

marginalization (Bowman, 1990, 1993), Bowman and Sanders (1998) examined role strain and difficulties among unmarried Black fathers. Taking a life span approach, this investigation

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emphasized how objective and perceived subjective reactions were associated with well-being. Additionally, Bowman and Sanders (1998), which highlighted cultural adaptive resources, such as familial support and religiosity, led to two primary conclusions—(a) that attention to adaptive resources is critical to the well-being of Black fathers and (b) resources do not always provide a level of protection, emphasizing the impact of external factors (e.g., employment, economic contexts, racism) on their well-being. Several stud- ies by Bowman and colleagues have further explored cultural adaptation among Black fathers (Bowman, 1993; Bowman & Forman, 1997; Gadsden & Bowman, 1999) as well as broader conceptual work on cultural adaptation and resiliency among Black populations (Bowman, 2006, 2013). Extending work on identity development among Black

men (e.g., Wade, 1994), studies also explicated identity processes among Black fathers. Gadsden examined the tran- sition to fatherhood among young Black fathers, including how they negotiate identity development within the context of fathering and fatherhood (Gadsden & Smith, 1994; Gadsden & Trent, 1995). Franklin (1999) also emphasized fathering as a part of broader identity development among Black men. Informed by this work, subsequent studies, in psychology and across the disciplines, have examined the complex interrelation among economic contexts, fathering timing, and identity (Caldwell et al., 2013; Gadsden & Bowman, 1999; Gadsden et al., 2003; Hunter & Davis, 1994; Jarrett et al., 2002; Wortham & Gadsden, 2006). Additionally, studies emphasized the dynamic role of fathers

and mothers and the importance of examining fathering roles and beliefs as they vary by family structure, fathers’ residential status, and household economic standing (Hammond et al., 2011; Hinton et al., 1995; Hunter, 1997; J. L. McAdoo, 1979; Tolson & Wilson, 1990; Tolson et al., 1995). Wilson, 1984, 1986a, 1986b) applied an intergenerational and systems per- spective to examine fathers’ familial roles and decision-making domains. Wilson’s inclusion of fathers in the examination of family dynamics was distinct from many investigations of this time in that fathers were a normative part of family processes (Wilson et al., 1995). Wilson (1989) noted that addressing individual stressors as familial stressors were stress mitigation and adaptation strategies. Further, several studies emphasized Black fathers’ interactions with their partners, coparents, and spouses, including how they negotiate parenting roles and share responsibilities (Wilson, 1986a, 1989;Wilson&Brooks-Gunn, 2001; Wilson et al., 1990). This work provided an ample foundation for future investigations, and we observe that, over the last 35 years, Wilson’s body of work has continued to explicate how various contextual and structural factors shape parenting and family roles in Black families (e.g., Anderson et al., 2015; Hijjawi et al., 2003; Hunt et al., 2015; Ray & McLoyd, 1986) and fathers, more generally (e.g., Chambers et al., 2006; Hijjawi et al., 2003; Modecki & Wilson, 2009; Wilson & Brooks-Gunn, 2001).

Contributions to Children’s Development and Well-Being

Reflecting the need to describe the experiences of Black fathers, much of the work conducted by Black scholars during the late 1970s and 1980s was focused heavily on understanding fathers’ ecological contexts and involvement. There were calls to extend empirical research beyond unidi- mensional domains of father absence or presence to account for the various ways that fathers nurture, guide, and influence their children. This was important, as during this time, there were relatively few studies that explicitly examined fathers’ contributions to Black children’s developmental outcomes. Though, it should be noted that there were studies examining these impacts among White samples (e.g., Clarke-Stewart, 1978). J. L. McAdoo (1977, 1979, 1981) early observational work, which Holliday (2009) credits as one of the first studies to examine Black fathers’ role in the socialization of their children, was a cornerstone to studies examining how father–child interactions shaped child outcomes. Although early studies by McAdoo did not demonstrate an association between paternal nurturance and Black children’s self- esteem, it did suggest the need to identify direct and indirect impacts of father involvement as well as the need to examine multiple dimensions of father involvement. Highlighting the work of Lamb (1975), J. L. McAdoo suggested that fathers’ contributions to child development are, in part, related to interactions within the broader family system. Further, J. L. McAdoo (1988) suggested the need to better understand dynamic and reciprocal processes. Building upon work in this area, investigations suggested that, despite the historical and contemporary sociopolitical landscape navigated by Black fathers, most of their interactions with their children were multifaceted, warm, loving, and supportive (J. L. McAdoo, 1979, 1981; Luster & McAdoo, 1995). It should be noted that work by Black scholars was belatedly accepted in the psychological discipline, as demonstrated by the inclusion of pivotal chapters (e.g., Ray & McLoyd, 1986) in broader texts about fathers (e.g., Lamb, 1986). Black scholars, however, continued to contribute founda- tional conceptual studies that informed associations between father involvement and Black children’s outcomes, including how gender and developmental stage may further moderate these relationships and impacts (Gadsden & Bowman, 1999; McAdoo, 1986). Multigenerational qualitative studies by Wilson (1984,

1986a) systematically explored how fathers’ engagement impacted the early years of development. These investiga- tions examined various domains of the father–child relation- ship and involvement as well as developmental outcomes (e.g., psychological adjustment, school engagement, behav- ioral problems). Wilson’s early studies and sustained body of work have been particularly contributory to understand- ing Black fathers’ impacts on child development. These

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BLACK FATHERS AND FATHERHOOD 539

studies, which have utilized longitudinal and multireporter assessments, have highlighted how fathers’ own well-being shapes involvement (Wilson & Brooks-Gunn, 2001; Wilson et al., 2001). For example, using data from the Fragile Families Study,Wilson found that depressive symptomswere associated with decreased involvement. Other investigations using the Fragile Families Study data would link various dimensions of father involvement to child outcomes (e.g., Chambers et al., 2006; Edin et al., 2009; McLeod et al., 2019). Extending earlier lines of work on parenting and cultural strengths (Billingsley & Caldwell, 1991; Bowman & Howard, 1985), Caldwell has contributed numerous studies that examine the impacts of father involvement on adolescents and youth (Caldwell et al., 1997; Caldwell, Sellers, et al., 2004; Hunt et al., 2015). Leveraging both large-scale data sources and dyadic designs, her body of work has specific contributions to understanding father–son relational dynamics and youth outcomes (Caldwell, Wright, et al., 2004; Caldwell et al., 2010, 2014).

Theory to Practice and Intervention

In addition to the thematic contributions made by Black psychologists in challenging negative misconceptions of Black fathers and deepening our understanding of Black fatherhood, foundational scholars have worked to translate theoretical and empirical research studies into clinical set- tings as well as inform prevention and intervention that is tailored to the needs and experiences of Black fathers and Black families (e.g., Boyd-Franklin, 1984, 1985, 1989; Boyd-Franklin & Franklin, 1998; Wade, 1994). Moving toward practice and application was a central goal for many Black psychologists. An often-articulated frame was how science can be used to address social and racial inequi- ties impacting Black populations. Bolstered by studies focused on the identity development, health, and well-being of Black men (Franklin, 1992; Wade, 1994), there was specific attention directed to Black fathers. In particular, Black psychologists, including Nancy Boyd-Franklin and Anderson J. Franklin, were central in applying culturally centered and responsive approaches in clinical practice and therapy. Boyd-Franklin (1989) emphasized the need to inte- grate multisystem and ecological approaches in clinical practice that acknowledge how race-related stressors and systems of oppression impact Black families. Further, Boyd-Franklin’s focus on family-based therapeutic models, which valued the experiences of mothers and fathers (Boyd- Franklin, 1987; Boyd-Franklin et al., 1997), addressed rela- tionship conflict problems and parenting stressors in Black families (Boyd-Franklin, 2003; Boyd-Franklin et al., 2008). Drawing from a contextualization of African American families at the confluence of race, class, and poverty in the North American context, Boyd-Franklin’s research cen- tered on the historical and evolving role of the church as a

support system and resource for Black families, fathers, and couples in therapy and community intervention contexts (Boyd-Franklin, 2010; Cleek et al., 2012).

All too often the Black families seeking help are confronted by therapist behaviors implying that their familial patterns are dysfunctional in comparison to the “norm” i.e., the nuclear family. These strengths can be mobilized by the therapist to enhance the therapeutic process, restructure the family system and promote significant changes in behavior. (Boyd-Franklin, 1989, p. 68)

Anderson J. Franklin’s previous work focused on mental health promotion (Franklin et al., 1993; Franklin & Jackson, 1990), and clinical models for addressing identity develop- ment and racism impacts (i.e., invisibility) in therapy and counseling with Black males provided the underpinnings for much of his work with Black fathers (Franklin, 1999; Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 2000). This research investi- gated the use of therapeutic support groups to address issues related to Black fathers, such as stressors associated with race-related stereotypes, gender role conflict, and paternal self-efficacy (Franklin, 2009; Franklin & Davis, 2001; Franklin et al., 2015). Franklin’s work has further contex- tualized coping with negative stereotypes and skewed nar- ratives regarding Black fathers, noting that the issue was “so troubling that they beg for contextualization, interpretation, and action” (Franklin, 2009). More recent research has sug- gested that clinical models tailored to address stressors, while supporting positive fathering identity development, may be particularly effective for Black fathers (Franklin & Davis, 2001). In addition to clinical and therapy settings, there have been

sustained contributions to prevention and intervention science. Informed by early work (e.g., Caldwell et al., 1995) and other existing studies (e.g., Fagan & Stevenson, 2002), Caldwell has been a leading figure in father-focused intervention and pre- vention that utilizes fatherhood as a context for promoting men’s health and well-being. Caldwell’s “Fathers and Sons Program,” which is a culturally centered community-based intervention, engages nonresident Black fathers in promoting their sons’ positive physical and behavioral health (Caldwell, Wright, et al., 2004). Studies have demonstrated intervention effectiveness in reducing aggressive behaviors (Caldwell et al., 2014), decreasing risky behaviors (Caldwell et al., 2010), and increasing health behaviors (Ellis et al., 2014) among Black boys and youth. Further, investigations have suggested multi- ple health and social benefits for Black nonresidential fathers, including reduced stress, fewer depressive symptoms, and lower alcohol use (Caldwell et al., 2014; Davis et al., 2009; Qian et al., 2018).

The benefits of fatherhood as a psychosocial context for improving men’s health are important to consider in assessing the influence of family relationships on African American men’s physical and mental health. (Caldwell et al., 2016, p. 458)

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Scientific Cross-Pollination and Collaborative Ethos

Unequivocally, this collective body of work has been a cornerstone and foundation, making significant contribu- tions to research on Black fathers and families as well as contributions to the study of families and fathering, more broadly. The empirical and theoretical impact of this body of workwas bolstered by a skillful scientific cross-pollination and a collaborative ethos. In examining this formative work, we see that attention was paid to the inclusion of work by other notable Black family and fatherhood scholars across the disciplines (e.g., Andrew Billingsley, Noel Cazenave, Marie Ferguson Peters, Waldo Johnson, Ronald Mincy). This integrative and socially embedded approach, incorpo- rated elements from sociology, education, economics, Afri- can American studies, men’s studies, nursing, and social work, was central in advancing research on Black fathers and families. In fact, many of these formative scholars embraced a multidisciplinary approach in their training and maintained a multidisciplinary presence in the field. Occurring against a scientific backdrop that often placed

Black families on the margins, this multidisciplinary integra- tion was a catalyst for a broader discourse on Black fathers and fatherhood. At a time when mainstream psychology journals did not fully embrace research on Black families, much less on Black fathers, edited volumes and books led by notable Black scholars provided the opportunity to articulate existing gaps in the literature and chart a course of scientific inquiry that centered the voices and varied experiences of Black fathers. Multiple books and edited volumes by H. P. McAdoo (1981, 1985, 2002) included work that emphasized the contexts, roles, and contributions of Black fathers. Also, as highlighted in Harrison et al.’s (1995) historical account, annual convenings of the Empirical Conference in Black Psychology helped to catalyze several scientific and profes- sional endeavors related to research with Black populations. Established in 1974 by A. Wade Boykin and Frank Yates (at the University of Michigan), the leadership committee included several other notable Black scholars (e.g., William E. Cross, Jr., Anderson J. Franklin, Algea Harrison Hale, Harriette Pipes McAdoo, John McAdoo). These conferences were a fertile ground for research on Black fathers and Black families, more broadly. Also, scholars contributed work to seminal volumes

focused on advancing theory and research among Black populations (e.g., Handbook of Tests and Measurements for Black Populations, edited by R. L. Jones, 1996). At a critical period for conducting and disseminating research on Black families, studies demonstrated that Black men and fathers were not on the periphery of their families but integral and active participants in family and community systems. Several pivotal collaborations within psychology and across the disciplines emerged (Billingsley & Caldwell, 1991; Bowman & Howard, 1985; Boyd-Franklin &

Franklin, 1998; Burlew et al., 1992; Dilworth-Anderson & McAdoo, 1988; Franklin & Jackson, 1990; Gadsden & Bowman, 1999; McAdoo & McAdoo, 2002), providing a fruitful cross-pollination of ideas and perspectives that guided the study of Black fathers and families, past and present, as well as informed policy, practice and pro- gramming (e.g., Franklin & Davis, 2001; Franklin et al., 2002; Gadsden & Ray, 2002).

In thinking about how the society might help facilitate fathers’ involve- ment, we argue that researchers and policymakers must take into account the fathers’ own perceptions of the obstacles. (Gadsden et al., 2001, p. 18)

Though our review is focused on psychological contribu- tions to the study of Black fathers and fatherhood, their impact goes beyond one area of study, with foundational work and sustained impact spanning several content areas (e.g., development, family processes, education and learning, racial discrimination and well-being, coping, health behavior). Also, evidenced by independent and collaborative investiga- tions, these scholars have undoubtedly advance the study of psychology via contributions to theory, measurement, and design among cultural and racialized populations (e.g., Bowman, 2013; Bowman & Jones, 1990; Coll et al., 1996; Franklin, 2009; Harrison et al., 1990).

Many Branches, Though Our Roots Remain the Same

As we highlight the collective work of this group of luminaries, who have contributed much to the understanding of Black fathers and fatherhood, it is evident that the field stands on their shoulders. H. P. McAdoo and J. L. McAdoo (1997) outlined several areas central to advancing research on Black fathers and their families—(a) education and workforce participation, (b) perspectives on fathers’ roles, (c) men’s health, (d) child socialization role, and (e) the marital role. There has been continued attention to these areas and the emergence of other burgeoning areas (e.g., Black fathering in a global context). Their foundational contributions can be seen in the various branches and extensions of research focused on Black fathers, including Black and non-Black scholars within psychology and spanning multiple disciplinary approaches and perspectives. Our review of this work, in harmony with the vision of this group of pioneering scholars, includes studies across the disciplines and directions for future research.

Fathers’ Impacts on Child Development

One primary area of contribution has been reflecting the various ways that Black fathers engage with their children. More recent studies have indicated that Black fathers re- ported equal or greater levels of involvement with their children (e.g., Jones & Mosher, 2013). However, there is great complexity and depth in understanding contributors

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to involvement and engagement. For example, work has highlighted various determinants of Black father–child attach- ment, including how historical structures and trauma, such as slavery, poverty, segregation, and racism, influence contem- porary realities for Black fathers, including housing, employ- ment, and caregiving behaviors (Allen, 2013; Tyrell & Masten, 2022). Much of the existing work on Black fathers has focused on fathering impacts during earlier life stages (prenatal, infancy, early childhood; Baker, 2014; Downer & Mendez, 2005; Gadsden & Iruka, 2020). Though we know that early relationships and contexts are important for children’s development and well-being, there has been greater attention to Black fathers’ involvement across devel- opmental stage as well as implications for developmental outcomes (Alleyne-Green et al., 2015; Cooper, 2009; Davis et al., 2009; Mandara & Murray, 2006; Randolph et al., 2017). There is a growing body of work that applies a multidimensional lens to their socialization and parenting practices, with investigations examining multiple domains and contexts (e.g., racial, gender, cultural, health, religious, school; Allen, 2016; Allen & Connor, 1997; Cooper et al., 2015; Doyle et al., 2015; Mattis et al., 2021; Thomas et al., 2012; Thornton et al., 1990). These investigations have employed methodologies that emphasize their individual and collective contributions as well as studies highlighting the transactional nature of socialization and parenting (Jones & Neblett, 2019; McNeil Smith et al., 2016).

Social and Racialized Contexts of Fathering

At its core, the work of these formative Black scholars emphasized the critical importance of understanding how sociohistorical contexts and individual and structural racism shape fathering among Black men. Studies have emphasized that Black fathers are disproportionately impacted by unemployment, violence, and incarceration (Brito et al., 2014; Lemmons & Johnson, 2019; Pate, 2005). These systems of oppression can affect access to education and economic mobility, which can shape masculinity ide- ologies, fathering role identities and efficacy (Caldwell & White, 2006; Griffith, 2015; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Huang et al., 2005; Pate, 2016; Roy & Dyson, 2010). Further, studies have revealed influences on their health and well-being (Brito et al., 2014; Lemmons & Johnson, 2019; Watkins, 2012). Additionally, studies have explicated how awareness of negative stereotypes and societal perceptions about Black fathers can shape fathering role identities and engagement (Cooper et al., 2021; Goodwill et al., 2019; Hamer, 1998, 2001; Julion et al., 2007; Kumah-Abiwu, 2019; Leite & McKenry, 2006). Several investigations highlight that fathering roles are salient for Black fathers and that identity influences their parenting practices and beliefs (Cokley, 2011; Cooper et al., 2020; Jarrett et al., 2002; Johnson, 1995; Williams, 2009). For instance,

Reynolds et al. (2015) found that fathering role identity encompassed both broader ideas of fathering beliefs and those related to “Black fathers.” Within the broader context of these individual- and

structural-level factors, research has focused on the explo- ration of adaptive resources that promote father, child, and family well-being. In particular, notable contributions by Andrea Hunter (e.g., Hunter & Davis, 1994; Hunter, 1997) have further emphasized the intergenerational contexts of fathering. Also, studies have highlighted the role of social support and adaptive coping strategies for Black and other racialized populations (Billingsley, 1992; Taylor et al., 1996; Utsey et al., 2007). Investigations specific to Black fathers have indicated several domains of social support (e.g., instrumental, emotional) and adaptive coping that can promote well-being and help facilitate engagement with their children (Ahmeduzzaman & Roopnarine, 1992; Cabrera et al., 2011; Coles, 2009). Innovative new research also has explored online and social media spaces as social support mechanisms for Black fathers (McBride et al., 2022; McLeod, 2020). Additionally, several studies have emphasized general and culturally specific resources that may be especially protective for Black fathers (Bocknek et al., 2017; Clayton et al., 2003; Coates & Phares, 2019).

Fathering at the Intersections

Investigations have explored fathering experiences and be- haviors across Black fathers of varying life stages, residential and marital statuses (Coates & Phares, 2014; Cryer-Coupet et al., 2020; Johnson&Young, 2016; Lemmons et al., 2021; Perry & Lewis, 2016). Scholars also have examined the role of nonresident and single custodial Black fathers (Brito et al., 2014; Caldwell et al., 2010). In line with Bowman’s (1990) foundational research on role strain, investigations have sug- gested that single custodial Black fathers put great emphasis on the fathering roles of “provider” and “nurturer” in the lives of their children (Coles, 2009). As studies emphasized that parenting and caregiving in extend beyond biological status, research has pointed to the important role of father figures, role models, and social fathers in the lives of Black youth (Bryant et al., 2016; Connor & White, 2011; Roy & Burton, 2007). Important avenues of this research include studies that assess how children navigate multiple relationships as well as implica- tions for their own development and well-being. Additionally, investigations have examined the experiences of Black gay, bisexual, and transgender fathers and paternal caregivers (Carroll, 2018; Harris, 2016). These studies have indicated an awareness of the lack of representation and imagery of parents that looked like them, even in the gay parenting community, and noted a tension between their racial, ethnic, and sexual identities in the parenting space as well as navigating barriers and bigotry in their own fatherhood journeys (Carroll, 2018). Still, there remains a need to better understand fathering

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and caretaking among Black men who identify as a sexual minority. Building upon previous studies, work that explores fathering role identities among the population is important area for future research.

Fathering Research Across the African and Caribbean Diasporas

As social scientists continued to examine the ways that social and historical conditions shape fathering experiences among Black men, there were calls to employ Africentric and non-Western paradigms to human development, including attention to families in developing, lower, and middle- income countries (Nsamenang, 1987, 1992, 2005). A. Bame Nsamenang (1951–2018) articulated the need for developmental science to represent ethnic and cultural diver- sity more aptly among Black families and increase the inclusion of fathers across the African and Caribbean Dia- sporas. Seminal work by Nsamenang (1992; Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994) examined fathering among Cameroonian men, highlighting societal imagery of fathers, roles in family contexts, and division of household labor. Also, during this time, increased attention was given to Caribbean fathers. For instance, several formative works by Roopnarine have highlighted the importance of examining within-group vari- ation among Caribbean fathers, noting that, although there were some similarities in sociohistorical contexts, African American and Caribbean fathers have distinct social realities that shape fathering identities, beliefs, and involvement (Roopnarine, 2013; Roopnarine et al., 1995, 1997). Ethnographic and large-scale studies involving fathers

across various African and Caribbean countries also have provided much-needed insight into how sociohistorical con- texts as well as current racial and structural conditions shape family roles (i.e., division of labor) and father involvement (Madhavan et al., 2015; Yildirim & Roopnarine, 2017). Further, investigations have described parenting practices and examined how paternal involvement shapes the develop- mental outcomes of African and Caribbean children (Hosegood & Madhavan, 2012; Idemudia et al., 2016; Karisa & McKenzie, 2022; Mncanca et al., 2016; Williams et al., 2012). These studies also have shed light on the fathering-related experiences of African and Caribbean im- migrants in Europe and Canada (e.g., Reynolds, 2009; Salami et al., 2020; Williams, 2009).

Fathering as a Context for Men’s Health

Investigations have explored how fathering contexts aand roles are associated with men’s health outcomes (e.g., Griffith et al., 2016; Johnson & Briggs, 2021; Randolph et al., 2017; Watkins et al., 2011). In particular, studies have demonstrated that Black men’s masculine identities are linked to their fathering role identities, and they judge their effectiveness

in their role as fathers based on their ability to care for their children and families (Caldwell,Wright, et al., 2004; Cooper et al., 2021; Edin et al., 2009; Tach et al., 2010; Williams, 2007). This role transition represents a shift from an individual focus to a desire to engage in healthier behaviors (Garfield et al., 2010). Although the fathering role can be especially challeng- ing for Black fathers, particularly in the context of racially and economically inequitable structures, fatherhood is a role that can offer benefits to Black men (Caldwell et al., 2019; Tsuchiya et al., 2018). In line with Bowman’s research on role strain among Black fathers (Bowman, 1990), studies have noted how issues, such as job insecurity and coparenting challenges increase stress related to fulfilling socially and personally defined fatherhood roles (Hunt et al., 2015). This increased level of stress may adversely impact psychologi- cal adjustment and lead to decreased father involvement and poorer health outcomes (Burgard et al., 2012; Watkins, 2012; Wilson et al., 2001). Investigations indicate that this is further exacerbated by lower utilization of mental health services by Black fathers (Doyle et al., 2012). Factors, such as social support can attenuate risks faced by Black fathers, including some of the most marginalized subsets of fathers—Black nonresident fathers, and formerly incarcerated Black fathers. In fact, some research suggests that better health outcomes like reduced depressive symptoms (Tsuchiya et al., 2018), more positive reentry experiences, and lower reincarceration rates (Thomas et al., 2022) are all linked to fathers receiving high levels of positive social support.

A Call to Action and Future Research Directions

The primary goal of this article was to honor the past and present scholarship of Black psychologists who contributed to research on Black fathers and their families. Psychology and allied disciplines have long placed the work of Black scholars on the periphery, and opportunities to honor our foundations have been few and far between. Undoubtedly and unequivocally, their collective works have greatly shaped the understanding of Black fathers and families and remain a cornerstone in the broader study of fathering and child development. Their scientific contributions are numerous, including the advancement of theory and mea- surement, the utilization of research designs that centered the experiences of Black fathers and bridged the gap between research and application. Most importantly, these scholars charted a course of scientific inquiry that began to remove Black fathers from the periphery of research as well as contextualizing their experiences and acknowledging their strengths and contributions. This article represents a critical step in crystallizing the foundational academic knowledge on Black fathers while serving as a catalyst for the depth and breadth of research that is still needed to reflect and normalize the experiences of Black fathers and

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BLACK FATHERS AND FATHERHOOD 543

their families. Though we have highlighted psychologists who were key architects in the emergence of this area as well as current contributions, an exhaustive review is beyond the scope of this article. Thus, we call on the field, Black scholars and non-Black scholars, to continue to cement this foundation. Also, in harmony with the collaborative ethos of this group of architects, there remains a need to also highlight the multidisciplinary cross-pollination that has greatly contributed to research on Black fathers, past and present, including scholars across the disciplinary spectrum (e.g., family studies, sociology, social work, nursing, public health, and economics).

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Received February 22, 2022 Revision received September 7, 2022

Accepted November 9, 2022 ▪

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