week 5

9Language Development

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Learning Objectives

After completing this module, you should be able to:

ሁ Evaluate evidence that supports learning theory, nativism, and the interactionist perspective of lan- guage development.

ሁ Differentiate between expressive and receptive language. ሁ Provide examples of the basic characteristics used in the scientific study of language. ሁ Describe the beginnings of oral communication and identify language milestones. ሁ Discuss the changes in language that take place during middle childhood and adolescence. ሁ Summarize how Piaget and Vygotsky view the relationship between speech and cognition. ሁ Support the usefulness of two types of reading instruction.

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

Prologue Beginning with their first breath, infants are able to communicate to get their needs satis- fied. They let us know when they are hungry, wet, or otherwise uncomfortable. Even without the use of words, they soon communicate pleasure and evoke reciprocal emotional reactions from those around them. A smile brings corresponding joy; a whimper evokes tenderness. Infants can point, grunt, and otherwise use a number of gestures as they prepare to speak words. In the latter half of the first year, infants will point to interesting objects or sounds they hear in the distance. At about the time of their first birthday, infants will begin to use words to denote certain objects, followed soon thereafter by the use of words to represent actions (like saying “up” to mean “I want to be lifted into your arms”). Words soon become symbolic representations of objects. When a child says “dah” while looking at the family dog, we under- stand that “dah” refers to a dog.

The set of formal sounds, gestures, and especially written symbols defines language. It is used to communicate thoughts and feelings and plays a large role in facilitating cognitive development. When children use language to understand concepts, they develop cognitively. Although language contains a tremendously complex system of sounds that represent sym- bols, infants seem to pick up the basic oral rules fairly effortlessly (though with great environ- mental variability, as we will see).

To explore these processes, this module first describes the basic theories of language acquisi- tion. Then, it addresses the fundamentals of language construction and the development of production. As children mature, that language is used in a self-reflective manner as it contin- ues to complement advances in cognition. Finally, the module examines how children learn the relatively new human invention of literacy and outlines common practices in reading instruction.

9.1 Theories of Language Development Traditionally, two general theories have dominated discussions pertaining to the develop- ment of language. Learning theory asserts that language occurs when a series of responses is acquired through reinforcement. The nativist view argues that infants learn language natu- rally due to an inborn ability. However, neither of these theories is sufficient in explaining language acquisition. A third theory, the interactionist perspective, combines the role of envi- ronmental circumstances with the predisposition for language with which all humans seem to be born. This section focuses on these three general approaches to understanding language development.

Learning Theory B. F. Skinner (1957) argued that language acquisition follows simple principles of learning theory. Children acquire language by imitation and reinforcement. Though they at first do not have the physical capacity in their tongues or vocal chords to imitate words, the sounds they hear most often have the greatest chance of being stored in memory. When infants begin uttering sounds that approximate words, like “da-da-da-da-da” and “ma-ma-ma-ma-ma,” adults reinforce that behavior with praise or increased interest. Eventually, parents shape these early sounds into their common usages. According to learning theory, because world

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

languages differ radically in structure and sound, a universal mechanism for acquisition does not exist.

There are two major problems with the behaviorist view. First, it does not account for the wide, natural variation in the way that language is established, even though a universal pat- tern is evident. Consider that children are constantly constructing novel sentences and using language in ways that they could not have heard. For instance, a 2 year old may be exposed to the words go and there and learn to use them by imitation. But reinforcement cannot explain why children might put these words together and say, “Go there” to mean, “I want to get back in the stroller.” And even though there is great variation in specific word usage, rules for grammar seem to unfold similarly across cultures and languages. This finding sug- gests there is an underlying mechanism for language that is independent of learning (Nowak, Komarova, & Niyogi, 2001).

Second, children learn complex rules for speaking new words even when they have not been reinforced. Also, conclusive research indicates that social experiences, including parental responsiveness and the context in which learning occurs, play a significant role in language acquisition (Bond & Wasik, 2009; Tamis-LeMonda & Song, 2012). Without being reinforced, children learn to substitute one noun, verb, or adjective for another. Though children learn proper rules for language, parents do not constantly correct their children’s usage when it is wrong. Yet children progress from using a finite set of words and sentences to using an infi- nite combination (Pinker, 2004).

Nativism Addressing the problems associated with the learning theory approach to language, linguist Noam Chomsky (1928– ) has championed the nativist approach. He asserts that children worldwide naturally learn the nuances of languages, including ways to refer to the past and future and how to form negatives and plurals. Because of these commonalities, there must be some kind of internal (native) structure, which Chomsky calls universal grammar. It is theo- rized that the brain is “hard-wired” with a neural system that he calls the language acquisi- tion device (LAD) (Chomsky, 2006).

Given the right circumstances, Chomsky asserts, humans cannot help but learn language. He does not rule out the influence of the environment, but the nativist approach sees the innate- ness of language in humans as analogous to wings on birds—they are both simply meant to be there (Chomsky, 2000). Just as wings are essential to defining birds, language is essential to defining humans.

The LAD exists at birth and is programmed to understand the structure of every language. The environment determines which language will be learned; the construct of the LAD dic- tates that every language is equally learnable, and evidence supports this view. First, language

© JLP/Jose Luis Pelaez/Corbis ሁ Are children born with a certain capacity for

language, or is it strictly learned?

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

growth occurs rapidly, within the first 4 years. And there is a similar pattern of acquisition regardless of geography or culture. For instance, vocabulary size and the specific percent- age use of nouns and verbs does not vary significantly among children learning their native languages in Korea, the United States, or elsewhere (Rescorla, Lee, Oh, & Kim, 2013). More- over, children can learn multiple languages easily if exposed to them. Direct instruction is not needed. Yet, as any adult who is trying to learn a new language understands, language is quite complex. For these reasons, it appears that language is a maturational process consistent with the LAD (see Figure 9.1) (Behme & Deacon, 2008; Kovács & Mehler, 2009).

Figure 9.1: The Wug Test ሁ Berko’s famous experiment (1958) showed that children are born with internalized rules for

learning language. They were able to complete sentences like those shown here without needing to first imitate or learn the words by rote. Children demonstrated innate language rules related to verbs and plurals by attaching appropriate endings to nonsense (made-up) words that they had not been exposed to before. In the “Wug Test” (named after one of the nonsense words), children successfully used patterns of language without necessarily using any imitation.

This person knows how to plonk. Right now he is plonking. He was also plonking yesterday. That is,

yesterday he _______.

This is a glump. Now there is another one. There are two of them. There are two ______.

Source: Adapted from Berko (1958).

The nativist approach has critics as well. For instance, Tomasello (2006) found that infants and toddlers might hear the same patterns of utterances hundreds of times per day. Hearing subject-verb combinations and random plurals may reinforce the idea to apply the same rules

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

to other sentences. Moreover, most children can easily imitate sounds that are specific to their native language, but then they lose the natural ability to verbalize nuanced sounds of other languages. For instance, native English speakers have difficulty voicing the trilled (or rolled) /r/ sound of Spanish.

There are also wide variations in language outcomes that are due to differences in social experiences, even in the number of words to which children are exposed. This learning advan- tage is later observed in different rates of vocabulary growth (Hart & Risley, 1995; Snow & Yang, 2006). The richness of parent-child interactions is especially influential, which is also not accounted for in the nativist view. Effective speech and communication is a learned skill that needs nurturance and reinforcement. When a child asks, “Can I…,” and an adult responds with, “May I…,” social learning clearly directs development.

Language Development and the Brain Although Chomsky does not propose that the LAD is a physical structure, the physical anat- omy of the brain offers additional evidence that supports a biological view. Just as some brain centers are specifically associated with certain senses, movement, or automatic responses like breathing, there are brain structures dedicated to language (Figure 9.2). Broca’s area is specific to speech production (expressive language), and Wernicke’s area is responsible for comprehension (receptive language). Even deaf children who sign engage the same brain structures as those who voice words (Hickock, Bellugi, & Klima, 2001).

Figure 9.2: Language ability localization ሁ Language abilities are localized in specific areas of the brain, lending support to the theory that

language is influenced heavily by nature.

Broca’s area

Wernicke’s area

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

Furthermore, there are distinct sensitive periods for language production. It is a common observation, for instance, that children who are consistently exposed to multiple languages at an early age learn those languages seamlessly. Older children and adults have greater struggles learning additional languages. Neuroscience research has found evidence to con- firm a suspected biological explanation (O’Muircheartaigh et al., 2013). Researchers ana- lyzed brain development among 108 typically developing children between the ages of 1 and 6 years and found that the distribution of myelin around neurons involved in language was associated with language development. Moreover, this myelin growth consistently became fixed by about age 4. This conclusion suggests that brain plasticity (the ability to change as a result of experience) for language is especially strong before age 4. Similarly, around that time, acquiring new languages starts to become more difficult. These findings indicate a decided critical period for early intervention strategies, since environmental influences appear to peak early.

Interactionist Perspective The mechanisms by which humans learn language are not understood completely, but there is evidence for both an innate determination and cultural and environmental influences (Chap- man, 2000; Tomasello & Slobin, 2004). As a result, most theorists today combine the roles of learning, socialization, and biology. This more modern interactionist perspective acknowl- edges that growth of language skills appears to be a natural biological process, but it does not occur in a vacuum. Sociocultural theory, including Vygotsky’s model of collaborative learning, is one way in which scholars see that language development is directed by both biology and social experiences.

As noted, language acquisition occurs at about the same time and in about the same order of skills across different languages. Nevertheless, there appear to be specific environmen- tal determinants. Several years ago, Hart and Risley (1995) studied the language habits of families at various income levels. They compared those classified as professional par- ents (high socioeconomic status [SES]) with those who were receiving government wel- fare assistance (low SES). Over a 2-year period, Hart and Risley systematically recorded the number of words that parents in the two groups used as they interacted with their children. The results indicated that everyday language activity has a profound effect on development.

As shown in Figure 9.3a, compared to low-SES parents, high-SES parents spoke more to their children. High-SES parents used twice as many words per hour as low-SES parents. Extrapolated over time, that means by the age of 3 years, children from the more advantaged family environments heard about 13 million more words than their less advantaged coun- terparts. And it showed in word production. The 3-year-old children who were exposed to more words had vocabularies that were twice as large as those who heard fewer, as shown in Figure 9.3b.

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

Figure 9.3: Language exposure and its relationship to word development

ሁ High-SES children hear about three times as many words as low-SES children (a). Consequently, high-SES children also are far ahead of their low-SES counterparts in word production (b).

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6 lower SES children (welfare)

Source: Hart, B. and Risley, R., 1995. Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experience of Young American Children, Page 234. Baltimore, Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co., Inc. Reprinted by permission.

Recent evidence shows that the variability in language experiences documented by Hart and Risley is easily found elsewhere as well (Schady, 2011; Zhang et al., 2008). SES remains the strongest predictor of the degree of literacy in the home environment, including the use of complex words and sentences, number of books that are read to children, and verbal

Section 9.1Theories of Language Development

responsiveness. Extensive research has found a robust, consistent association between home literacy environment and language skills in the United States and other developed coun- tries for virtually every age range through the end of high school (e.g., Perkins, Finegood, & Swain, 2013; Rowe, Raudenbush, & Goldin-Meadow, 2012; Sarsour et al., 2011; Tamis- LeMonda, Kuchirko, & Song, 2014). The importance of opportunity and experience cannot be underestimated.

Whereas language acquisition occurs at a somewhat universal rate around the world, individ- ual differences can be marked. Importantly, although higher-income families are more sup- portive of language, income level is not the deciding factor in differential language exposure (e.g., Hoff, 2003, 2006; Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991, 1998). Instead, it appears that more advanced language skills are associated with the sheer number of words children hear, the number of different words to which they are exposed, and how much elaboration within the social con- text there is (Pan et al., 2005; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2014; Weizman & Snow, 2001; Zhang, Jin, Shen, Zhang, & Hoff, 2008). Language must literally be nurtured for optimal acquisition to take place. As Hirsh-Pasek and Burchinal (2006) said, “There is little debate that sensitive and stimulating caregiving plays an important role in promoting…language development” (p. 450). Although nature accounts for universal periods of development and the similarity of brain structures, nurturing is an essential component in the development of those brain structures (Goldstein & Schwade, 2008; Pan & Uccelli, 2009).

To efficiently increase language production in young children, it seems that extra resources are not essential. Research suggests that adults simply need to be aware of the power of lan- guage exposure, including the use of elaboration and reading to children. Although at first glance, research seems to support the conclusion that affluence has the greatest effect on language development, instead it appears that for at-risk populations, adults should simply talk more to children (see also Focus on Behavior: Learning Language).

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : L e a r n i n g L a n g u a g e Imagine you are in a new environment—Mars, perhaps—and there are new smells, new sights, and new sounds. You landed only a few moments ago, and you are excited about learning. You yearn for expert descriptions to discover all the unknown stimuli that are bombarding your senses. Like your novel planetary excursion, newborns strive to under- stand their world. Adults can easily provide these everyday opportunities and help infants experience growth in language through ordinary commentary about their surroundings.

So how do you increase language skills in children? It is not difficult, just…talk! It should be quite apparent by now that infants are sponges for information. If you are cleaning, pre- paring a meal, or on a walk, simply talk to your infant. A 2 month old can passively absorb the environment, or adults can explain cooking procedures, the differences in sounds that dishes make, the temperature of the air, and the presence of butterf lies that pass overhead. One does not have to be obsessive about talking all the time, but too often parents and caregivers overlook opportunities to increase language in an easy, stress-free manner.

Because we often took our son, Max, for walks in his stroller when he was alert rather than ready to fall asleep, one of his first words was “eh-plane,” which he would utter while pointing at the sky, demonstrating that a simple way to develop language is to provide a running narrative of the surroundings.

Section 9.2Fundamentals of Language Production

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Explain the strengths and weaknesses of the major theories of language acquisition.

9.2 Fundamentals of Language Production Before babies even reach the stage at which they can physically produce recognizable words, they will make impressive advances in understanding language. Recall from Module 3 that babies can identify sounds that they were exposed to prenatally. Though the processes are not understood completely, infants are able to use these skills to recognize a great many spoken words well before they are able to speak. Later, in the year after the average child begins talking, understanding of words advances at more than double the rate of production (Rescorla, Alley, & Christine, 2001). This comprehension of language precedes the production of language throughout infancy. Likewise, this section begins with a discussion of how infants develop an understanding of language, followed by a discussion of the various ways in which they produce sounds for communication.

Receptive Language and Infant-Directed Speech Even early neonates are very good at discriminating the sounds of voices, illustrating an early preference for oral communication. They pay attention to new sounds and easily startle to loud noises. By about 4 months, they begin to respond to commands like “no” and understand different voice inflections. They can also discriminate among the nuances of adult emotion in speech at this time (Flom & Bahrick, 2007); a month later they understand emotional com- munication from other infants (Vaillant-Molina, Bahrick, & Flom, 2013). Soon thereafter they respond to names of objects and people (e.g., “Do you want your bottle?” “Where’s Daddy?”). Before the end of the first year, infants can demonstrate their skills at language by pointing at characters and objects in books, responding to simple commands (e.g., “Go get your blanket.”) and identifying body parts. By the end of the second year, children can perform two-part commands (“Go to the kitchen, and pick up the toy.”).

The ability to understand what others com- municate, to receive communication orally (or by sign) is referred to as receptive lan- guage. As discussed earlier, evidence shows that infants discriminate among voices and language quite well. They also prefer the sound of human voices to other sounds, vir- tually from birth (Vouloumanos & Werker, 2007). Infants are also are more responsive to the high-pitched, singsong inflection that is called infant-directed speech. (Infant- directed speech is sometimes referred to as motherese, but this term is dated and less precise. Most adults use infant-directed

Purestock/Thinkstock ሁ There is some evidence that infant-directed

speech—sometimes called motherese—aids language development.

Section 9.2Fundamentals of Language Production

speech, not just mothers.) Substantial research indicates that this manner of speaking is simi- lar across cultures and nationalities. This type of speech and the manner of interaction that accompanies it promote infant social and emotional involvement and attention, and are asso- ciated with greater language competence (McMurray, Kovack-Lesh, Goodwin, & McEchron, 2013; Saint-Georges et al., 2013; Schachner & Hannon, 2011; Werker et al., 2007).

Well before the age of 2 years, both preterm and full-term children who are identified as low SES exhibit poorer receptive, expressive, and overall language skills (Wild, Betancourt, Brodsky, & Hurt, 2013). Like other conclusions cited earlier, it appears that the amount of cognitive engagement is the most important factor, even for high-risk premature births. Once again, higher education and income (SES) are associated with better outcomes, but stimula- tion seems to be the overriding influence, not SES. Even the simple act of imitating infant vocalizations has been found to reinforce infant language development and, hence, later ver- bal ability. These results demonstrate the importance of early language interventions among babies at high risk for language delays (Korat, 2009; Pelaez, Virues-Ortega, & Gewirtz, 2011; Weisleder & Fernald, 2013; Wild et al., 2013).

Expressive Language When studying linguistics (the science of language and its accompanying characteristics), it helps to know the formal characteristics that are involved in the mastery of language. Chil- dren must learn these formal characteristics of sound and meaning that are unique to each language.

Phonology Phonology refers to the basic sounds of language and is related to perception. To learn how to use words, children must perceive sounds and then be able to reproduce them. Linguists

have identified 200 phonemes in worldwide languages, but no language uses even half that many (Golotti, 2011). English, for instance, has 40 basic sounds (phonemes) that must be mastered. Phonemes like /d/, /o/, and /g/ are used to make meaningful words and sentences. In this case, those three sounds are combined to represent a domesticated four-legged creature.

Morphemes The smallest unit of language that has meaning is called a morpheme. Words can have one or several morphemes. For instance, touch has one morpheme, whereas untouchable has three (un + touch + able all have separate meanings before being combined into one word).

Semantics When children learn specific meanings of words, they are learning semantics. The mean- ing of cool has changed in the last couple of generations, as has the meaning of bad. Implied meanings are often a matter of semantics, since there can be multiple interpretations. When adolescents change the meanings of words, they are changing semantics. For instance, in recent years, the meaning of sick on school playgrounds has changed from “icky” to “amaz- ing” or “awesome.”

Critical Thinking Based on what you have learned so far, how old do you think children should be before parents and others begin reading to them?

Section 9.3The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Syntax After words are formed, they must be arranged in a meaningful pattern. This process is the basis for communication. Syntax refers to the proper ordering and use of words and phrases so that sentences make sense. As vocabulary grows, children use more diverse syntax and can communicate more easily.

Pragmatics If children are to learn to communicate successfully, they will need to learn the practical side of language, like the necessity of saying “thank you” for a gift. A sarcastic “thank you” has a completely different meaning. They also need to understand gestures and voice tone. Speech conventions vary depending on the social context, too, including culture and society. It is not unusual, for instance, for teenagers to use one kind of language with their friends and another with their teachers. Even children as young as 3 years old learn to change their styles of speech depending on the situation. Understanding how different contexts and speech con- ventions contribute to meaning is referred to as pragmatics. For example, without context, the phrase “You can go” is ambiguous. It could mean:

• You may leave. • I would like you to leave. • You are able to move. • I do not want to try it, so I will let you take my place. • You may take your turn. • You may move ahead of me.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Outline the developmental process in the construction of language.

9.3 The Beginnings of Oral Communication Children make a variety of sounds well before they begin talking. Some sounds may be con- sidered precursors to language, and others may simply be an alternative way to transmit information. Regardless of how they are classified, all the early sounds discussed in this sec- tion represent forms of communication.

Crying Infants not only respond to others, but they also communicate beginning at an early age. Par- ents usually understand if their baby is experiencing discomfort or pleasure by the behaviors that are exhibited. One way that infants communicate is by crying. Although some observers have suggested that infants have distinct cries that communicate different feelings, evidence is inconclusive. They may have one cry that takes on different tones (like the various ways an adult might say, “Ow!”) or several different cries that communicate, for instance, hunger, pain,

Section 9.3The Beginnings of Oral Communication

or anger (Chóliz, Fernández-Abascal, & Martínez-Sánchez, 2012; Gustafson, Wood, & Green, 2000). One way or another, crying indicates some kind of distress.

Although infants may have only one kind of cry, parents are generally quite able to identify what their infants are trying to communicate. As is commonly thought, some studies have supported the idea of a maternal instinct, since mothers appeared to be more adept than fathers at discriminating the cries of their own infants, compared to those of an unfamiliar infant. Now that more fathers are involved in everyday child rearing, newer research strongly suggests that fathers are just as competent as mothers. Evidence indicates that the amount of time spent with the baby, not the sex of the parent, is the most important variable in parents’ ability to recognize their baby’s cries (Green & Gustafson, 1983; Gustafsson, Levréro, Reby, & Mathevon, 2013).

Prelinguistic Communication During the first few months, infants will make a variety of additional sounds, including cooing and gurgling. They also perform gestures and facial expressions, and as discussed earlier, they imitate others. Together these sounds and expressions are referred to as prelinguistic com- munication. They are a kind of physical and oral practice for later words.

There is evidence that differences in early prelinguistic communication can predict later vocabulary development. To measure nonverbal behavior, researchers videotaped fifty 14-month-old children from families with a diverse range of socioeconomic status. After controlling for speech, it was found that high-SES parents used more gestures than low-SES parents. In turn, the high-SES children used significantly more gestures than their low-SES counterparts. These differences were predictive of later vocabulary usage when the children entered school, eventually leading to differences in school success and failure rates as well (Rowe & Goldin-Meadow, 2009).

Babbling Perhaps the most obvious form of prelinguistic communication is babbling. It consists of sounds that are similar to speech, but are nonsense syllables. At first, these sounds begin at 2 or 3 months and are expressed spontaneously in a universal language that consists mostly

of vowel sounds (e.g., “ah-ah-ah,” “ee-ee- ee”). That is, initial babbling is made up of phonetic sounds of all languages, regardless of culture, location, or language exposure (Kuhl, Williams, Lacerda, Stevens, & Lindb- lom, 1992). Up until about 5 months or so, infants remain impartial toward any one language, including their native language (Purves et al., 2001). For instance, although native Japanese-speaking adults are known to have trouble discriminating between /r/ and /l/ sounds in English, young Japanese infants do not exhibit the same difficulties. During this early babbling period, there is a prescribed (maturational) pattern, which becomes more complex and specific.

Huntstock/Thinkstock ሁ Infants will develop language-specific babbling

in whatever languages they have been exposed to—including sign languages.

Section 9.3The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Figure 9.4

Courtesy of Mariana Mossler

By about 6 months, infants begin to use consonants and babble differently (e.g., “dah-dah- dah,” “bee-bee-bee”). They begin to use the consonants of the language to which they have been exposed (Blake, 2000; Blake & De Boysson-Bardies, 1992). If they are exposed to two or more languages, infants will produce sounds of each language and begin to lose the uni- versal attributes of babbling. About this time, infants will also develop the capacity to com- municate through babbling, including the ability to convey urgency, which prompts parents to take action.

Section 9.3The Beginnings of Oral Communication

Infants who are exposed to sign language and are born deaf also babble. However, instead of voicing their babbling, they use their hands. And just as babies who are exposed to any number of voiced languages will begin language-specific babbling at about 6 months, babies who have hearing ability will also babble in sign if that is one of the languages to which they have been exposed (Petitto, 2009; Petitto, Holowka, Sergio, Levy, & Ostry, 2004; Purves et al., 2001). Furthermore, deaf children who sign use the same brain processes to do so as those who voice words (Hickock et al., 2001). These findings clearly show both a biological frame- work and the importance of early experiences in the development of language.

Not surprisingly, the production of language through babbling mimics perception of lan- guage. That is, infants are quite good at differentiating the sounds of their native languages (or sign from random movements) and are less responsive to languages to which they were not exposed. As an example, in one study, 9-month-old American infants exposed to Eng- lish speakers did not respond to Dutch words, and Dutch infants were unresponsive to Eng- lish words (Jusczyk, Friederici, Wessels, Svenkerud, & Jusczyk, 1993). Furthermore, the skill with which preverbal infants perceive speech and discriminate among different sounds is consistently found to correlate with later language development, including vocabulary size (Cristia, Seidl, Junge, Soderstrom, & Hagoort, 2014; Friederici & Männel, 2013; Tsao, Liu, & Kuhl, 2004).

Words Few experiences excite parents more than hearing the first word their baby speaks. The enthusiasm that parents show for this initial word formation reinforces further speaking, though under normal conditions the explosion of language that soon occurs cannot really be prevented. First words usually appear between 10 and 14 months. Some children speak as early as 9 months, but the median is about 1 year. Early language is associated with later higher intelligence; however, intelligence has a much wider variance when language begins relatively late (Roos & Weismer, 2008). (That is, early talkers are likely to have higher intel- ligence; intelligence is more difficult to predict for late talkers.)

First words are usually nouns that are constant objects, like mama, dada, or dog. Individual words quickly become holophrases (whole sentences), in which one word stands to mean an entire thought. For example, “Dog” might mean “Look at the dog” or “I want to go near the dog.” “Dada” (looking at father) could mean “Pick me up, Dada” or “Dada’s home!” We all use holophrases. Adolescents say, “Cool,” to mean “I really like that song,” and an adult might say, “Taylor…,” to convey, “Taylor you need to stop watching television and begin your homework now!” For children who are beginning to speak, holophrastic speech is how beginning words are primarily used (O’Grady & Aitchison, 2005; Tomasello, 2006).

Some evidence indicates that children learn the first 50 words or so mostly by paired- associate learning, a process whereby words (often nouns) are immediately associated with an object, an event, or a remark. For instance, hearing the word dog is paired with an object that moves quickly, is soft to the touch, and makes a barking sound. Paired-associate learning is a relatively slow process (Markman, 1992). However, it appears that there is much consis- tency across languages. A study of 20 month olds in Argentina, Belgium, France, Israel, Italy, South Korea, and the United States found that all children learn nouns at a faster rate than other word classes. It does not matter if children have a relatively small or a large vocabulary;

Section 9.3The Beginnings of Oral Communication

consistent patterns remain. Urban children generally know more words than those living in rural areas, and girls have larger vocabularies than boys. From a cross-cultural perspective, similarities in the composition and size of vocabularies remain consistent as well (Bornstein & Cote, 2005; Bornstein et al., 2004).

Wide variation exists in the initial development of words. The first 50–100 words are usually learned by anywhere between 18 and 24 months of age (Ganger & Brent, 2004; Papaeliou & Rescorla, 2011). After this initial period, there is a burst of semantic development. It has been suggested that this vocabulary spurt is a discrete change in development and includes the acquisition of several words per day (Dapretto & Bjork, 2000; Nazzi & Bertoncini, 2003). Oth- ers have found that only about 20% of children experience a qualitative change in language; the vast majority of children acquire words by a more gradual process (Ganger & Brent, 2004). Regardless, on average, children will increase their vocabularies to over 300 words by the age of 2, on their way to 8,000 before they start kindergarten, and they will use over 60,000 different words (counting different forms of the same root word) by the end of high school (Aitchinson, 1994; Fenson, Dale, Reznick, Bates, & Thal, 1994).

Sentences At around 2 years old, shortly after the spurt of vocabulary development, children begin to make sentences by noun-verb combinations (Tomasello, 2006). This is an important devel- opment because of the enormous expansion in pragmatics that is now possible. Two-word utterances are remarkably concise. Children at this stage of language development no longer simply name objects. Among other expressive abilities, they can now comment on their envi- ronment, make their wishes known, and ask questions (e.g., “See doggie,” “Daddy up,” “Where shoe?”). Although nouns dominate early vocabulary development, the complexity of sentence usage generally corresponds to vocabulary size (Marjanovič-Umek, Fekonja-Peklaj, & Podle- sek, 2013).

In 2 year olds, speech is quite economical. Children are able to omit nonessential words in a process called telegraphic speech. (The name originates from telegrams, which were priced by the character and, hence, were more economical when they omitted nonessential words.) Words that are necessary for content remain, whereas articles (e.g., the) and aux- iliary verbs are left out (“I do it” instead of “I will do it”). Importantly, though, children use words in the correct order. That is, they will say, “read book,” instead of “book read,” dem- onstrating some sophistication about how to make themselves understood (Hirsh-Pasek & Michnick-Golinkoff, 1995).

There are some other ways that children’s speech differs from adult speech. Overextension occurs when children use one word in an overly generalized manner. For instance, anything from a balloon to an orange may be referred to as a “ball” (Bloom, 1993). It occurs when children use words too broadly, and [[$KT]]underextension[[$]] occurs when words are used too restrictively. For example, “van” might refer only to the family vehicle rather than all the different kinds of vans. This lack of conceptualization is consistent with Piaget’s ideas that young children are not able to categorize. It is possible that parents also inadvertently reinforce these language processes by restrictive labeling. For instance, parents in one study called both lions and leopards “kitty cats” and both vans and fire engines were “cars” (Mervis & Mervis, 1982).

Section 9.4Language Development in Middle Childhood and Adolescence

Sex Differences in Language Exposure Many milestones are observed in children’s use of language, especially during infancy and early childhood. It is well established that there are some general, albeit small, variations when comparing boys and girls. On average, girls reach speech milestones earlier than boys in the use of gestures, word utterances, sentence construction, vocabulary size, and complexity of language (Huttenlocher, Haight, Bryk, Seltzer, & Lyons, 1991; Maccoby, 1966; Özçalişkan & Goldin-Meadow, 2010).

In addition, from the time children are born, parents use of different kinds of language depending on whether they are addressing a boy or a girl (Clearfield & Nelson, 2006; Gleason & Ely, 2002). Modulation of pitch in infant-directed speech varies depending on sex of the child, sex of the adult, and sometimes culture and language (e.g., Kitamura, Thanavishuth, Burnham, & Luksaneeyanawin, 2002; Liu, Tsao, & Kuhl, 2009). Some observers have sug- gested that the use of diminutives when they are not part of standard speech (e.g., “doggie” and “kitty” instead of “dog” and “cat”) is directed differently toward boys and girls as a way to enhance gender categorization (Kempe, Brooks, Mironova, & Fedorova, 2003; Seva et al., 2007). However, among Peruvians (who speak Spanish, in which diminutives are a part of standard usage), gender differences in the use of diminutives have not been found (Gleason, Perlmann, Ely, & Evans, 1994).

As children enter school, teachers and other adults continue to speak to boys and girls differ- ently. On average, girls are greeted with warmer, softer tones, and boys hear firmer commands (Chanu & Marcos, 1994; Gleason et al., 1994; Hughes, Wu, Kwok, Villarreal, & Johnson, 2012). From elementary school until the end of high school, boys receive more positive and more negative verbal attention in class. However, others have suggested that boys and girls are spoken to differently because they participate in different kinds of activities. The context in which interactions take place changes adult-child speech patterns as well. Adults tend to use different intonation for boys and girls, depending on whether they are caregiving or playing (Leaper & Gleason, 1996; Lindsey, Cremeens, & Caldera, 2010). Overall, results demonstrate that adult men and women use different kinds of language and transmit different messages to their male and female children. It would be important to know whether these early modeling effects promote one kind of speech over another.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W How does language production develop through infancy and early childhood?

9.4 Language Development in Middle Childhood and Adolescence

Even with equal access within the school environment, income level remains the most reli- able predictor of disparities in language development throughout childhood. Through the school years, on average, poorer children suffer deficits in pronunciation, vocabulary size, and syntax. These factors have an obvious effect on postsecondary education and career

Section 9.4Language Development in Middle Childhood and Adolescence

choices. Although it has been suggested that a confluence of potential ethological factors (e.g., prenatal nutrition and maternal stress) influences this finding, the lack of linguistic complex- ity in low-income homes remains the leading predictor variable in children with less devel- oped language abilities (Huttenlocher, Waterfall, Vasilyeva, Vevea, & Hedges, 2010; Laplante, Brunet, Schmitz, Ciampi, & King, 2008; Perkins et al., 2013).

In early childhood, language development is developed implicitly. That is, as children learn basic words and structure, syntax is learned automatically. By the time children enter kin- dergarten at around age 5, they begin to have more explicit understanding that language fol- lows general rules. For instance, there is a concerted effort to hear and produce words cor- rectly, called phonological awareness. They understand that nouns can be replaced by other nouns, can delight in the confusing nature of homophones, and will soon look up mean- ings of unknown words. These internal language processes that use self-reflection to further understand language are called metalinguistic awareness. It is the rea- son children enjoy “knock-knock” jokes and find humor in other ways that bend rules of language. Metalinguistic awareness is also indicated when elementary school children begin to use more sophisticated kinds of speech, like sarcasm and irony (Filippova & Astington, 2010).

During early elementary school, children also make great strides in pragmatics, as they learn cultural and situational rules for language (Bryant, 2012). Beginning in ado- lescence, language becomes more abstract, reflective, and nuanced. Adolescents can analyze their own thoughts and emotions (Dale, Harlaar, Hayiou-Thomas, & Plomin, 2010). Abstract thought is reflected in the use of figurative language and more sophisticated humor. Concrete operational children understand simple puns (“When is a car not a car? When it turns into a garage.”); however, they do not understand nuances of language and more sophis- ticated double entendres unless they are explicitly explained, and even then they will not find them to be humorous (e.g., “I don’t want to belong to any club that will accept people like me as a member.”).* Compared to concrete thinkers, adolescents who have reached the stage of formal operations are more likely to think in a divergent manner instead of pursuing a limited idea. That is, they understand that questions can be answered in a variety of ways (Dale et al., 2010; Schleicher, 2010).

Another qualitative change in language is a pragmatic one, as children and adolescents begin to pay more attention to the thoughts, feelings, and motivations of others. The growth in these social skills also supports academic learning in a way that is consistent with the views of Vygotsky. That is, collaboration and shared responsibilities necessitate using language to solve problems and reconcile potential conflicts. Students who are trained to use more

* Telegram from Groucho Marx to the Friars Club of Beverly Hills, to which he belonged, as recounted in Groucho and Me (1959), p. 321.

Minerva Studio/iStock/Thinkstock ሁ Though the foundational aspects of phonology

and pragmatics are formed during early childhood, because of the rise of formal operations, adolescence is a period of increased emphasis on pragmatics and more sophisticated syntax.

Section 9.5The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

collaboration in school learn to communicate more clearly and enjoy the educational process more than others who are not trained (Gillies & Boyle, 2010).

Finally, the way that children think about learning changes as they grow. Knowledge becomes more than a gathering of facts related to specific subjects. At around age 10 years, children learn that language can be used to build upon itself. Instead of “learning to read,” they begin to “read to learn.” This change is demonstrated when a topic is investigated online and the search leads to an exploration of multiple hyperlinks (as when one topic on Wikipedia arouses curiosity about another). Additional examples occur when adolescents look up the definition of an unknown word in order to understand its inherent meaning, not just to get an answer correct for a school assignment.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe how language among older children and adolescents is distinctive from language among younger children.

9.5 The Role of Speech in Cognition: Vygotsky, Piaget, and Private Speech

Vygotsky theorized that language is used in two different ways. Young children engage in external speech when they converse with others. It is a social tool that is used to interact. Infants may point, cry, or make gurgling sounds to which adults respond. As they grow, they

begin to use this information and learn to name objects and express needs. It is theorized that children use this kind of speech as a way of thinking out loud for social reasons (Vygotsky, 1986).

Before the age of 2 years, children use mostly external speech to communicate socially. If you have been around

children, though, you know that they begin to talk to themselves after this time. This second function of speech, what Vygotsky called private speech, is used for mental reasoning. It becomes more prevalent between ages 4 and 6, though sometimes adults use it as well. Pri- vate speech eventually “goes underground” (Vygotsky, 1962, p. 18) and becomes inner speech, or thought.

Vygotsky sees this emergence of internal language as a way to facilitate cognition. It indi- cates a functional differentiation in thinking, as inner speech begins to have properties of self-reflection and helps to regulate activity (like when you whisper to yourself, “Okay, deep breath!” when you are trying to calm yourself ). Children begin to reason with themselves. They reflect on difficulties and eventually use reasoning to solve problems (Winsler, De Leon, Wallace, Carlton, & Willson-Quayle, 2003). As children learn more and acquire more social experiences, language is used to reorganize thought. Modern educational methods incorpo- rate this view by encouraging the use of open-ended questions that are designed to expand thinking. In this way, language and the advancement of cognition are interdependent.

Critical Thinking Which do you think comes first, thought or lan- guage? Provide examples to justify your answer.

Section 9.6Literacy Skills

The acquisition of a nonnative language provides an analogy to this process. When older chil- dren, adolescents, and adults communicate in a second or third language, there is usually some inner translation of words. Instead of language being a natural reflection of immediate thoughts, one must internally translate from the native to the less-familiar language. In this way, internal language facilitates thought and communication. The inner translation is like using private speech. It facilitates thought as it influences external speech in the nondomi- nant language. It is as if inner speech provides self-monitoring of activity.

The use of private speech decreases considerably by the age of 10, but as the second-language example shows, it never really disappears. Especially during novel or demanding activities (like following complex assembly instructions), inner speech reemerges to guide our thought processes and help us to overcome obstacles (Berk, 1994). In contrast, Piaget viewed private speech as a sign of cognitive immaturity and egocentricity because it does not take listeners into account. According to Piaget, private speech disappears only as children move away from the preoperational stage and begin to decenter.

Piaget did, however, acknowledge the connection between thinking and language. When chil- dren classify, develop reversibility, or think about the future, on a basic level they are not engaging in activities that can be “taught” through language. Instead, maturational processes lead to qualitative differences in thinking, which drives language. For example, children can imagine they are astronauts only after reaching the preoperational stage and the execution of symbolic representation. The change in cognition supports greater language as children describe their active imaginations. Similarly, when children develop the capacity to hypoth- esize (indicative of formal operations), they can use language as a complement to increased cognitive sophistication.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe the relationship between thought and language. Which comes first, according to Vygotsky? According to Piaget?

9.6 Literacy Skills One of the more modern advancements for the role of language is the development of lit- eracy skills—reading and writing. Although we think of literacy as a natural extension of lan- guage development, it has been around for only a fraction of human history. Yet it is perhaps the most distinctive feature of humans, as it allows us to preserve and transmit knowledge through multiple generations. Only in the past 100 years or so have literacy requirements become essential for success in industrialized societies (Schleicher, 2010). Recall that data show a positive relationship between early receptive and expressive language, and vocabu- lary development. Not surprisingly, similar results are found with reading. That is, a signifi- cant positive correlation exists between early language skills and later reading ability (Dale et al., 2010; Famus, Marshall, Rosen, & van der Lely, 2013; Hayiou-Thomas, Harlaar, Dale, & Plomin, 2010).

Section 9.6Literacy Skills

For many years, debate has focused on two methods of reading instruction. The whole- language approach to reading views reading as a natural extension of language. In the approach’s pure form, children are taught to recognize whole words, using context to guess at those that are unfamiliar. Reading topics can be rich and varied, as the mechanics of read- ing remain less critical than its function to communicate in different ways (e.g., news, poems, science). Children immersed in the whole-language approach are also encouraged to write in a somewhat uncensored way. They might use “inventive” spelling so that the flow of content and written communication is undisturbed. Sounding out words so that they are spelled per- fectly is at first less important than simply conveying ideas.

The phonics approach to reading emphasizes rules and the mechanics of sound-symbol association. Children first learn the sounds that letters make and then begin to put symbols together to make longer sounds—words. Therefore, phonics is used to “decode” symbols and make sounds out of them. Reading materials are simple and focus first on basic word patterns and rhyming. For instance, children might first learn a word like /at/ (also a sound-spelling pattern) and expand it to cat, fat, and splat.

One of the potential drawbacks of the phonics approach is that English has few sound-spelling rules that are always reliable. Moreover, there are 26 letters of the alphabet, but 40 phonemes (basic sounds). Most letters, therefore, pro- duce multiple sounds. For example, the letter c can make a hard sound as in cat, a soft sound as in city, or even the / sh/ sound as in special. These differences in patterns can be confusing. By contrast, whole language sometimes puts too much emphasis on memorization without analysis of mechanics. Especially for children who do not find read- ing to be an easy, natural process, reading progress can be stunted if instruction is not broken down into phonetic elements.

There is certainly room for both methods of instruction. One approach that has been used successfully is to initiate phonics instruction in the early grades and then gradually transition into whole language (Pressley, Mohan, Raphael, & Fingeret, 2007). This unified method is consistent with an information-processing approach. Children first learn basic skills in a step-by-step fashion when memory and processing speed are still immature. As they become better readers, children use burgeoning metacognitive processes to further improve reading skills. Additionally, for those teachers who insist on using whole-language literature in the early grades, there is no reason why instruction cannot

be at least partially phonic based. That is, new words can be introduced phonetically and then integrated into the reading material.

Because reading is embedded into modern society, it can radically influence how children develop. Literacy skills can affect school and career achievement and self-esteem and mental health. These topics are visited later, in Module 10 (intelligence and school achievement) and Module 12 (self-esteem).

Big Cheese Photo/Thinkstock ሁ Achieving literacy is vital for

a child’s success in school and beyond, whether learning to read by the phonics approach, the whole-language approach, or a combination of both.

Summary and Resources

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Differentiate between the whole-language and phonics approaches to reading instruction.

Wrapping Up and Moving On There are three well-known theories of language development, all of which add to our under- standing of how language is acquired. Consistent findings indicate that language is a biologi- cal mandate and is also influenced strongly by social experiences. Infants show cross-cultural similarities in both receptive and expressive language; prelinguistic communication, first words, and sentences all have universal milestones. Family interaction appears to be particu- larly influential in prescribing the complexity of language and later school success. Depend- ing on social class and gender, children are spoken to differently, which can profoundly affect development. During middle childhood, the usage of language changes qualitatively and now includes a self-reflective process, not only in self-talk, but also in the way that children use words to understand various nuances of language. During adolescence, language again appears to complement a change in cognition, as teenagers begin to use words to think about their own thoughts. Self-reflection is also embedded within the reading process and, there- fore, facilitates cognition. Because literacy is such a fundamental part of our society, it has a significant effect on children’s development. Literacy skills make up a large part of how school success is measured, which is part of the focus in the next module.

Summary and Resources • Traditional theories of language acquisition include behavioral theory and the nativ-

ist view. Empirical evidence for these theories has led to a third theory, called the interactionist perspective. It views language development as a natural process that is influenced strongly by environmental variability.

• Deconstructing the fundamentals of words and how they are used allows research- ers to better understand the processes of development and to design intervention programs.

• The beginnings of oral communication include a number of sounds. These include prelinguistic communication and other utterances, which serve as precursors to spoken words.

• The ways in which adults use language to address boys and girls differently may account for some of the sex and gender differences we see throughout the lifespan.

• Language development in later childhood and adolescence takes on a more sophis- ticated tone. Instead of learning rules of usage implicitly, changes take place that include self-reflection, a part of metalinguistic awareness.

• Piaget and Vygotsky had somewhat divergent views on the role of speech in cogni- tion. Whereas Piaget theorized that private speech reflects immaturity, according to the sociocultural model, it is an essential part of cognitive development.

• Compared to oral language development, reading is not necessarily a natural pro- cess. Educators often disagree about the best ways to teach reading, which has led to debates about the benefits and costs of the whole-language versus phonics approach to reading instruction.

Summary and Resources

Key Terms babbling Strings of nonsense syllables indicative of prelinguistic communication in infants.

external speech The manner in which infants converse in order to interact with others.

holophrases Single words that indicate entire phrases.

hypothetico-deductive reasoning The capacity to think about multiple factors lead- ing to multiple outcomes.

infant-directed speech The high-pitched intonations often used when speaking to infants. Sometimes referred to as “moth- erese” or “baby-talk.”

interactionist perspective The approach to language development that advances the idea that growth of language appears to be directed by both biology and social experiences.

language The set of formal sounds, ges- tures, and symbols that are shared by a group of people.

language acquisition device (LAD) Noam Chomsky’s term to describe the built-in mechanism for acquiring language.

metalinguistic awareness Internal lan- guage process whereby self-reflection is used to further understand language.

morpheme The smallest unit of language that still has meaning.

nativist approach The view that language originates from a native, biological process.

overextension Speech that uses single words in an overly generalized manner.

paired-associate learning The learning of nouns based on representative objects. One member of the pair induces recall of the other.

phonics approach to reading A method of reading instruction that emphasizes basic rules for translating symbols (letters) used in writing and reading into sounds. Contrast with whole-language approach to reading.

phonology The basic sounds of a language.

pragmatics The ability to understand how to use language appropriately.

prelinguistic communication Communi- cation processes used by infants before they begin to use words.

private speech Vygotsky’s term to describe internal self-talk that organizes thought and advances mental reasoning.

semantics The meanings of words.

syntax The proper ordering and usage of language, including parts of speech.

telegraphic speech The deletion of nones- sential words. Used primarily to describe early speech.

underextension The use of single words too restrictively.

universal grammar A theoretical construct that assumes there are universal properties in the construction of human languages.

whole-language approach to read- ing A reading strategy that focuses on meaningful literature and the connection between literacy and language. Contrast with the phonics approach to reading.

Summary and Resources

Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.

Babbling

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZzP51MJOJDA&feature=related

Babbling Differently

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l6cudfza7TM

Broca’s Area

http://faculty.washington.edu/chudler/lang.html

Cooing

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YI1aPCdJaMw

Divergent Manner

http://faculty.washington.edu/ezent/imdt.htm

Gestures

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=svbqsqa5l-o

Gurgling

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OkmxFI2fHig&feature=related

Imitating Others

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_JmA2ClUvUY

Motherese

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ssYmnh2y7RA

Noam Chomsky

http://www.chomsky.info/

Telegrams

https://www.google.com/search?q=telegram+images&client=safari&rls=en&tbm=isch &tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ei=Tp1NVJGwE6mc8gGwj4A4&ved=0CB8QsAQ&biw= 1332&bih=947

Wernicke’s Area

http://faculty.washington.edu/chudler/lang.html