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GEMENI80
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8Cognitive Development: Information Processing
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Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Identify various components of information-processing theory and explain how they are used to organize information.
ሁ Synthesize evidence to explain how we know that infants develop memories. ሁ Trace the expansion of memory development throughout childhood, according to information-
processing theory. ሁ Explain how verbatim memory trace and gist are integrated into fuzzy trace theory. ሁ Differentiate between selective attention and sustained attention. ሁ Appraise available information on attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, including standards for
diagnosis, its causes, and treatment. ሁ Understand how executive function is applied to cognitive development. ሁ Evaluate the application of cognitive theory to contemporary education.
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
Prologue What is your earliest memory? Although most people think they have memories from when they were 2 or 3 years old, psychologists have known for a long time that we actually con- struct early memories from a combination of photographs, stories we have heard, and our imaginations. We know that infants who escaped the Jewish Holocaust in Germany or the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, or who suffered other kinds of trauma, do not have any recollec- tion of their early childhoods. Children born into privilege with generally happy experiences have a similar lack of early memory.
But we know that infants do indeed remember from moment to moment. Otherwise, they would not learn to search for objects, would not be able to distinguish their primary caregiv- ers from strangers, and would not have consistent preferences for favorite foods and other stimuli. The information-processing model of cognitive development acknowledges that memory, along with attention, is a key determinant of the way that a child’s mind develops. Unlike Piaget’s stage model, information-processing views growth as a steady, progressive process that is the result of exposure to and processing of information. That is, it describes incremental improvements in the amount of information that developing children store and use.
The information-processing approach is a more contemporary theory; it is modeled after the way in which information flows logically in computers. Because it is theorized that human information-processing involves the encoding, storage, and retrieval of informa- tion—just like a computer—the study of memory is an essential part of the theory. As such, it is a focus of this module. For humans, there is the additional factor of attention. Without attention, the input of stimuli is modified greatly—if it occurs at all. This module also explores the issues and potential controversies of a commonly diagnosed attention disorder. Finally, the module closes with a discussion of how the information-processing approach to cognitive development is sometimes applied within the current educational system in the United States.
8.1 Information-Processing Approach According to the information-processing theory of cognitive development, the mind is analogous to a computer. Both are able to remember, categorize, and process ways to retrieve information. They take in, store, process, and manipulate information like words and num- bers. Like computers, though, humans have a limited capacity to hold and manipulate infor- mation. And, like a computer that gets a processor or software upgrade, as we develop we become more efficient thinkers. Therefore, one way to look at cognitive change is to look at the component parts, like memory and processing speed.
Contemporary information-processing models expand on the traditional theories. Both Piaget’s stage theory and information-processing models acknowledge that cognitive capac- ity is somewhat predetermined at birth and at times thereafter is restricted to certain
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
limits. Remember that biological evidence supports this assertion. For instance, both theo- ries agree that a 2 year old would not be expected to understand algebra. The difference in the approaches is the way they describe a child’s capacity to eventually understand the complexities of math. Instead of the step-like (qualitative) change described by Piaget, the information-processing approach sees development as a smoother, linear progression. There are simply gradual changes in the way we take in, store, and process information. The growth is described as more quantitative, because the amount (quantity) of information is key to cognitive growth, not maturation of stages.
This approach epitomizes the continuous view of development. Understanding mathematical concepts, for instance, progresses from being able to count in sequence, to performing simple arithmetic, and eventually to engaging in more complex operations. Knowledge of mathe- matical concepts changes not only in the way information is organized, but also in the sheer volume of concepts. The same could be said for oral language; music; understanding how chemistry, physics, and biology function in the world; and so on.
The information-processing approach also fits in with the view that cognition has biologi- cal controls. Cognitive development can be compared to specific skill-based endeavors like playing a musical instrument, running, or drawing. We can all be trained to excel up to a cer- tain degree, but there are individual limitations. Whether for a physical skill or cognition, maturation directs the gradual unfolding of potential. At its most basic level, information- processing theory says that thinking is an inherent mental activity that involves import- ing information into the brain and mind, and then processing it so that it can be useful (Mayer, 2012).
We all use information differently depending on our unique experiences and how that information is inputted into our brains. Ultimately, after information is entered and stored, we are interested in how responses become relevant. That is, we want to follow the infor- mation from when it is perceived to the discovery of how it comes to be used. Therefore, we focus on how information flows through the system, especially with regard to memory. Children become better processors of information (more advanced cognitively) as they gather more knowledge, encode it in memory, compare it with other memories, and finally make an appropriate response. There is constant interchange between storage and pro- cessing in order to efficiently take in and use information. This feedback loop is illustrated in Figure 8.1.
Like Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory, information processing is continuous and depends at least partly on context. Theorists who support the information-processing model often point to the learning of math and reading as representative of the model. For example, the key to reading better is using strategies for processing the symbols on the page. Long-term knowl- edge about sounds and meanings are used to decode words; a cognitive feedback loop about the reading passage is used to “update” comprehension and the meaning of new vocabulary. There is a constant interchange between storage and processing, which allows retrieval pro- cesses to utilize reserved memories.
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
Figure 8.1: The information-processing approach ሁ The information-processing approach views cognitive development as forming a feedback loop.
We attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Information is then compared with other memories and processed for output. There is constant interchange between storage and processing so that memory storage and retrieval are efficient.
Input Output
Processing
Storage
Memory Systems One of the overriding features of information-processing theory is the idea that a number of processes underlie what might look like a single response. We know that there must be some physical memory trace in the brain that coincides with the ability to walk, compute, and socialize, for instance. Usually we think only of the output of memory retrieval, but we want to know where those memories actually live. One way to conceptualize how information processing takes place is the stage model of memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). According to this model, memory can be broken down into three kinds of storage components: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory. The three components contain differ- ent types of storage systems where information is encoded.
Sensory Memory Input into the cognitive system begins with stimuli that are received through the senses. Before the brain can remember something, it first needs to perceive the stimulus. That is, a stimulus must first be noticed in order for it to be prepared for encoding. This information is stored very briefly—perhaps for less than a second. The short impressions of informa- tion that are gathered through the senses make up part of sensory memory. Unless sensory information is attended to and interpreted, it will be lost.
Short-Term Memory If information is attended to and interpreted, it is stored in short-term memory. The short- term system consciously holds between five and nine of these memories (sometimes referred to as 7 ± 2) for up to 30 seconds. To store them permanently, we work with these bits of infor- mation by performing certain cognitive operations. Like a computer system, we find ways to both store and process the incoming bits. However, rather than being a temporary storage system, as the name implies, short-term memory is a more complex working system. Recog- nizing that active effort takes place in this “short-term” process, this store of memory is now more commonly referred to as working memory (Baddeley, 1986, 2007).
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
Working memory includes an overall “supervisory” or executive system that oversees various pieces of knowledge, including auditory, visual-spatial, and semantic (relating to word mean- ings) information. The working memory sometimes retrieves information from long-term storage (the “hard drive”), allowing us to store (remember) the information more efficiently so that we can work with it. For instance, we may consciously store an image of an animal; we can also recall categories of similar animal images from our “permanent” storage of memo- ries. If information about the new animal is not rehearsed or otherwise stored, it is lost.
Long-Term Memory If we are successful at encoding information for later retrieval, it will become stored in long- term memory. Unlike the small capacity of short-term memory, long-term memory is virtu- ally limitless (Schwartz, 2010). For information to be transferred to long-term memory, it must be organized. That organization is necessary for retrieval. For instance, a 12 year old may remember that an opposing soccer player kicks only with the right foot. That informa- tion is retrieved and then transferred to working memory when deciding how to play defense. The information is organized into a mental framework or concept of, perhaps, soccer defense. Information-processing theory calls this conceptual formulation a schema. (The term schema is used differently here than it is in Piaget’s theory.)
A C T I V I T Y For a moment, pay attention to any noises in your environment. If you are listening to a music player, pay attention to all the sounds that are produced. There are likely some sounds that you were not aware of before you paid attention to them. All of these sounds were part of your sensory memory because they stimulated your hearing—even if you did not “know” it. For the moment, you have now stored the sounds in your short-term memory because you are attending to them. If you remember this little exercise at a later time, you will have successfully encoded the information into long-term memory.
Critical Thinking Provide an example of how working memory might include traces of auditory, visual-spatial, and semantic information. How might the incoming information be associated with long- term storage?
Memory Strategies We must employ several strategies to construct various schemas efficiently. Younger children usually simply repeat information over and over in order to keep it in short-term memory, a process called rehearsal. By contrast, older children use rehearsal in combination with more sophisticated strategies, like organization (Bjorklund & Douglas, 1997). Imagine, for instance, that you need to remember these items: mayor, congress, senator, governor, repre- sentative, borough, district, president, senate, vice president, lieutenant governor, city council,
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
ward, and legislative assembly. Whereas younger children do not easily appreciate how the terms can be organized, older children recognize that the terms can be grouped by city, state, and national government so that they can be retained more easily.
Children can be taught to use other deliberate strategies, as well. To improve memory, chil- dren can be prompted to make information more meaningful, in an activity called elabora- tion. It involves more extensive processing of information, results in more connections to long-term storage, and therefore makes information easier to remember (Schneider, 2011). For instance, you could memorize by rote that plants take in carbon dioxide and give off oxy- gen as a waste product. However, it is easier to forget whether plants take in oxygen or emit it when the two facts remain independent of other information. By contrast, we can elaborate: most people can remember that humans (and other animals) take in oxygen and give off car- bon dioxide. If you think that nature must maintain a balance of oxygen and carbon dioxide, it makes sense that plants and animals would have opposing processes. Elaboration therefore makes the information easier to recall. Elaborative strategies may include visual images or wordplay, as well. For example, if you remember the symbol for atomic element 79 by think- ing that AUstralia won the gold, you have used elaboration to encode information (the symbol for gold is AU). Although children elaborate more efficiently with age, even preschoolers can learn these strategies (Pressley & Hilden, 2006).
Processing Speed Nevertheless, only a small set of basic processes underlie cognitive development (Galotti, 2011). That is, mental processes like reading, contemplating what to say to a teacher, search- ing for art supplies, and putting together a puzzle are systemic and spring from mechanisms that underlie cognitive development in general. Part of the overall gain we see in cognition stems from increased speed in the processing of information.
Kail and his colleagues illustrated this general mechanism in a series of experiments that evaluated changes in processing speed and working memory (Kail, 1986, 1988; Kail & Bisanz, 1992). Children of various ages performed cognitive activities such as name retrieval, mem- ory search, visual rotation of objects, and mental math. Between early childhood and late adolescence, processing speed increased across every task. In addition, as Figure 8.2 shows, processing speed across each task showed the same pattern of improvement and reached adult levels in all areas by late adolescence. Therefore, it was concluded that some general mechanism must underlie all of cognitive development.
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
Figure 8.2: Processing speed across childhood ሁ An increase in processing speed and a more efficient working memory account for the consistent,
steady decline in response time across a number of tasks.
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Source: Kail, R. (1991). Developmental Change in Speed of Processing During Childhood and Adolescence. Psychological Bulletin. Vol 109 No 490–501. Published by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission of the American Psychological Association.
Section 8.1Information-Processing Approach
For most tasks, speed of processing increases rapidly during early childhood, slows down during early adolescence, and improves only a little after the age of 16 (Demetrioua, 2013; Kail, 1991). Processing tasks involving language show a slightly different pattern. When com- pared to nonlanguage tasks, processing speed of language tasks is faster at age 9, and then levels off by age 14 (Kail & Miller, 2006). This finding makes intuitive sense since the develop- ment of language occurs relatively quickly compared to tasks involving other developmental areas like motor behavior.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : F a c i l i t a t i n g C o g n i t i o n Problem solving in math needs to be explored like other types of cognitive activities. For example, at The Children’s Corner, when the children created art they were free to think about producing anything they wanted. These activities “stretched” their conceptualiza- tion about art and provided experiences necessary to move on to the next cognitive stage of creative development. That is, exploration increased their creative abilities. If children are directed in art activities, that there is a “correct” way to do it, those who are not ready to perform a particular skill will lose interest. Likewise, children are more likely to lose interest in thinking about math solutions if they are presented with tasks that are too tightly restricted.
Educators often teach math as if there is only one correct way to do it, even if you can obtain the answer another way. Follow the steps and you get credit for each step, even if the answer is wrong. Like children who become less creative when they are directed toward one “right” way in art, Piaget would say cognition and math ability are compro- mised when knowing specific steps is more important than thinking about how to get the right answer. If children can find the correct solution independent of one directed process, they are showing mastery and cognitive advancement, even if all the steps are not written down. In math, especially, students cannot consistently get correct answers unless they understand the underlying concept one way or another. When teachers insist on exact, step-by-step mathematical operations, there is little cognitive advancement. Piaget would say that thought promotes learning; limiting the way children think about math limits cog- nitive development.
As an educational therapist, I could often be thought of as a glorified tutor. A former eighth-grade client used a math textbook that often asked her to explain answers, as do many contemporary textbooks. At one point when she had computed a correct answer, the text prompt asked her: “How did you arrive at that result?”
She replied, “It just popped into my brain.”
If you were her teacher, explain how you would grade her response.
Processing speed can also be promoted through education. One study used a commercially available computer application and randomly assigned 634 elementary school children to either an experimental or a control group. The experimental group participated in “brain training” for 20 minutes a day over 9 weeks as part of their normal school activities. Children used a commercially available computer game that required them to compute numbers men- tally. On average, the experimental group gained 50% more in processing speed compared to the control group. Accuracy improved by 50%, as well (Miller & Robertson, 2011). Other
Section 8.2Fuzzy Trace Theory
studies have demonstrated similar results among intellectually diverse students (Duan, Shi, & Zhou, 2010).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Outline the various components of the information-processing approach to cognition. According to this theory, how does cognitive development occur?
8.2 Fuzzy Trace Theory Charles Brainerd and Valerie Reyna argue that acquiring more knowledge, employing more strategies, and increasing processing speed is not all that is responsible for memory improve- ment during early and middle childhood. Their fuzzy trace theory proposes that memory is represented in two different ways: verbatim memory trace and gist. Brainerd and Reyna discovered that being able to recall exact content is not necessary for reasoning—getting the gist of the information is sufficient. In fact, they report that accurate (verbatim) reconstruc- tion of information remains independent of accuracy in reasoning (Reyna & Brainerd, 1995).
Read this list of words. We will refer back to it later: rest, tired, blanket, dream, slumber, snore, yawn, bed, nap, wake.
Research indicates that preschoolers use relatively more verbatim memory, but they begin to rely more on gist as they enter elementary school. Preschoolers’ reliance on details interferes with reasoning processes. But as children age, they rely more on fuzzy traces, which improves recall because it is more efficient. In the “fuzzy” gist version, essential meaning is recorded without getting distracted by details. In this way, gist does not negatively affect the higher mental processes involved in problem solving. For example, a high school student browsing through books for a summer reading assignment would likely use gist representations. The student would get the central theme of each book, including characteristics like genre, setting, or length. It is not initially necessary to store specific information like names of characters. When it is time to provide details for a book report, verbatim information is used to prepare for the reconstruction of details. Therefore, according to fuzzy trace, verbatim and gist memo- ries exist for different purposes (Brainerd & Reyna, 1993, 2001, 2004).
Research on false memories not only supports the existence of dual memory processes, but also helps explain why we maintain memories about events that never happened. To dem- onstrate, of the words you read in the list, do you recall the word desk? Potato? Sleep? If you are like most adolescents and adults, you will recall that desk and potato were not on the list, but sleep was. When younger children unknowingly give false reports, they are more inclined to report random, unrelated (verbatim) information, since they do not record as much gist. As children age, they are able to recall more items on a list, but they are also able to find more gist information like sleep. The development of gist processes as children age, therefore,
Section 8.3Memory Development Through Childhood
contributes to improved recall but also leads to a greater number of gist inaccuracies, like thinking that the word sleep appeared in the list when, in fact, it did not (Brainerd, Forrest, Karibian, & Reyna, 2006; Brainerd, Holliday, & Reyna, 2004).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Explain how fuzzy trace theory expands on the information-processing approach to cogni- tive development.
8.3 Memory Development Through Childhood As you have learned, the information-processing model views memory as the ability to encode, store, and retrieve information from the world. Infants demonstrate that they have this ability when they discriminate between familiar people and other stimuli. Studies on habituation of touch and vision and the auditory recognition of books and music that are introduced in utero further demonstrate the strength of infant memories and their capacity to learn. Infants may, as philosopher-psychologist William James said, initially experience the world as a “great blooming, buzzing confusion,” but they begin to make sense of it right away.
Infant Memory and Learning Infants who are only hours old can learn new behaviors. In one study, newborns between 2 and 48 hours old were taught to associate sucking with pleasant stroking of the head. Using classical conditioning principles (see Module 1), Blass, Ganchrow, and Steiner (1984) admin- istered a sugar solution to infants immediately after stroking their heads. The sugar solu- tion was an unconditioned (naturally occurring) stimulus that evoked puckering (the uncon- ditioned response). When babies were stroked on the head (conditioned stimulus) right before delivery of the solution, they were able to associate the stroking with the sugar. After a number of pairings, the babies puckered when they were stroked, even if no solution was delivered. Stroking became a conditioned (learned) stimulus and puckering a conditioned (learned) response.
Infants quickly learn through operant conditioning, as well. In an experimental condition, infants will learn to suck faster on a nipple in order to hear specific auditory stimuli (Tre- hub & Chang, 1977). Sucking responses also show that neonates have a remarkable ability to control the production of novel sights, sounds, and human voices (Floccia, Christophe, & Bertoncini, 1997). Furthermore, in a classic demonstration of operant learning, 2-month-old infants were quite successful in learning how their body movements could bring about a con- sequence. Rovee-Collier (1999) placed mobiles over the cribs of infants and attached a ribbon that connected the mobile to their feet. It took only a few minutes for most infants to learn that by vigorously kicking they could make the mobile move, demonstrating a memory for learning that had previously been thought to be restricted to older infants.
Rovee-Collier (1999) was also able to demonstrate that the 2-month-old infants could in some ways remember the tasks they had learned. Her research partly dispelled previous
Section 8.3Memory Development Through Childhood
notions of infantile amnesia, or the absence of lasting memories from infancy (recall the prologue to this module). It had been thought that children could not remember in the same way that adults do until language acquisition allowed them to encode and rehearse informa- tion (Nelson, 1990). From a Piagetian model, infantile amnesia would end when preopera- tional thought begins, as children become capable of symbolic representation. Although, for the most part, adults and older children indeed do not remember events that occurred earlier than 3 years of age, infants do have memories. The infants in the Rovee-Collier study were able to remember events that occurred before they were able to talk, but those “body” memo- ries are still far removed from symbolic or language-based recall that develops later.
Even though infants and young children remember prior experiences, early memories begin to fade with age and become increasingly unreliable (e.g., Bauer & Larkina, 2014; Peter- son, 2013). For instance, one study asked children aged 4 to 13 to recall three of their “first memories.” At 2-year follow-ups, younger children were unable to recall their previous first memories. Even after cues were given from the initial interview, the memories were still not recalled. First memories had essentially changed. It was not until the children were 10 years old that they began to consistently recall the same “earliest” memories (Peterson, Warren, & Short, 2011). So although research suggests that infants do remember, it is not clear whether memories are part of an infant’s (or young child’s) permanent memory trace. In addition, even adults do not always remember events from 2, 4, or 6 years earlier if they are not reviewed. It may not be an age-related phenomenon at all, but instead may be a reflection of how a par- ticular experience has been remembered over time.
Imitation An infant’s ability to imitate behavior is another early indication of memory. Even neonates are able to remember and copy a person’s features. In a series of experiments, Andrew Melt- zoff and Keith Moore famously demonstrated that neonates could imitate facial expressions of adults. In their first study, when the babies were 12–21 days old, Meltzoff imitated vari- ous facial expressions and found that the neonates did indeed mimic his expressions (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977). For some time though, others were unable to replicate the findings (e.g., McKenzie & Over, 1983). It was suggested that the babies were so “old” that they were not imitating behavior so much as they had already learned the behavior through typical mother-infant interaction.
In response to the criticism, Meltzoff and Moore (1983) then tested infants who were just 0–72 hours old, and used only two ges- tures so that independent observers could evaluate responses more exactly. Results again indicated that infants were able to imitate behaviors right from birth. More recently, Nagy (2006) confirmed the findings of Meltzoff and Moore and suggested that imitation is how infants first begin to use language. There is a “natural, interactive purpose” to imitation rather than its simply being a response to stimu- lation; imitation provides evidence that specific built-in neuronal activity is responsible for language (p. 228). Further studies by Nagy and her colleagues later concluded that there are
Vaphotog/iStock/Thinkstock ሁ Imitative behaviors may be an infant’s first
attempt at linguistic communication.
Section 8.3Memory Development Through Childhood
discrete imitative behaviors like tongue thrusting. They argue that inconsistent findings by other investigators are the result of poor research methodology rather than an absence of imitative behavior (Nagy, Pilling, Orvos, & Molnar, 2013).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : M o d e l i n g When psychologists and others address the importance of role models, they are referring to behavior that can be imitated. As children mature, it is natural for them to imitate what they hear and see. The combination of a developing brain, enhanced cognition, and various psychosocial factors lead children to be especially ripe to imitate the behaviors of others— both good and bad.
A client once asked me what type of consequences there should be for her 6-year-old son whom she found spanking his younger sister. When the boy’s mother reprimanded him, the boy responded, “But you do it!” Consistent with social learning principles, the mother had done an excellent job modeling behavior and her child was simply imitating her.
This imitative behavior, including the beginnings of language, continues the progression that begins with the genetic foundations for physical growth. Whereas genes transmit information to direct lifelong development, imitation typifies how environmental stimuli build upon those biological foundations; it therefore epitomizes the interaction of nature and nurture.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Provide evidence of learning and memory during infancy.
Memory Development in Early Childhood and Adolescence Information-processing theorists generally agree that there are developmental limitations with memory capacity and sophistication. With algebra, for instance, information-processing theory would say that some children are not ready to tackle more sophisticated math because the “software” that is necessary to interpret the data is not yet installed. To continue the anal- ogy, sometimes a computer has a slow processor or cannot handle all of the data that are being inputted. People do not “crash” like a computer would, but they will take a longer time performing tasks and eventually give up when tasks are too difficult. As children mature, their capacity to process information grows—there are automatic upgrades to larger hard drives and more advanced processors.
Young children use schemas and only simple memory strategies. For instance, 3 year olds develop knowledge that hugs make Mommy feel better. But they do not use specific strategies that would help them remember more, even if they have been taught how to do so (Miller & Seier, 1994). Working memory is also less developed. This limitation is reflected in the measurement of children’s short-term memory for random digits, which increases from two
Section 8.3Memory Development Through Childhood
digits at 2.5 years old to five digits at 7 years old, to an adultlike seven digits by the age of 15 (Dempster, 1981).
During middle childhood, memory becomes more sophisticated and is demonstrated by an increased use of rehearsal strategies and organization (Bjorklund & Douglas, 1997). For example, teenagers understand the nuances of different situations that may call for a hug. They recognize the use for different study strategies like using flash cards or organizing notes.
Although memory structures do not improve dramatically after about age 15, adolescence is a time when more elaborate encoding strategies are utilized (Schwartz, 2010). Speed of thinking increases steadily throughout early and middle childhood, and schemas become increasingly complex (Demetriou, Christou, Spanoudis, & Platsidou, 2002; Kail, 2000, 2003). Teenagers call upon these more sophisticated, abstract thinking abilities when they plan and assess consequences of multiple decisions. Therefore, information-processing theory says that greater sophistication is explained by maturational factors, leading to more efficient pro- cessing and sorting of incoming information (Atkins, Bunting, Bolger, & Dougherty, 2012). As you learned in Module 5, the delay in development of the prefrontal cortex throughout adolescence parallels this course.
Additional neuropsychological evidence supports the idea that the brain becomes increas- ingly sophisticated in a way that supports information-processing theory. For instance, it appears that increasing age leads to more efficient signal conduction from neuron to neuron (Mabbot, Noseworthy, Bouffet, Laughlin, & Rockel, 2006). There is evidence that improved speed of processing and overall cognitive development is therefore a maturational process, as specific axon connections lead to age-related gains in performance. There is some question, though, on direction of causality. Does increased brain growth during early childhood and adolescence lead to improved information processing, or does experience with information processing lead to increased neural connections?
Age by itself, however, is not always the prevailing factor in memory performance. In one nota- ble study, when chess pieces were placed in a meaningful arrangement, 10- and 11-year-old chess players had a much better memory for where pieces were placed than did non-chess- playing college students who had otherwise effective memories. In contrast, when pieces were arranged randomly, there was no difference in recall. Experience with the structure of chess (in chess, pieces are never assigned randomly) had a profound effect on recall of chess pieces, but not on other tests of memory (Chi, 1978; Schneider, Gruber, Gold, & Opwis, 1993). This finding points to the idea that experience facilitates memory—if you have played chess, you will remember something that may be meaningless to those who have not. In addition to providing well-developed schemas for how each piece moves, chess skills can be thought of as a series of interactive schemas: one for opening moves, one for certain aggressive positions, another for particular defensive positions, and so on.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Outline how memory changes throughout childhood. List evidence that supports your conclusions.
Section 8.4Attention
8.4 Attention Mental representations like those employed while playing chess also influence attention, since players more easily notice stimuli that fit into existing knowledge. For instance, you are much more likely to pay attention to background noise in a restaurant if you recognize a familiar song. In this regard, attention refers to a state of sustained concentration, where awareness is focused. In chess, novice players might attend to only a handful of board pieces when an opponent employs a new strategy. By contrast, experienced players pay attention to a wider array of potential moves. Remember that for environmental (sensory) information to have a chance at being stored, it must first be attended to. Therefore, attention is integral to the information-processing system.
Identical environmental stimuli are sometimes taken in differently depending on the person. Sometimes differences are deliberate, but often it is a passive activity. When we purposely concentrate on specific stimuli while filtering out the rest, we are engaging in selective atten- tion. Youth athletes for instance will frequently report that they do not “hear” parents yelling encouragement (or otherwise!) from the sidelines. More practically, when children hunt for a solution to a problem, “distractors” (items that do not contribute to the solution) will often impede thought. A distractor might consist of irrelevant information or an illogical solution. A number of studies have demonstrated that the capacity to selectively attend increases sig- nificantly during the early elementary years. Children pay increasing attention to relevant information, but until the end of elementary school (age 11 or so) they also pay more atten-
tion to irrelevant information. Attention performance continues to improve throughout the high school years, along with a tendency for decreased distractibility and increased perceptual speed (Blumberg, Torenberg, & Randall, 2005; Richards & Anderson, 2004; Trautmann & Zepf, 2012; Wassenberg et al., 2008).
Children also get better at sustained attention, or maintained focus over time (Fan et al., 2009). This kind of attention is demonstrated when children remain focused during an art project, as they carefully copy letters and numbers, or while listening to one stimulus (such as a teacher) without simultaneously engaging in competing tasks. It is likely that the capacity for sustained attention is partly physiological and partly learned. For instance, research has found that parents who experience more stress and provide less stimulation to their children are more likely to have children who are more impulsive and demonstrate less sustained attention (Dilworth-Bart, Khurshid, & Vandell, 2007; Posner, Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007; Razza, Martin, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010). Furthermore, impairments in sustained attention are often associated with neuropsychiatric disorders such as schizophrenia and with developmen- tal disorders such as autism (see Module 10) and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (Christakou et al., 2013; Corvin, Donohoe, Hargreaves, Gallagher, & Gill, 2012).
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) The issue of attention becomes particularly prominent in the study of attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). (Some people still refer to ADHD by its former diagnostic name, attention deficit disorder or ADD. They are the same condition.) Children diagnosed
Critical Thinking Compare and contrast how a child might learn to cook, from an information-processing view and from Vygotsky’s perspective.
Section 8.4Attention
with ADHD have chronic, sustained problems with (1) impulsivity (acting prematurely, or without appropriate reflection), (2) inattention, or (3) excessive motor activity (hyperactiv- ity). But like many psychological disorders, an objective medical diagnosis for ADHD does not exist. Testing is entirely clinical (case study investigation) and includes a fair amount of interviews and surveys with parents, teachers, and the child. Children with ADHD have dif- ficulty staying focused on any one task and hence suffer academically and sometimes socially as well. One issue that remains controversial is whether or not children with ADHD need to show consistency in their behaviors. For example, if children exhibit appropriate behaviors and sustained attention at home, or while playing video games, but not in school, is a diagno- sis of ADHD appropriate (Van Cleave & Leslie, 2008)?
Cognitive deficits among those with ADHD are often reflected in measures of attention, plan- ning, and organization. Without proper planning and organization, successful problem solv- ing and goal-directed behavior is inefficient. These issues become especially noticeable when school assignments are consistently planned poorly or left incomplete, even though there are no deficits in ability. Therefore, some clinicians classify ADHD within the realm of learning disabilities, whereas others view it strictly as a behavioral issue. The medical community is similarly divided on whether ADHD is a neurological issue or a mental disorder (Plichta & Scheres, 2014).
Prevalence of ADHD The proportion of U.S. children aged 4–17 who were diagnosed with ADHD has increased by an average of 5% each year over the recent decade, from 7.8% in 2003, to 9.5% in 2007, to 11.0% in 2011 (Visser et al., 2014). In the United States, it is diagnosed more than twice as often in boys as in girls. However, teachers report a greater number of problem behaviors overall among boys, and boys are more likely to be identified as having ADHD even when they behave the same as girls. This bias may account for at least part of the high male-female ratio of ADHD. Because of the lack of standard diagnostic procedures, there are legitimate controversies regarding its preva- lence (Derks, Hudziak, & Boomsma, 2007; Plichta & Scheres, 2014; Polanczyk et al., 2007).
To better understand the changes in prevalence, we can look at cross-cultural differences and historic trends. One meta-analysis of over 300 studies encompassing 170,000 participants found a worldwide prevalence for ADHD of 5.3% when the rate in the United States was esti- mated at 7.8%; six years later, the worldwide rate had increased to 6.8%, but the increase was less than half the rate of increase in the United States over the same time period (see Figures 8.3a and 8.3b). Prevalence varies wildly between and within different countries, from a low of 1% to a high of 20%. It is unclear whether these differences are a result of geographic and cultural differences or of diagnostic practices. For example, when subjective ratings are used, children in Hong Kong have a higher rate of ADHD than do children in England; when more objective measures are used, they have a lower rate. These differences are likely due to the cultural emphases that each of the countries attaches to specific behaviors (Polanczyk et al., 2007; Wolraich et al., 2012).
Critical Thinking What types of cultural variables might impact the diagnosis of ADHD?
Section 8.4Attention
Figure 8.3a: Percentage of youth aged 4–17 ever diagnosed with ADHD: National Survey of Children’s Health, 2003
≤5.0%
9.1–11.0%
5.1–7.0%
≥11.1%
7.1–9.0%
8.0
7.9
5.9
4.2
6.0
6.0
9.0
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5.8 5.6
9.1
6.7
8.9
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9.7
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8.4
7.2
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11.6 9.3
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11.1 7.6
5.5 11.7 8.9
14.6
13.3 10.9 10.6 9.3
11.7
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14.8
13.0
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9.9
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DC: 7.9
Source: Reprinted from Visser, S. N., Danielson, M. L., Bitsko, R. H., Holbrook, J. R., Kogan, M. D., Ghandour, R. M., Perou R. & Blumberg, S. J. (2014). Trends in the parent-report of health care provider-diagnosis and medication treatment for ADHD disorder: United States, 2003–2011. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 53, 34–46, V. 53(1) page 5. Used by permission of Elsevier.
Figure 8.3b: Percentage of youth aged 4–17 ever diagnosed with ADHD: National Survey of Children’s Health, 2011
ሁ Demographic shifts in diagnoses of ADHD include overall increases in most states. What could account for the changes?
14−15.9%
8.0–9.5%
11–13.9%
5.6–7.9%
9.6–10.9%
Source: Reprinted from Visser, S. N., Danielson, M. L., Bitsko, R. H., Holbrook, J. R., Kogan, M. D., Ghandour, R. M., Perou R. & Blumberg, S. J. (2014). Trends in the parent-report of health care provider-diagnosis and medication treatment for ADHD disorder: United States, 2003–2011. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 53, 34–46, V. 53(1) Page 6. Used by permission of Elsevier.
Section 8.4Attention
It is important to remember that human traits are generally assumed to follow a normal dis- tribution. For that reason, about 5% of the population would be expected to have ADHD, just as 5% would be expected to have superior (i.e., gifted) attention skills (see normal curve in Figure 8.4). That averages out to about 1 student in a classroom of 20. The question then arises of whether attention that is less extreme than 1 out of 20 (perhaps 3 out of 20) repre- sents simple “neurodiversity” along the normal curve or instead denotes impairment (Bruch- müller, Margraf, & Schneider, 2012; Plichta, & Scheres, 2014; Smalley, 2008).
There is no doubt that ADHD is a problem for significant numbers of children and adoles- cents. But at what point along the (normal) continuum do we say a child has ADHD and treat- ment becomes indicated? As Figure 8.3a shows, the prevalence of diagnosed ADHD has been increasing. Like other developmental disorders (e.g., autism, learning disabilities), it remains to be seen if we are getting better at filtering children who have ADHD or if we are casting a wider net. Cli- nicians may simply be identifying greater proportions of individuals at the lower end of the normal curve for attention. The relatively large cultural and secular (over time) changes in diagnoses confound researchers who attempt to find consistent measures.
Figure 8.4: Extreme or normal? ሁ By definition, most children have average attention skills. Perhaps the maladaptive behaviors
marked by the low end of the normal curve (left side) are creeping toward the middle, and children who were previously considered to be exhibiting normal behaviors are being identified as ADHD.
-3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3
Standard deviations
Average
Previous ADHD diagnoses restricted to most extreme 5% of behaviors
Represents the population of children that are extremely good at paying attention
Because there are no de�nitive criteria, perhaps increased prevalence is due to less extreme behavior being identi�ed as ADHD
Another possible confounding factor in ADHD diagnoses is a child’s age relative to his or her grade peers. This was a finding from a study of nearly one million Canadian children that com- pared the youngest and oldest students in kindergarten through grade six. The data in Figures 8.5a and 8.5b clearly indicate that children who are younger compared to their same-grade peers are more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD and to receive treatment (Morrow et al., 2012). This evidence strongly suggests that some children are treated for ADHD because they are relatively less mature compared to their older but same-grade peers. Perhaps teachers sometimes base behavioral expectations on grade level rather than on age and development.
Critical Thinking What are some possible explanations for the variation among differing regions in the United States, as shown in Figures 8.3a and 8.3b?
Section 8.4Attention
Indeed, other research suggests that even licensed therapists often opt for biased, personal measures even when measures that are less subjective are available (Bruchmüller et al., 2012).
Figure 8.5: Percentages of children aged 6–12 years receiving diagnosis of, and pharmacologic treatment for, ADHD, by month of birth
ሁ For the Canadian schoolchildren in this study, the cutoff date for entry into each grade is December 31. Therefore, children born in January are the oldest in their respective grades and children born in December are the youngest. Figure 8.5a indicates that age (as indicated by the month of birth) is a strong predictor of ADHD diagnosis. Consequently, those children who are relatively young for their grades are more likely to receive medication to control their behavior.
f08.05a_PSY104.ai
Month of birth
0
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f08.05b_PSY104.ai
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D (
% )
Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.
Boys Girls
Source: Morrow et al. (2012).
Section 8.4Attention
Causes of ADHD Some researchers have concluded that ADHD has a biological component since the concordance rate is higher for monozygotic twins than for dizygotic twins. And first-order relatives (parents and siblings) of children diagnosed with ADHD have a two to eight times higher risk of ADHD (Akutagava-Martins, Salatino-Oliveira, Kieling, Rhode, & Hutz, 2013; Rasmussen et al., 2004). Furthermore, distinctions in brain anatomy between those with and without ADHD have often been observed (e.g., Castellanos et al., 2002; Hart, Radua, Nakao, Mataix-Cols, & Rubia, 2013).
There are also competing theories on whether ADHD is an evolutionary adaptation or a learned behavior. Remaining an active hunter-gatherer may have had an evolutionary advan- tage over sitting for 6 hours, as schoolchildren are expected to do now. But critics of this theory point to the substantial minority of cases—if ADHD is an evolutionary adaptation, why wouldn’t more children display it? Again, though, by definition of the normal curve, only a small percentage would ever be expected to display “extreme” behavior.
Though no definitive causal factors have been identified, other theories involve environmen- tal factors like differences in parenting styles and societal expectations (Banerjee, Middle- ton, & Faraone, 2007; Hinshaw & Scheffler, 2014; Parens & Johnston, 2009). One perspective suggests that ADHD is partly learned due to demands of everyday circumstances. As society changes, children learn not to pay attention particularly well. If televisions, phones, tablets, computers, and other media are constant sources of stimuli, children in a way may be trained to divide their attention. If a television or computer is a constant source of background enter- tainment, as it is in many households, then individuals will naturally attend only partially to any one stimulus at a time (Christakis, Zimmerman, DiGiuseppe, & McCarty, 2004; Landhuis, Poulton, Welch, & Hancox, 2007; Williams & Taylor, 2006).
Finally, though contrary to popular media reports and parental anecdotes, food additives were ruled out long ago as a contributing factor to ADHD (Kavale, & Forness, 1983).
ADHD Treatment Regardless of whether ADHD is viewed as normal variation or as a neurobiological dis- order, it affects cultural norms of behavior. The biological theory of ADHD is supported by the successful, albeit paradoxical, use of psychostimulant medications (e.g., Ritalin, Dexedrine, Adderall). It could be that some forms of hyperactivity are just a reaction to inattention—a behavior that is indicative of many people when they become impatient. If a person is not attentive, then behavior appears to be off-task and flighty. On the other hand, if stimulants increase alertness, then behavior will be more on-task. There- fore, the effect of stimulants is not very dif- ferent from when adults use coffee and high school and college students take illicit sub- stances to help them concentrate.
Chris Gallagher/Science Source/Getty Images ሁ Prescriptions for psychostimulant medications
like Adderall (shown) have risen steadily, alongside the increasingly common diagnosis of ADHD.
Section 8.5Executive Function
Interestingly, although stimulant medication increases attention, substantial evidence indi- cates that a corresponding increase in cognitive performance does not occur (e.g., Advokat & Vinci, 2012; Bidwell, McClernon, & Kollins, 2011; Smith & Farah, 2011). Nevertheless, use of medication has followed the same pattern of growth as ADHD diagnoses. If increased aca- demic performance among children with ADHD is the goal of treatment, then stimulant medi- cation may not be an appropriate response.
Either as an alternative to or in conjunction with medication, behavior therapy is usually indicated for children with ADHD. Behavior therapy focuses on changing specific, undesirable behaviors such as being inattentive or distracted. Children are systematically rewarded for on- task behavior. For instance, children may earn checkmarks for working through 10 minutes of homework, completing a nighttime routine, or remaining seated in a classroom. Checkmarks can be exchanged for privileges or material rewards. By identifying specific behaviors, it is hoped that children will eventually gain conscious control over unwanted behaviors. This kind of self-control is one of the processes of executive function, a focus of the next section.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Define selective attention and sustained attention. Discuss contemporary issues in the diagnosis and treatment of ADHD.
8.5 Executive Function As memory expands and attention strategies improve during childhood, the processing of information becomes more efficient. In addition, we begin to self-monitor the effectiveness of our thinking skills. That is, we assess how and when certain strategies might be used and control which responses might be best for attaining a goal. Executive function is this inten- tional part of thinking. It oversees and directs the flow of information by guiding attention and organizing memory.
Evidence indicates both biological and learned factors are involved in the development of executive functions. Frontal brain activity during infancy and positive maternal emotions pre- dict higher-order executive skills beginning in preschool (Kraybill & Bell, 2012). Other stud- ies show that growth in the prefrontal cortex of the brain beginning at around age 3 coincides with increased executive function. Development is especially noticeable during early child- hood, but there are substantial changes in adolescence and beyond, as well (Best, Miller, & Jones, 2009; Moriguchi & Hiraki, 2013).
One study demonstrated developmental differences in executive processes when participants of different ages were given cash incentives to remember words. Some words were worth 1-cent and others 10-cents if they were recalled successfully. Fifth-grade children rehearsed and recalled equal numbers of 1-cent and 10-cent words; adolescents and college students rehearsed more 10-cent words, and subsequently recalled more as well. The older students understood the consequences of directed, concentrated effort better than the fifth graders (Cuvo, 1974).
Section 8.5Executive Function
In general, executive processes allow children to contemplate choices, learn self-regulation (control over emotions and behavior), and perform more sophisticated memory tasks, includ- ing formulating solutions to problems before they are implemented. An advanced part of self- regulation is response inhibition, which is often referred to as impulse control (Zheng, Oka, Bokura, & Yamaguchi, 2008). As children become more thoughtful, their responses become more informed, including the potential for reinforcement or punishment. In school, for instance, response inhibition occurs when students reflect on a question posed during a teacher’s instruction instead of responding immediately. The increased conscious effort inhibits automatic responses overall and leads to more strategic planning (Luna, Garver, Urban, Lazar, & Sweeney, 2004; Parault & Schwanenflugel, 2000).
Another core factor in executive process is cognitive flexibility. It is the ability to shift focus between multiple ideas or tasks, and it allows children to analyze how to distribute a limited amount of time to complete a task. Cognitive flexibility is commonly measured using tests that require children to sort by multiple classifications. For instance, they might be asked to sort cards by both color and type of object. Younger children have difficulty switching focus between multiple concepts. Throughout childhood, they gradually adjust their thinking to better accommo- date these kinds of complex cognitive mental processes (Best et al., 2009).
Metacognition Executive control is also observed by the growth of metacognition. Metacognition can be described as “thinking about thinking,” or having awareness about one’s own cognitive pro- cesses (Flavell, 1976). It includes knowledge about storing information, strategizing, planning, and problem solving. Hypothesizing about different outcomes builds metacogni- tion as thinking begets more sophisticated thinking. Many educational practices today try to promote metacognition. Examples include the many reflective questions that are often asked in math and writing exercises (e.g., “How did you come to that conclusion?”). Although metacognition is evident earlier, there is a strong surge in its development during adolescence. It becomes displayed when students are able to more successfully plan and navigate the imple- mentation of multiple activities, including homework, social activities, and work (Weil et al., 2013).
When children are immersed in practices that engage meta- cognition, they will get better at it. For instance, when a 3 year old asks constantly, “Why?”, the savvy adult can say, “Why do you think?” In this way children are involved in their own thinking. Children of all ages can be asked to find their own solutions to conflicts with other children; they can be asked to make their own questions regarding schoolwork. When adolescents edit and re-edit essays, they have to think about their knowledge process; sometimes
Critical Thinking Describe how students use executive function to complete homework that is assigned for multiple subjects. How do you think the process differs between elementary school students and high school students?
Hybrid Images/Cultura/Getty Images ሁ Engaging children in activities
that encourage them to “think about thinking” will promote metacognition.
Section 8.6Cognitive Development in the Classroom
students will work a math problem backwards (beginning with the answer) in order to figure out the process. The constant planning and evaluating represent the metacognitive process.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Define self-regulation, response inhibition, cognitive f lexibility, and metacognition. Explain how they are related to the umbrella concept of executive function.
8.6 Cognitive Development in the Classroom Of the three cognitive theories presented, Piaget’s has perhaps had the most profound impact on schooling in the United States, especially early childhood education. Skilled preschool edu- cators acknowledge the special nature of young learners and adjust activities accordingly. The focus on the developmental stages of young children is an important change from past gen- erations, when children were often thought of as little adults. Piagetian theory also states that developmental stages are mostly fixed and dependent on a natural course of maturation, which varies somewhat for each child. Yet, the recently adopted common core standards do not particularly embrace individual exploration, nor do they always take into account indi- vidual differences.
Instead of depending on maturational changes, information-processing proponents theorize that past successes will gradually lead to more challenging activi- ties. Give children enough time and instruction, and we can expect the vast majority of them to perform. Matu- ration is less of an issue than is incremental prepara- tion. Information-processing and sociocultural theorists acknowledge the significance of maturation but disagree with Piaget about the predetermined qualitative change that differentiates one stage from another.
While a Piagetian perspective has remained prominent throughout education, the information-processing and sociocultural perspectives have become more highly integrated within contemporary elementary and secondary school classrooms. Children regularly engage in social and contextual activities that include working in small groups, cooperative learning, peer tutoring, and plenty of scaffolding.
A meta-analysis of 36 relevant studies found broad benefits for both learners and “experts” when peer scaffolding is used (Ginsburg-Block, Rohrbeck, & Fantuzzo, 2006). Cooperative learning activities provide advantages in academics, behavior, and self-concept. Interestingly, although causal relationships cannot be established with the limited research available so far, more positive learning outcomes exist when boys and girls are grouped separately. These potential differences certainly warrant further study, especially since it does not appear that peer tutoring sacrifices the academic needs of more advanced students. An important finding
Critical Thinking If scientific evidence were conclusive that Vygotsky was right about the social context of learning, what changes should be made to cur- rent educational structures? Conversely, what if evidence were found that conclusively sup- ported Piagetian principles? What if evidence supported information processing?
Summary and Resources
is that gains extend beyond academics and include positive psychosocial outcomes as well, especially for lower-income students (Ginsburg-Block et al., 2006; Hattie, 2008).
A concern of collaborative methods is the potential increase in academic dishonesty and imbalanced workloads if workgroups become a classroom norm (Sutherland-Smith, 2013). As most college students are aware, when students work together there is a tendency for some group members to do less than their share of work and for others to make up for the shortcomings. Learning outcomes may not be as robust when workload distribution is the responsibility of the group instead of individuals. Even so, the process of working together— both when it is equitable and when it is not—prepares students for future interactions in social encounters and work.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize how cognitive theory is applied to contemporary education.
Wrapping Up and Moving On According to information-processing views, cognitive development occurs within a feedback loop. We attend to information, and then it is processed in a way that it can be stored. Infor- mation is then compared with other memories and processed for output. Therefore, rather than the stage-like changes described by Piaget, information processing is clearly concerned with incremental changes in thinking ability. Advancements in memory for language and numbers are examples of these small changes. Greater success in cognitive tasks, like formal schooling, is reflected in the gradual sophistication of perception, memory, and processing of stored information, overseen by an executive function. Next, we explore how language fits in to the various theories of cognitive development.
Summary and Resources • The information-processing approach is a third major perspective in the study of
cognitive development. Children take in, store, and process information for output in much the same way that a computer does.
• In information-processing theory, there are three stores of memory: sensory, short term, and long term. The three types of stores create a system that explains how children process, pay attention to, and remember information from the environment.
• Working memory is a newer term that acknowledges the multifaceted nature of short-term memory. Working memory includes information from a number of senses that work within a feedback loop with long-term memory.
• Part of the development in cognition is related to increased speed of processing. There are steady increases in processing speed throughout childhood.
• Fuzzy trace theory proposes that preschoolers use relatively more verbatim memory but begin to rely on more gist as they enter elementary school. As children age they
Summary and Resources
rely more on fuzzy traces, which improves recall but also contributes to the phenom- enon of false memories.
• Contrary to what was once thought, it has been demonstrated that infants do indeed have memories. In the long term, it is unclear what happens to information that was once encoded during infancy, but even very young babies clearly remember what they have learned. Even during the first postpartum days, infants can remember facial expressions.
• The study of attention is an important component of information-processing theory. We need to understand how and when children attend to stimulation in order to understand initial cognitive processes. Psychologists usually differentiate between selective attention and sustained attention.
• Among developmentalists, medical doctors, neuropsychologists, and others who study children and attention, there is no clear consensus about what defines attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). In recent years, the rate of ADHD diagnoses has shown marked increase, both in the United States and throughout the world.
• Biology likely accounts for at least part of the reason that some children show inat- tentive behaviors. Research also suggests that learning may play a role.
• Psychostimulant medication promotes positive behavior, but it may not affect aca- demic performance.
• More sophisticated cognition includes executive function. These self-conscious pro- cesses include self-regulation, response inhibition, and cognitive flexibility. Meta- cognition is the process of “thinking about thinking,” using thoughtful strategies for planning and strategizing.
• The theories of cognitive development are often applied in contemporary education. We have seen changes in the way children are regarded in the learning process, the roles of teachers and classroom peers, and the emergence of collaborative learning processes.
Key Terms ADHD See attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder.
attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) A developmental disorder char- acterized by impulsivity, inattention, or hyperactivity.
behavior therapy Psychotherapeutic intervention that focuses on systematically changing specific behaviors.
cognitive flexibility The ability to shift focus between multiple ideas or tasks.
elaboration The process of enriching information and making it more meaningful, resulting in stronger connections to long- term stores.
executive function The conscious part of the mind that oversees and directs the flow of information.
fuzzy trace theory A theory of cognition that accounts for changes in reasoning by considering that memories are encoded in one of two ways: verbatim or gist.
infantile amnesia The absence of lasting memories from infancy.
information-processing theory A theory that compares human cognitive develop- ment to a computer in the way both take in, store, and use information.
Summary and Resources
long-term memory Relatively permanent storage of memory. Contrast with short-term, or temporary, memory.
metacognition The awareness of one’s own thinking process.
organization Constructing a pattern of information to be remembered.
psychostimulant medications Central nervous system stimulants that are often prescribed for those diagnosed with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder.
rehearsal The act of repeating information in order to remember it.
response inhibition The self-regulatory function of impulse control.
selective attention The process of concen- trating on specific stimuli while filtering out the rest.
self-regulation Regulation of emotions and behaviors that is guided by metacogni- tive processes; evaluating outcomes before acting.
sensory memory Brief impressions that include information gathered through the senses.
short-term memory Temporary memory that holds five to nine pieces of information (sometimes referred to as 7 ± 2) for up to 30 seconds.
sustained attention Maintained atten- tional focus over time.
stage model of memory The traditional model of memory that includes sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-term memory.
working memory The part of memory that actively stores and processes information.
Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.
Adderall
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMHT0008973/
Behavior Therapy
http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-behavior-therapy.htm
Common Core
http://www.corestandards.org/
Dexedrine
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMHT0009889/
Ritalin
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMHT0011170/
William James
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/james/
