History research essay

Document #5 of 5

Reading questions:

1. What are the three distinguishing features of a zombie threat? 2. What are three historical episodes that serve as a model for a response to a zombie

apocalypse? 3. According to the author Nick Proctor, “how might these historical experiences inform our

understanding of the destructive potential of a zombie apocalypse” (37)?

Questions to consider in relations to “zombie survival group project”: 4. Consider Nick Proctor’s discussion on the Black Death in relation to the lecture/readings

on the Black Death. How might the assigned readings related to the Black Death inform your survivor group’s preparation for, and response to, a zombie apocalypse?

a. Identify specific ideas (quotations) from the assigned Black Death readings and add them to your running list of evidence that you could potentially cite in your final project’s individual paper.

b. Identify specific ideas from Nick Proctor’s article and add them to your running list of evidence.

**Reminder related to individual paper: Citing an author’s ideas do not mean that you have to agree with their ideas. You can also cite an author’s idea, and then talk about how you disagreed with their logic in the particular situation and decided to try an alternative solution for XXX reasons.

Other Apocalypses Historical Perspectives on Mass Destruction

NICK PROCTOR

Recent health crises, terrorist strikes, natural disasters, and wars havemade people familiar with the idea of sudden, unexpected devastation. Mediacoverage of these events focuses upon images of destruction, which serve asharbingers of doom. Although coverage is usually sensationalist, such eventsremain worthy of study because they are useful in refining our understandingof public health policy, risk management, emergency response techniques,and the use of military force. Studying these events provides useful data forconsidering various tactical responses to zombies as an isolated phenomenon,but these recent disasters are not particularly useful in understanding thechallenges posed by a zombie apocalypse as a strategic and existential menaceto humanity as a species. First their scale is comparatively limited. For example, while global inreach and potentially devastating, the 2002-2003 outbreak of Severe AcuteRespiratory Syndrome (SARS) resulted in fewer than 1000 deaths. In addition,while recent natural disasters and armed conflicts wreaked massive destruc­

�ion, they are, when cast into a global context, rather limited in scope. Sim­ilarly, the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami resulted in over 15,000 deaths,but all of the fatalities were in a single country: Japan.1 As a result, regardlessof the int�nse suf�ering of those caught up in these events, the vast majorityof humamty remamed unaffected. This facilitated international relief efforts which greatly reduced death and suffering. . '

A zombie apocalypse is different. It is not an "outbreak'' or a naturald�s�ster. It is an apocalypse-a simultaneous global cataclysm featuring masskillmg and social collapse that occurs everywhere. There is no safe haven.Even well into the progression of a zombie apocalypse, those who consider

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Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 27

themselves secure are almost invariably proven wrong. In military terms, this resembles a particularly determined insurgency, albeit on an unprecedented geographical scale. In terms of disease, it can be compared to a pandemic with an especially intense initial outbreak and an unprecedented universal geographical distribution. In a zombie apocalypse, there is rarely'a "Patient Zero"; instead there are millions of them.

The second defining characteristic of a zombie apocalypse is-the par­ ticular nature of the threat. Driven by their insatiable qesire for human flesh, zombies pursue their victims without thought of self-preservation. This relentlessness distinguishes them from human adversaries and adds to the terror of the apocalypse. There is no reasoning with zombies. They never tire. They give no quarter. Consequently, zombies are similar to a disease, but unlike a pathogen, they are much more mobile. Furthermore, given their capacity for vocal signaling (usually manifested as moaning), they possess significantly more ability to coordinate than simple organisms.

The final distinguishing feature of the zombie threat is the nature of their method of recruitment. It is quick, irresistible, and total. People who are bitten (but not devoured) become new zombies very quickly. This rapid augmentation of the initial threat makes zombies an especially terrifying enemy. Their ability to bring anyone to their side almost instantaneously is essential to the apocalyptic quality of the zombie onslaught. Since everyone is a potential zombie, you are as likely to be "part of the problem" as you are "part of the solution:'2

Consequently, while recent events provide useful instruction in how a society might deal with some of the tactical and operational challenges posed by a zombie apocalypse, they do not provide much insight at the strategic level. This is because a zombie apocalypse presents a profound existential threat to the entire species.

Short of pre-historic asteroid strikes, few such events exist, but four historical episodes do include sufficiently intense local destruction to provide particularly fruitful avenues of inquiry. In terms of warfare, the Mongol Invasions of the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries and World War II (1937- 1945) brought widespread destruction and death to millions by human hands. Diseases have killed far more, but even alongside mass killers like smallpox and influenza, the Black Death of the 14th century was shocking in its level of devastation. Finally, the Columbian Exchange in the Americas, which took place from the 15th to the 19th centuries, combined conquest and disease in ways that shattered societies and destroyed whole peoples. These events are quite varied, but they are all worth studying when contem­ plating how our society might confront and ultimately survive a zombie apoc­ alypse.

::ltu.t If a Zombie Apocalypse Did Occur

,:'f!n,1i'Mongol Invasions When compared to the death toll of recent catastrophes, the casualty

figures of past conflicts stagger the imagination. They represent suffering on a scale that far outweighs all of the conflicts of the 21st century combined. Yet, even with numerous episodes of bloodletting on a monumental scale, two military conflicts rise above all the others, the Mongol Invasions and World War II.

The former resulted in the deaths of 30 to 60 million people. W hile this number was eclipsed by World War II in terms of overall body count, it has no equal in terms of what it represents as a portion of the global population. Taken altogether, the depredations of the Mongols led to the deaths of some­ where between 7.5 percent and 17.1 percent of the population of the entire world. Northern China, Eastern Iran, and Central Asia suffered something that, as historian David Morgan puts it, "must have seemed to approximate very nearly to attempted genocide."3 The geographical dimension of the Mon­ gol Invasions was equally enormous, encompassing most of Eurasia. Indeed, under the rule of Genghis Khan's successors, some Mongols contemplated conquering the entire world. 4

Led by a succession of capable commanders, the Mongol army resembled a zombie horde in many ways. In the field, they ruthlessly destroyed opposing armies and in conquest they often slaughtered hosts of civilians. To some, they appeared to be an unstoppable force. A survivor of the Mongol sack of the Central Asian city of Bukhara provided a terse description of their onslaught: "They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, and they departed."5

Several of the strategies employed by the Mongols in the expansion of their empire resemble zombie methods of recruitment. They readily incor­ porated local populations into their war machine. Other steppe peoples pro­ vided additional cavalry while more sedentary populations provided infantry and siege troops. In addition, they sometimes conscripted enemy civilians as "arrow fodder" when assaulting fortifications. As Matthew Paris, an English monk, explained in his Chronica Majora, "If by chance they did spare any who begged their lives, they compelled them, as slaves of the lowest condition, to fight in front of them against their own kindred."6 So, in terms of scope, remorselessness, and recruitment, the Mongol horde shared a number of qualities with that of the zombies.

W hile an examination of the Mongol Invasions may provide instruction about the capability and impact of a powerful and ruthless military capable of continent-spanning operations, drawing parallels between the Mongols and zombies is difficult for a number of reasons. The first is the Mongol reliance upon horses. The abilities of Mongols to ride long distances, shoot

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 29

from the saddle, and engage in coordinated battlefield maneuvers were keys to their success; however, this reliance upon horses also meant that they gen­ erally limited their operations to areas in which they could find sufficient

pasture for their large herds. These strengths and weaknesses are clearly distinct from those of zom­

bies, which cannot exploit horses as a SO\!rce of transportation. Presumably, they might eat them as is the case in the first episode of AMC's adaptation of The Walking Dead.7 Consequently, while tireless; zombies are unable to move as quickly as the Mongols. More importantly, even though zombies do appear to possess some rudimentary communication ability, they seem to lack group coordination, which is useful for tactical advantage and absolutely essential at the operational or strategic level of operations. Additionally, in spite of their reputation for indiscriminate slaughter, Mongols generally sought to conquer areas with their populations intact. As historian Timothy May notes, "the Mongols were not interested in ruling a desert devoid of life:'B

Zombies do appear to possess certain advantages that the Mongols lacked, but these are double-edged. For example, Mongol rule was regularly challenged by local rebellion. Zombies do not have this problem due to the irreversible quality of zombie recruitment, but in practice this quality stiffens the resolve of those combating the zombies. The Mongols might spare you. The zombies will not.

In addition, while the process of zombie recruitment is demoralizing to their opponents, it appears to be largely incidental to zombie efforts to devour the flesh of the living. As a result, zombies often cease their attacks in order to eat their victims. This allows possible recruits to escape. Furthermore, since zombies often eat their victims whole, many of those who fall into their clutches are consumed rather than recruited. In addition, when people become zombies, they appear to lose all of their technical skills.

A unified and undifferentiated horde prevents infighting. Zombies occa­ sionally scrabble with one another over chunks of flesh, but they are united in their ultimate goal of devouring every living thing on the planet. Mongols lacked this single-mindedness, and this proved t9 be a political problem. In terms of leadership, the Mongol Empire and the khanates that succeeded it all depended upon systems of dynastic succession, which led to periodic pauses in Mongol operations and eventually led to the fracturing of their empire. 9 Zombies do not appear to rely upon hierarchical leadership, which eliminates this weakness. Once again, what appears to be a strength for zom­ bies may actually be a weakness because the lack of a zombie hierarchy greatly hampers their ability to coordinate forces strategically. Instead of sweeping forward in a carefully orchestrated effort, zombies shamble about. They are driven by stimulus response rather than coordinated olanninIT.

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The Second World War

Much shorter in duration than the Mongol Conquests, the Second World War was, nevertheless, exceptionally bloody. Given the geographically sprawl­ ing nature of the conflict, which may be considered to include the Sino­ Japanese War (1937-45), it is difficult to estimate the total number of deaths; historians' estimates fall between 40 and 72 million people killed. W hile this number does represent a smaller proportion of the global population than the Mongol Conquests, the fact that all of this destruction took place over the course of less than a decade is astonishing.

This intensity of destruction was possible because of advances in military technology, the creation of the modern nation state, and the development of totalitarian ideologies. Together, these factors brought destruction to an even wider geographical expanse than the Mongol Conquests and involved-at least peripherally-almost all of the world's different peoples.

Once drawn into the conflict, all nations proved remarkably capable of turning civilians into soldiers. Their ability to conscript millions of their cit­ izens led to the global scale of the war. Through the use of propaganda, mil­ itary training, and public education the belligerent powers all instilled a willingness to kill members of opposing societies indiscriminately and with­ out mercy. This was particularly pronounced in totalitarian states like Ger- many, Japan, and the Soviet Union. This meant that, as was the case with the Mongols, the militaries that perpetrated the vast majority of the death and destruction in these wars were remorseless and willing to kill anyone who lay between them and victory. New technologies often facilitated long­ distance mass killing, but death continued to be dispensed at close range by highly-indoctrinated troops.10

As the war continued and intensified into a true "total war;' the rising body count made ever greater levels of destruction politically possible. For example, at the outset of the conflict, most militaries and governments con­ sidered the strategic bombing of civilian centers an immoral act that violated the rules of war, but by 1945, bombing entire cities fro in high altitude, rather than targeting specific buildings, had become nearly unremarked upon. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki dramatically illustrate the rapid evolution of doctrine towards indiscriminate mass destruction.11

Thus, in several ways, including conscription, indoctrination, and the development of military doctrine endorsing the mass killing of civilians, the ways in which World War II was fought bears some resemblance to zombie recruitment. Furthermore, no other conflict has been waged over such a geo­ graphically immense area, which suggests a close parallel to a zombie apoc­ alypse.

As horrific and vast as this war was, its most severe effects were focused

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 31

on specific regions, while large parts of the world suffered comparatively light casualties. Some of this was due to geographical isolation-oceans insulated the Americas-but it was also due to politics. Nations 'like Switzerland and Sweden neighbored areas ravaged by war, but they escaped unscathed because of their neutrality. This makes elements of the parallel forced. Zombies are not respecters of borders. In addition, while the war caused suffering on an unprecedented scale, these casualty figures amount to between 1.7 percent and 3.1 percent of the world population at,the time, which is con­ siderably less than the devastation wrought by the Mongol Conquests, and far below that experienced in most popular depictions of a zombie apocalypse.12

Therefore, when considering the Second World War as a model, one must focus on the areas that suffered most severely: China, the Soviet Union, Germany, and Eastern Europe. These areas all suffered immense destruction, but even in these areas, belligerents fought with goals typical of nation states; they sought conquest rather than devastation. Millions of people in these areas were murdered, starved, and enslaved, but even in areas overrun by death squads, fought over by armies deploying modern weapons, and con - trolled by nations that exhibited little concern about civilian deaths, most people survived. Some even continued to resist their conquerors through clandestine means, which clearly could not be the case with zombies. The "pretend we're zombies too" tactic may work in some situations for a short time, but it would be impossible for a sizable human population to move among zombies without detection in the long term. Consider Bill Murray's golf outing in Zombieland the exception that proves the rule.'3

Given the level of destruction in the Second World War, one is struck by the fact that most societies caught up in the war survived. Every polity engaged in the war underwent substantial upheaval, but human organiza­ tions-particular nations and ethnic groups-proved remarkably resilient. This is cold comfort when confronting a zombie apocalypse, but it also sug­ gests that one must explore other, even more devastating historical models of mass destruction.

The Black Death

Despite the destruction wrought by war, historically, far more people have been killed by disease. Indeed, many of the casualties of military conflicts are the victims of disease brought on by the stresses of war rather than to direct military action. The histor y of pandemics, then, would seem to be promising area of study.14 Of all the lethal diseases that have ravaged human­ ity, in terms of massive body count, nothing equals the Black Death of the

32 ... But If a Zombie Apocalypse Did Occur

14th century. The most devastating plague of all time, it caused between 75 million and 200 million deaths worldwide. Originating in China or Central Asia, it quickly advanced across South Asia, North Africa, and on to most of Europe. W hile the initial epidemic receded in the mid-14th century, these areas continued to suffer from the disease, which became a persistent menace for several centuries. Death rates due to the initial onslaught in Europe are now often estimated at something around 50 to 60 percent. Clearly, this is death on a scale unequaled by war alone.15

Even though it took years for the Black Death to move across Asia, Africa, and Europe, it advanced with what was great speed for the time. This means that like other catastrophes, it was not a truly global phenomenon, however, since 14th century communications tended to flow by word of mouth or hand-delivered letter, news of the plague was sometimes outpaced by the progress of the disease itself. This meant that, in some sense, each community endured its own Black Death experience; it became a sort of rolling global disaster. Consequently, most communities suffered the initial outbreak in a manner similar to a zombie apocalypse: a sudden, unexpected, and unexplainable onslaught of death. Furthermore, although large areas of the world (most notably, the Americas) did not suffer from the Black Death at this time, these areas did not contribute significantly to the rebuilding and repopulation of areas ravaged by the disease. No outside aid came to areas afflicted by plague.

Biologically speaking, the plague bacillus Yersinia pestis is driven only by the need to reproduce. It spreads through a variety of means. In the case of the septicemic and bubonic varieties it is carried by infected fleas or the bodily fluids of infected rodents. The pneumonic plague is even more insid­ ious as it can be contracted by inhaling water droplets expelled by the lungs of the infected.16 Even though the disease usually progresses rapidly towards death, humans often serve as vectors of the disease, but their actions indirectly aid the disease by hosting fleas or by transporting rodents as much as through coughing infected water droplets. Thus, in a manner similar to the growth of a zombie horde, spreading infection increases the strength of the destruc­ tive force of the plague.

As is the case with most depictions of a zombie,apocalypse, the social stresses and depopulation that resulted from the sudden onslaught of an unprecedented, deadly threat led to the destabilization of the economy. 17 This led to behaviors that further destabilized society. Italian poet Giovanni Boc­ caccio described various reactions to the disease in his Decameron, which resemble popular understandings of the likely actions of people confronted with zombies. A common reaction described by Boccaccio seems a likely response: flight. As he explains, "They said there was no better medicine against the plague than to escape from it. Moved by this argument and caring

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 33

for nothing except themselves, a large number of men and women abandoned their city, houses, families and possessions in order to g<? elsewhere:'

Some combined flight with isolationism. Struck by the rapid advance of the disease, "they congregated and shut themselves up in house.s where no one had been sick, partaking moderately of the best food and the finest wine, avoiding excess in other ways as well, trying their best not speak of or hear any news about the death and illness outside, occupying themselves with music and whatever other pleasures they had available:'

Isolation was not always accompanied by moderation. As Boccaccio goes on to explain, "Others were of the opposite opinion. They believed that drinking a good deal, enjoying themselves, going about singing and having fun, satisfying all their appetites as much as they could, laughing and joking was sure medicine for any illness:'

Those who isolated themselves often failed to keep the disease at bay through quarantine, but given the lack of understanding about how the dis­ ease was transmitted, it was a reasonable response-provided one had suffi­ cient supplies and defenses. In many ways, attempts to survive by avoiding the disease met greater success than those who took forceful action against it. These counterproductive efforts featured scapegoating and zealous expres­ sions of faith. In Western Europe, the fear and confusion sown by the plague often led to attacks against Jews, and in some areas, this led to what historian Robert Gottfried calls "a concerted and well-organized anti-Semitism that bordered on genocide:' Other radical movements sought divine intercession through organized group self-flagellation.18

Less vicious but no more effective, some people, driven to desperation and totally lacking an understanding about how the plague was spread, "went about carrying flowers, fragrant herbs or various spices which they often held to their noses, assuming that the best thing for the brain was to comfort it with such odors, since the air was filled with the stench of dead bodies and illness and medicine:'19 Given the straightforwardness of the zombie threat, it seems unlikely that many people would turn to herbal sachets as potential solutions to the problem, but flight, isolationism, scapegoating, and religious zeal all seem likely based on historical evidence.

In addition to allowing one to see this wide variety of responses to an apparent apocalypse, the Black Death is useful as a test of social resilience. Somewhat surprisingly, despite the massive death toll and the disruption of political, cultural, and economic institutions, societies ravaged by the Black Death did not collapse. Most institutions temporarily suspended operations, but their authority was usually quickly restored. Even in the midst of the plague, courts met, churches held services, taxes were collected, and wars continued to be fought. 20

This reflects an observation made by economist Jack Hirshleifer that

34 ... But If a Zombie Apocalypse Did Occur

the experience of populations "suddenly struck by disaster does not include the wild, asocial behaviour described by the more lurid popular writers on such themes." As he explains, "panic does not ordinarily occur. Survivors first reorient and extricate themselves, and then their families. Some, even when seriously injured themselves, assist others:' He qualified this altruism by noting, "If there is reason to fear another hazard (explosion, spreading fire, renewed bombing, etc.), there may be hasty flight:' He acknowledges that some people slip into non-responsive shock in response to a crisis, but overall people take charge and they do so by cooperating with other survivors rather than by selfishly murdering one another. As he explains, "all this is rational behavior:'21 Groups are more survivable than individuals.

This tendency towards community survival is reflected in the histoty of the Black Death. J.N. Hays, a scholar of disease, points out that in Northern Italy, "governments began taking a more active role in resisting disease, and their public health bureaucracies, quarantines, and isolation facilities may ultimately have diverted the second pandemic from their borders:'22 Most officials did not flee to the hills or board themselves up in their palazzos. Instead, they acted upon an ongoing desire to contend with the enormous challenges confronting them.

Popular representations of zombies frequently describe a collapse of public services, food and water supplies, public heath, and law and order. This is invariably accompanied by a downward spiral into a Hobbesian : nightmare of hyper-individuality, vigilantism, and violence. The history of the Black Death suggests that this is another manifestation of the "lurid popular writers" derided by Hirshleifer. Yet, even in these depictions one can see the resilience of government and social organizations. Consider the arrival of the military at the end of Shaun of the Dead or the zombie­ hunting vigilantes that appear in the conclusion of Night of the Living Dead.23

In all of these cases, those who survived the initial wave of mass destruc­ tion began to develop countermeasures against the zombie threat. Even though some people initially struggle with the concept of zombies, the vast majority quickly adapt because the nature of the threat is so straightforward. Diseases mutate. Human combatants modify their behavior. Zombies, however, are so intent on devouring humanity that the nature of their threat remains essentially unchanged. Their relentless bloodthirstiness makes their actions predictable and understandable. W hen a zombie is trying to eat your face, it clearly identifies itself as a hostile force. W hen it "stays dead " as the result of a headshot or incineration, future tactics become clear. The possibility of reactive zombies with learned behavior is chilling, but it is also quite unusual.24 They are vicious, yet simple adver­ saries.

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 35

The Columbian Exchange

The most devastating wars and plagues in history inflicted horrific dam­ age on human populations, but considering all the factors described above it remains difficult to use them to understand how societies and individuals might function during a zombie apocalypse. An important part of this prob­ lem is due to the nature of zombies, but it also relates to the level"of devas­ tation popularly associated with a zombie apocalypse. Most films, books, and graphic novels feature the reduction of civilization to handfuls of survivors.

Historically, this level of death has rarely been reached on a large scale. Given the capacity for destruction possessed by organized, industrialized, and competently led nation states during the Second World War and the mass death resulting from poor sanitation and misunderstood diseases in the medieval era, it is difficult for historians to imagine how such a situation might develop-particularly in the modern era.

The process by which the onslaught of zombies causes society to collapse is often elided in popular depictions of zombies. The steps by which the initial rise of the zombies leads to the extermination of most of humanity are rarely explored. A popular narrative arc follows a protagonist who simply sleeps through these critical stages. Both The Walking Dead and 28 Days Later begin with protagonists waking from comas well after civilization has fallen.25

If we put the mechanics of apocalypse aside and focus on the impact of the destruction itself, there ma'.y still be events in human history that combine the onset of multiple deadly diseases with ruthless military aggression to reach a level of social destabilization that actually resembles that of a zombie apocalypse. The largest of these is the European conquest of the Americas. Even though it occurred over centuries, it provides significant insight into the social stresses that accompany the massive casualties inflicted by an array of insatiable and unprecedented threats.26

The combination of disease and military operations in this centuries­ long conquest, first by several western European nations and then by the independent nations that succeeded them, led to the enslavement, coloniza­ tion, and destruction of numerous peoples. The specific experience of dif­ ferent indigenous populations to European invasions varies significantly and, in some cases, lacks substantial historical documentation, but several exam­ ples show levels of death and destruction that far exceed those of the Black Death. In a number of cases, they essentially resulted in the total destruction of entire peoples.

During the conquest, smallpox, measles, influenza, and typhus (along with other diseases) accounted for millions of deaths. These diseases regularly wracked Europe, but when brought to the Americas, the devastation was much worse because of the lack of immunities (acquired or genetic) among

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indigenous populations; this meant that pathogens struck with great severity. Disease spread rapidly and in some cases it preceded European explorers and settlers. As a result, many areas were depopulated before Europeans even arrived.

As anthropologist Jared Diamond explains, "The winners of past :wars were not always the armies with the best generals and weapons, but were often merely those bearing the nastiest germs to transmit to their enemies:' He adds, "Far more Native Americans died in bed from Eurasian germs than on the battlefield from European guns and swords:' 27

This host of diseases proved devastating, and, of course, Europeans also brought war. Horses, firearms, and steel weapons provided important advantages, but in the long term their greatest strength was numbers. Indigenous populations, reeling from repeated eruptions of disease, resisted mightily, but usually were eventually overcome. Although rarely explicitly genocidal in intent, European wars of conquest were nonetheless often genocidal in effect. In many cases, the precipitous drop in indigenous pop­ ulations as a result of the combination of war and disease led to the collapse of many native societies. For example, central Mexico had a population of around 20 million when the conquistador Hernan Cortes arrived in 1519. As Diamond notes, a century later, the population had "plummeted to about 1.6 million:' 28

This begins to resemble the level of devastation in a zombie apocalypse, but the parallels are weak in term of the nature of the threats. As was the case with the Mongol Invasions, the Second World War, and the Black Death, the problems of historical specificity make comparisons difficult to draw. Con­ quistadors, smallpox, and the U.S. cavalry do not have a great deal in common with one another, let alone with zombies. Furthermore, as is the case with the Mongol Invasions and World War II, the key perpetrators are human. Thus, they lack the utter ruthlessness of zombies. While the vast majority of Europeans advocated the cultural assimilation of native peoples, most opposed outright genocide.

Despite these shortcomings, if one steps back from the details, the Columbian Exchange remains useful when assessing impact because, in the end, the zombie-like Europeans, motivated by greed, racism, Manifest Des­ tiny, and Christian evangelicalism (among other things) essentially win. In the Americas, only a few small areas survive in which there is no European influence. Almost all the indigenous societies that survived have done so by rebuilding themselves along new cultural and social lines. Certainly, some elements of pre-Columbian culture have endured, but the vast majority of native societies have been forced to adapt to the presence of European peoples and institutions; much of the pre-Columbian world has been lost forever. So, when faced with this most zombie-like of historical threats, many native

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 37

peoples survived, but only by almost totally altering their cultures, s , ocieties,

politics, economies, and ways of life.

Commonalities

How might these historical experiences inform our undersfahding of the destructive potential of a zombie apocalypse? Despite the difficulties in drawing precise historical parallels, there are definitely some commonalities.

All of these historical events feature relentless and lethal agents that are more than willing to kill millions of people in order to achieve their objec­ tives. In every case, this led to widespread, indiscriminate death. Wealth, gender, and class do not appear to offer any particular protection when this sort of mass destruction is at h,and. The general trend appears to be: when disaster strikes, everyone is at risk. When confronting a threat of this type, appeasement and isolationism do not work; anticipating some sort of pref­ erential treatment from the threatening force-human, pathogen, or zom­ bie-is a good way to die.

When faced with this sort of opponent, it is imperative to fully mobilize your population in order to face the threat. In World War II, the Allied Powers eventually defeated the Axis because they shifted to a strategy of total war. During the Black Death, ruthlessly quarantined cities appear to have expe­ rienced lower death rates.29 Even in the case of the conquest of the Americas, indigenous groups that dedicated themselves to resistance were able to defeat the forces arrayed against them-sometimes. 30

History also shows that in terms of mobilizing society, there is no equal to the organization, resources, an_d social unity provided by modern nation states. Consequently, strengthening your affiliation with one in the midst of a zombie apocalypse offers a number of advantages. First, it offers community. Given the level of devastation one expects, the opportunity to build and main­ tain social alliances with strangers is extremely important. Furthermore, given the organizational resources available to governments, they probably have access to food, water, and medical care. In addition, governments-with their militaries and research facilities-likely possess the deepest well of resources for fighting the zombie menace. After all, the compiler of World War Z works for the United Nations Postwar Commission.31

Some may be reluctant to affiliate with governments because they fear tyranny and the use of force, but these cases show that in times of great crisis, coercion has utility. Quarantine laws may seem unethical to those who are caught on the wrong side of them, but in terms of maximizing the number of survivors, they are effective. Conscription may violate one's rights, but given the need for the full mobilization of society's resources to face the

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zombie threat, the potential for this sort of coercion also offers a reasonable tradeoff of rights for security. For a meditative consideration of this tradeoff consider the plight of the "sweeper" character Mark Spitz in Colson White­ head's novel Zone One. 32

Isolated families and communities did survive all of the historical episodes described above, but this owed more to luck the than anything else. Small communities, however tightly-knit, will also find it extremely difficult to defend themselves against a zombie onslaught. Similarly, despite its roman­ tic allure, the "Lone Wolf " approach to resistance is even more unwise. It may enable a particularly gifted individual to survive an initial onslaught, but the need for supplies, shelter, sleep, and companionship will eventually erode the ability of even the most determined survivor to "go it alone:' Even the omni-competent protagonist in J.L. Bourne's Day by Day Armageddon needs a friend. 33

The immensity of suffering, the large body count, and the travails of survival will certainly alter the shape of the societies that endure, but in every historical case, humanity proved remarkably resilient in the face of disaster. Even when confronting what appeared to be the end of the world, people did their best to adapt to the challenges and they did so as communities. So, in addition to increasing chances of survival, affiliating with societies increases the speed of eventual recovery. 34

NOTES

1 . "March 11, 2011 Japan Earthquake and Tsunami;' National Geophysical DataCenter, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 9 March 2012, www.ngdc.noaa.gov/hazard/honshu_llmar2011.shtml, accessed 12 July 2014. 2. Philip Munz, loan Hudea, Joe Imad, Robert J. Smith, "When Zombies Attack!Mathematical Modelling of an Outbreak of Zombie Infection;' Infectious DiseaseModelling Research Progress, J.M. Tchuenche and C. Chiyaka, eds. (New York: NovaScience, 2009), 133-150. 3. David Morgan, The Mongols (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1986), 74. 4. Morgan, 17-25, 84-85. 5. T imothy May, The Mongol Art of War (Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2007), 4.6. May, 4, 12-16. 7. "Days Gone Bye;' The Walking Dead, AMC, 31 Oct. 2010. 8. Quotation from May 119. See also: Morgan, 65, 82,.93, 137-138. 9. Morgan, 82.

10. Richard Rhodes, Masters of Death: The SS-Einsdtzgruppen and the Inventionof the Holocaust (New York: Vintage, 2003 ); Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men:Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins,1992). 1 1 . Herman Knell, To Destroy a City: Strategic Bombing and Its Human Conse­quence.s in World War II (Cambridge, MA: DaCapo Press, 2003); A.C. Grayling,Among the Dead Cities: The History and Moral Legacy of the WWII Bombing of Civil­ians in Germany and Japan (New York: Walker, 2006). 12. Scholarship on the Second World War is vast, but several new one volume

Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 39

surveys of the conflict provide an excellent place to start. Andrew Roberts, �he Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War (New �ork: Harper Perenmal, 2012); Anthony Beevor, The Second World War (New York: Little, Brown, 2012); Max Hast­ ings, Inferno: The World at War, 1939-1945 (New York: V�ntage, 2011)._

13. Timothy Snyder, Blood/ands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. (New �ork: Basic Books, 2010); S.C.M. Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895: Perceptions, Power, and Primacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Zombieland, Ruben Fleischer, dir., Columbia Pictures, 2009.

14. Rober t S. Gottfried, The Black Death: Natural and Human Disaster in Medieval Europe (New York: Free Press, 1983); J.N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005); John �elly, The Great Mortality: An Intimate History of the Black Death, the Most Devastating Plague of All Time (New York: HarperCollins, 2005).

15. Ole J. Benedictow, The Black Death 1346-1353: The Complete History (Wood­ bridge: Boydell Press, 2004); John Aberth, Plagues in World History (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011), 33-61.

16. Kelly, 11-27. Centers for Disease Control website on Plague "Ecology and Transmission;' www.cdc.gov/plague/transmission/index.html, accessed 15 Feb. 2013.

1 7. Gottfried, 51, 58, 91, 135-137. 18. Gottfried, 52, 73-74, 87-88. Quotation from 73. 19. All Boccaccio quotations are taken from Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decame­

ron, Introduction, David Burr, trans., www.history.vt.edu/Burr/Boccaccio.html, accessed 15 Feb. 2013. For analysis of Boccaccio's description of the Black Death, see Gottfried, 47, 78-80.

20. Gottfried, 50, 94-97, 103, 135-138, 151-152; W illiam H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Anchor Press, 1976), 186-191. . . . . . 21. Jack Hirshleifer, Economic Behaviour in Adversity (Chicago: Umversity of Chicago Press, 1987), 9-10.

22. Hays, 50; Sheldon Watts, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Impe- rialism (New Haven:_Yale University Press, 1997), 15-25, 37.

23. Night of the Living Dead, George Romero, dir., Image Ten, 1968; Shaun of the Dead, Edgar Wright, dir., Univers_al Pictures, 2004. . . 24. Angela Watercutter, "Zombie Neuroscientist Explains the Ant-Like Behavior of World War Zs Running Dead;' Wired, 9 Nov. 2012; Land of the Dead, dir. George Romero, Universal Pictures, 2005.

25. 28 Days Later, Danny Boyle, dir., DNA Films, 2003. Robert Kirkman, The Walking Dead: Compendium One, illus. Charlie Adlard, Cliff Rathburn, and Tony Moore (Berkeley, CA: Image Comics, 2009).

26. Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997); McNeill, 199-234; Watts, 84-93, 99-102.

27. Diamond, 197, 210. 28. Diamond, 210. 29. Wendy Orent, Plague: The Mysterious Past and Terrifying Future of the

Worlds Most Dangerous Disease (New York: Free Press, 2004), 232-233. 30. For example, see S.C. Gwyne, Empire of the Summer Moon: Quanah Parker

and the Rise and Fall of the Comanches, the Most Powerful Indian Tribe in American History (New York: Scribner, 2011).

..

'

40 ... But If a Zombie Apocalypse Did Occur

31. Max Brooks, World War Z: An Oral History of the Zombie War (New York: Crown, 2006).

32. Colson Whitehead, Zone One (New York: Anchor Books, 2012). 33. J.L. Bourne, Day by Day Armageddon (New York: Pocket Books, 2009). 34. Lawrence J. Vale and Thomas Campanella, eds., The Resilient City: How

Modern Cities Recover from Disaster (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Kevin Rosario, The Culture of Calamity: Disaster and the Making of Modern America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007).

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Boydell Press, 2004. Boccaccio, Giovanni. The Decameron, Introduction. David Burr, trans. www.history .

vt.edu/Burr/Boccaccio.html. February 15, 2013. Bourne, J.L. Day by Day Armageddon. New York: Pocket Books, 2009. Brooks, Max. World War Z: An Oral History of the Zombie War. New York: Crown,

2006. Browning, Christopher R. Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final

Solution in Poland. New York: HarperCollins, 1992. Centers for Disease Control. "Plague Ecology and Transmission:' www.cdc.gov/

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Hastings, Max. Inferno: The World at War, 1939-1945. New York: V intage, 2011. Hays, J.N. Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impacts on Human History. Santa Barbara:

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Other Apocalypses (Proctor) 41

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, March 9, 2012. www.ngdc. noaa.gov/hazard/honshu_llmar2011.shtml. July 12, 2014.

May, Timothy. The Mongol Art of War. Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2007. McNeill, William H. Plagues and Peoples. New York: Anchor Press, 1976. Morgan, David. The Mongols. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1986. ·· Munz, Philip, loan Hudea, Joe Imad, and Robert J. Smith. "When Zombies Attack!

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Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Shaun of the Dead. Directed by Edgar Wright. Universal Pictures, 2004. Snyder, Timothy. Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. New York: Basic

Books, 2010. 28 Days Later Directed by Danny Boyle. DNA Films, 2003. Vale, Lawrence J., and Thomas Campanella, eds. The Resilient City: How Modern

Cities Recover from Disaster. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Watercutter, Angela. "Zombie Neuroscientist Explains the Ant-Like Behavior of World

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Yale University Press, 1997. W hitehead, Colson. Zone One. New York: Anchor Books, 2012. Zombieland. Directed by Ruben Fleischer. Columbia Pictures, 2009.