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3The Influence of Culture on Interpersonal Communication

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Learning Outcomes

After reading this chapter, you should be able to

ሁ Define culture and co-culture. ሁ Discuss how culture provides us with perceptual filters. ሁ Explain how culture and communication are related. ሁ Distinguish between primary and secondary identities. ሁ Comprehend the role that cultural membership—including context, individualism and collectivism,

and time orientation—plays in how we communicate with others. ሁ Use strategies to strengthen interpersonal communication competence.

Culture and Communication

Introduction In 2008, journalist Malcolm Gladwell’s book Outliers: The Story of Success was published; Out- liers is a compilation of human events that are extreme, unusual, and outside of one’s normal experience. Chapter 7 of this book, entitled “The Ethnic Theory of Plane Crashes,” recounts a particularly unusual pattern—one that even Gladwell himself admitted on his website was the most surprising to him (“What Is Outliers About?”, 2013): the influence of commercial airline pilots’ cultural backgrounds on how they communicate in the air. Using examples from National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) transcripts, Gladwell reveals that the causes of multiple plane crashes can be partially explained by the pilots’ inability to competently communicate with one another or with air traffic control (ATC) and that this communication difficulty is associated with culture.

When first officers, who are subordinate to captains in the hierarchy of the airline industry, tried to alert the captain of a problem, officers from cultures that prescribe deferential treat- ment to superiors used hints or softened speech to get their point across. Even in poten- tial life-or-death situations such as airline emergencies, cultural rules and norms were so ingrained in these first officers that they were unable to use direct and clear messages to notify their captains. According to Gladwell (2008), NTSB transcripts present examples of the hints used by first officers in airline emergencies:

• “Look how the ice is just hanging on his, ah, back, back there, see that?” (to captain, after noticing that there is a dangerous level of ice on the plane’s wings; p. 196)

• “Climb and maintain three thousand, and ah, we’re running out of fuel, sir.” (to ATC, after being asked by the captain to tell ATC that they were in an emergency due to low fuel; p. 199)

• “Don’t you think it rains more? In this area here?” (a subtle warning to the captain against doing a visual approach while landing in terrible, rainy weather; p. 213)

In each of these instances, the plane crashed, and lives were ultimately lost. Gladwell summa- rizes this outlier when saying, “How good a pilot is, it turns out, has a lot to do with where that pilot is from—that is, the culture he or she was raised in” (“What Is Outliers About?”, 2013, para. 6). Airlines with such issues during the 1990s, such as Korean Air, recognized these patterns and took steps to correct them, such as teaching their pilots to be more assertive and direct when communicating, and improving all pilots’ English (which is the universal lan- guage of the aviation world). Although miscommunications can still occur, the results of these efforts have been overwhelmingly successful, with a significant reduction in airline crashes in the last decade. This is an example of how much culture influences (and is influenced by) how we communicate, regardless of situation or context.

Chapter 3 examines the ways that culture and interpersonal communication shape and influ- ence one another. In this chapter, we define culture and co-cultures and explore how certain cultural identity and characteristics are related to our interpersonal communication. The chapter also offers suggestions for improving your intercultural communication competence.

3.1 Culture and Communication We are often unaware or not fully conscious of how culture influences our behavior and com- munication, but it infuses almost every aspect of our lives. Culture influences how we dress, how we act, what and when we eat, what and when we celebrate, how we raise and educate

Section 3.1

Section 3.1Culture and Communication

our children, and even how we view life and death. It affects our concepts of time, whether we prefer direct or indirect messages, and whether we view the world more as an individual or as a member of a group.

We are also often unaware of the extent to which culture acts as a perceptual filter on how we view the world. A perceptual filter is the mental structure through which we organize and assign meaning to new information (Jackson & Hogg, 2010). In fact, because our own cultural norms are so ubiquitous, we are likely not aware that even the way we think is influenced by our culture. Let’s think about two coworkers: John and Kiera. John’s culture values certain table manners. John attends a work lunch with his new coworker Kiera, and her food arrives before his does. Without checking with him, Kiera begins eating her food, while continuing to chat, without waiting for John’s food to arrive as well. Because of his culturally developed perceptual filter—that waiting for everyone’s food to arrive before eating is expected—John may perceive Kiera negatively as a result, and he may feel justified in doing so. He might label her as inconsid- erate. His ability to get to know Kiera (and have a positive impression of her) was impeded by his culture’s perceptual filter about table manners.

Perceptual filters can be changed, both individually and within cultures overall. For example, in a Trinidadian fishing village in the Caribbean, the hunting and consumption of leatherback turtles—the largest of all sea turtles—was a cultural norm. Due to a worldwide declining popu- lation of these turtles, one man strategically used interpersonal communication through story- telling to change his village’s cultural norms (BBC Earth, 2017). He did this by shifting people’s perception of the cultural value of turtles by highlighting that the turtles were good for tourism and by visiting local elementary schools to teach children about the value of the turtles (BBC Earth, 2017). All of this was only possible by reshaping the perceptual filter of how his neigh- bors thought about the turtles. Instead of “turtle → food,” he helped the filter change to “turtle → tourist attraction.”

Essentially, all of the messages we receive are filtered through our cultural norms. Without read- ing a chapter like this one, people can remain unaware of these filters, experiencing bias toward, misunderstanding of, or negative percep- tions of others who act differently from them. Therefore, this knowledge is a crucial way that we can “acknowledge multiple views,” a key principle of competent communication covered in Chapter 1. Throughout this chap- ter, we will discuss various aspects of culture and how each affects interpersonal commu- nication. As you read, try to identify how these components of culture have influenced your perception of, or communication with, a friend, acquaintance, classmate, or coworker from another culture.

What Is Culture? When you travel to a new country, to a dif- ferent region in the United States, or even to an event or environment that is unfamiliar to you, you will likely encounter people who speak different languages, wear different

Steve Raymer/Asia Images/Getty Images ሁ Culture often seems instinctual because it

is such an integral part of life, but its rules and norms are learned from birth.

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clothing, and have different customs from your own. Every society has a culture, or a number of different cultures. Culture is a relatively specialized set of traditions, beliefs, values, and norms, or standards of behavior that have been passed down from generation to genera- tion by way of communication. Culture is often described as “the way we learn to do things.” Everyday parts of our lives, such as etiquette, customs, language, courtesy, and rituals such as shaking hands when you meet someone, are at least partially formed, shaped, and changed by culture.

Culture provides structure in a society by defining the roles of group members and the hier- archy or status of groups within the culture. In this sense, culture is normative, which means that it provides the rules, regulations, and norms that govern society and the manner in which people act with other members of that society. Rules can be unsanctioned, meaning that they are expected, implied, and unofficially-rewarded or punished behaviors. Think about the expected rules in the United States when checking out at a chain grocery store. We tend to expect a normalized and polite interaction (e.g., “Hello, how are you?” or “Thank you!”). It would be frowned upon to try to haggle, which is a normal behavior in other cultures, such as in Nepal or India. These rules are not strictly followed but are very ingrained in American culture. On the other hand, there are also strictly followed rules, which are organizationally or legally enforced, such as driving on a specific side of the road. All societies have a system of social organization, and culture serves to provide an ordered and organized system for deal- ing with people within that society through norms and rules (Novinger, 2001).

Culture is learned, but it seems natural because it is such an integral part of life. People are conditioned by culture to fit into a particular society, and the rules for interacting with other people are learned from birth. These rules become hidden, subtle influences on our behav- ior. You learn when to talk, when to keep quiet, and what tone of voice to use. You are taught which gestures are and are not acceptable. You learn what facial expressions are approved and which will earn a reprimand. You learn to sit up straight, cover your mouth to sneeze, and not to pick your nose (Novinger, 2001). At the same time, we use interpersonal commu- nication to reinforce our cultural norms (Shank et al., 2018). By casually discussing what we should be doing or gossiping about others, we reinforce what our culture defines as normal or expected (Shank et al., 2018). In these ways, culture and interpersonal communication are reciprocal and build off one another.

Historically, most societies had a shared culture—a consistent set of cultural traits, norms, and customs among members of that society. Most modern societies, however, are a mix of different cultures. But you do not have to travel abroad today to encounter cultural differ- ences. Intercultural communication, which is a significant area of study in the communica- tion discipline, is “the communication process in which individual participants of differing cultural and subcultural backgrounds come into direct contact with one another” (Kim, 2010, p. 454). The United States, for example, is an ethnically diverse nation of immigrants; in 2010, its foreign-born population was estimated at 40 million people, or 13% of the population (United States Census Bureau, 2012). If you reside and work in the United States, you live in a multicultural environment, and you may regularly come into contact with people whose cultural backgrounds differ from yours.

We can view the United States as an open system culture: a culture that has continuous inputs and outputs from and to the surrounding environment. In other words, American culture is influenced by and can influence elements of other cultures. One example of this is our adapta- tion of British television shows such as The Office. At the same time, who we are as a culture

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has also spread around the world in the form of movies and television shows. Celebrity inter- national endorsements are also examples of the continued dispersal of American culture—for example, singer Katy Perry’s promotion of Laundrin’, a Japanese laundry detergent, or rapper and entertainer Snoop Dogg’s association with German phone and music brand Vybemobile.

Societies exert pressure on people to conform to the way things are done in that culture, but this pressure is often subtle. You may be unaware of it until you do something unacceptable or encounter people from other cultures who do things differently. You may like to think of yourself as your own person, acting of your own free will. Although it is true that you can make choices about how to behave, if your actions are not considered acceptable in your society, you usually suffer consequences or endure punishment for not behaving “properly.” These consequences can vary. For example, you might be excluded from group parties if your manners are poor. In a more extreme example, you might be ostracized or removed from a group or from society at large if you violate the formally stated laws of the land or traditions of a religious group.

In summary, you could think of culture as a picture frame that surrounds and creates a bor- der for your behavior and your communication. You are, in a sense, bound by your culture because the words in your language, your vocal characteristics, your nonverbal communica- tion, and environmental influences can only be decoded correctly if someone is familiar with the cultural context. If you are not knowledgeable about a culture, you will often misread cues.

Dominant Cultures and Co-Cultures Cultural diversity can enrich a society by infusing it with new ideas, perspectives, and ways of doing things. However, this diversity can also cause social unrest and conflict. As you learned in Chapter 1, belonging is a basic human need, and as we discussed in Chapter 2, building and maintaining our self-concept is a strong need. Immigrants to a new culture must often make difficult choices about whether to retain their cultural heritage, primarily adopt the behavior patterns of the dominant culture, or attempt to blend these cultural characteristics in some way. The dominant culture, however, can also change when new populations are large and become significant subcultures, or co-cultures, within the society.

Dominant Cultures Although many societies are multicultural, they generally have a dominant culture—a term used by sociologists, anthropologists, and researchers in cultural studies to describe the estab- lished language, religion, behavior, values, rituals, and social customs of a particular society. The dominant culture may or may not represent the majority of the population; instead, it is considered dominant because it controls or has influence over social institutions such as the media, educational institutions, law, political processes, business, and artistic expression (Marshall, 1998). When the dominant culture is not the majority in terms of population, it is known as the dominant minority. One political example of a dominant minority was White South Africans during apartheid in South Africa. Even though this ethnic group comprised only 22% of the country, it dominated the political and economic institutions of the nation and was able to enact laws and sustain other customs that kept Black South Africans from having equal rights and opportunities. An economic example is Chinese dominance in South- east Asia, where, even though they comprise 15% of the population, they control over half of other Asian countries’ economies (Chua, 2003).

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This power and control is not absolute, nor is it permanent; other groups within the society may challenge the dominant culture. For example, because people from England, Ireland, and Scotland predominantly settled the original 13 colonies in the United States, many aspects of U.S. culture were based on British culture, which was itself a mix of English and other Euro- pean traditions. As a result, the English language as well as elements of its legal and politi- cal systems, religious views, attitudes toward work, recreational pastimes, and other char- acteristics of Anglo (English) culture became dominant in the United States (Mio, Trimble, & Arredondo, 1999). These laws and traditions also established the roles of males and females in dominant American culture, sometimes overtly via laws that stated that married women were not recognized as legal entities separate from their husbands. Small but effective co- cultures such as the women’s suffrage movement in the 1920s, the women’s rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s, and the current #MeToo/#TimesUp movement, built and sustained both interpersonally and on mediated channels, are often responsible for marked shifts in dominant cultural beliefs regarding gender roles.

When individuals are born into a particular society, they begin a process of enculturation wherein they learn and adopt the norms, traditions, and beliefs of their dominant culture. For example, they will eat food that is preferred by members of that culture, learn the primary language, and view and experience the major forms of media popular within that culture. Immigrants usually undergo a period of acculturation as well, during which they learn and begin to adopt the norms and the behaviors that are acceptable or preferred in the dominant culture. Acculturation, for example, involves observing others who are members of the domi- nant culture to see how they behave, communicate, and what their preferences and dislikes are. From these observations, and by directly interacting with the newly adopted culture, the individual will begin to absorb the characteristics of that culture. The acculturation process is not just one-way—as more new members join a culture, their values and beliefs shape and influence the dominant culture as well.

That being said, a society may celebrate its multicultural makeup, but its most widely shared customs, holidays, and traditions are usually those of the dominant culture, such as the U.S. holidays of Thanksgiving and Independence Day. The dominant culture of a society can change, but, unless a revolution or other major social upheaval occurs, this change usually happens slowly.

Co-Cultures In addition to a dominant culture, most societies have several co-cultures—regional, eco- nomic, social, religious, or ethnic groups that are not the dominant culture but still exert influ- ence in society. These co-cultures have characteristic customs and patterns of behavior that are unique to them and that distinguish them from the dominant culture. The terms co-culture and subculture have similar meaning, but co-culture implies that multiple cultures can exist together in the same geographic space, whereas subculture could imply that some cultures are necessarily subsumed into, or are inferior to, other cultures. The term co-culture empha- sizes that, even though you identify with a dominant culture, there may be another culture with which you identify more closely and feel best represents who you are and how you behave. An example of this might be your high school. Although every student in the school identified as a member of the student population dominant culture, co-cultures existed along- side each other as well, such as the football team, the theatre club, or the jazz choir. Each of these co-cultures had their own communication norms. If you were a part of two co-cultures, you may remember adapting to and changing your communication—such as using jargon or

Section 3.1Culture and Communication

specific nonverbal cues—based on which co-culture’s members you were communi- cating with at a particular time. On a broader scale, you might identify yourself as an American, but have a particular co-culture, such as a religious affiliation, geographic region, or occupation that you also strongly identify with and that is an important com- ponent of who you are.

There are various geographic co-cultures in the U.S. that developed because different ethnic groups or nationalities immigrated to specific regions of the United States. These regional co-cultures have their own customs and traditions, dialects of English, and foods. Regional cuisines, such as chees- esteaks and water ice in Philadelphia, green chile stew in New Mexico, grits and sweet tea in the South, and sushi in the West, are examples of the influence of different cultural groups in parts of the United States (United States of America, 2010). Customs, traditions, and foods once unique to certain co-cultures also can become part of the dominant culture over time. For example, once unique to only a few sport- related co-cultures in the U.S., the fist bump is becoming preferable to handshakes in inter- personal communication, with 49% of Americans reporting this preference (Purell Brand, 2010). Interpersonal communication differs based on the culture in which someone lives, and we may be surprised by these differences in communication norms. For example, while in a U.S. exchange student program, two brothers from United Arab Emirates spoke to women with whom they were not related for the first times in their lives (Wilson, 1993). In stark contrast are the interpersonal communication norms in Mexico City, where very intimate dis- plays of affection are common and acceptable in public spaces (Lithnicum, 2019).

You are likely a member of any number of co-cultures, based in part on your gender, religion, political and social beliefs, occupation, school affiliation, athletic team preferences, and hob- bies or interests. For example, attending San Diego Comic-Con, the annual convention that celebrates comic books and related aspects of science fiction, fantasy, and popular culture, can make someone who is not a part of the co-culture feel like they are in a foreign country. There are characters, outfits, customs, phrases, and objects at Comic-Con that you might not understand if you are not a member of the comic book co-culture. Though the comic book co-culture seems like a small co-culture within the dominant U.S. culture, it has actually influ- enced, and is influenced by, multiple cultures in a meaningful way. Comic book superheroes are now a driving force behind several blockbuster movies. Indeed, one researcher argues that superheroes often represent an ideal American identity and contribute to the narrative of “good American citizenship” (Wanzo, 2009, p. 93).

Another example of a co-culture’s influence is the proliferation of National Breast Cancer Awareness Month (NBCAM), held in October each year. The tradition of NBCAM started in 1985 as a health campaign sponsored by the American Cancer Society and a pharmaceutical company; since then, breast cancer advocates and survivors have emerged as members of an influential co-culture that gradually shifted the dominant culture’s focus to fundraising and research on this specific form of cancer. The pink ribbon that symbolizes breast cancer

REX/Alex Milan Tracy/NurPhoto/Associated Press ሁ Some co-cultures develop in groups with

shared hobbies or interests. Similar to other co- cultures, such groups have unique customs and patterns of behavior.

Section 3.1Culture and Communication

awareness became an important marketing tool for showing support for fighting the disease and for women in general. Eventually, companies such as Estée Lauder, national magazines such as Self, and organizations such as the National Football League became involved in the event. In fact, interpersonal communication stimulated by health campaigns such as this (and their creation of a co-culture) significantly increases positive health outcomes, highlighting interpersonal communication’s role in both co-culture creation and co-culture’s influence on the dominant culture (Jeong & Bae, 2018). This shift from small-scale campaign to nation- wide co-culture creation illustrates the significant effects co-cultures can have on the domi- nant culture.

But some co-cultures have customs and behaviors that are dramatically different from those of the dominant culture; sometimes they are criticized or forbidden if they veer too far afield from conventional norms. For example, organized gangs are prolific in many urban areas in America and often engage in illegal activities. To combat the influence of gang co-culture, cit- ies may adopt laws prohibiting graffiti, or “tagging,” or schools may adopt dress codes that prohibit the wearing of gang colors.

In addition, one of the responsibilities of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is to ensure that individuals or groups do not behave in an obscene manner on television. When TV broadcasts do include content that is classified by the FCC as obscene, profane, or inde- cent, the FCC has the legal authority to levy a fine or even revoke a television station’s license. The threat of such punishments prompts many stations (especially those that air live broad- casts with potentially controversial material, such as MTV’s Video Music Awards) to use a 5- or 10-second delay. This delay allows the station to censor itself before profanity or nudity is broadcast to viewers. The dominant culture of a society, then, can exert a great deal of pressure on those co-cultures it perceives as being troublesome or possibly deviant, so much so that the co-culture may begin to self-regulate to prevent punishment from the dominant culture.

In the U.S., for example, refusing to shake someone’s hand in a professional setting can be viewed as deeply offensive. However, many Muslim men and women living in the U.S. do not engage in physical contact with the opposite sex; thus, they must regulate their own co-cul- tural practices to prevent negative repercussions, especially in the workplace (Gibbs, 2017; Jafar, 2017). Some regulatory nonverbal behaviors people in that situation have used include handing a business card, or faking a sneeze (Jafar, 2017; Hareem, 2013). In situations where co-culture practices differ from dominant culture customs, members of the dominant culture can take the opportunity to educate themselves, for instance, by learning alternative ways of greeting, such as placing a hand on one’s heart or bowing (Gibbs, 2017; Jafar, 2017).

How Do Cultures Differ From One Another? Cultural researchers provide several lenses through which we may study and compare cul- tures. Here we examine Hofstede’s dimensions of culture, Hall’s concept of low- and high- context in culture, and then time orientation.

Dimensions of Culture While working at the international technology company IBM, social psychologist Geert Hof- stede studied variations in 100,000 company employees across 50 different countries span- ning three geographical regions. This research resulted in five cultural dimensions, or how

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individuals’ cultural memberships impact their values, in which countries differed from one another:

1. individualism/collectivism 2. power distance 3. uncertainty avoidance 4. long- and short-term orientation 5. masculinity/femininity (Hofstede, 2001)

Each country received a score for each dimension, and that score represented how close to one end of the continuum the country was. It is important to note that these scores refer to the country’s dominant cultural dimensions and that individual differences do exist within groups. You can see all countries’ scores using Hofstede Insights’ country comparison tool available at https://www.hofstede-insights.com.

Individualism/collectivism, Hofstede’s first dimension, considers the extent to which coun- tries value the individual and personal rights versus the community and the public good. In individualistic cultures, there is a tendency to focus on individual rights, identity, and achieve- ments. The United States, for example, is an individualistic culture. Members of collectivistic cultures, however, focus more on group obligations, identity, and concerns. Collectivistic cul- tures such as China, Costa Rica, and Indonesia tend to value a strong sense of group identity and promote group goals and values. We will return to the concepts of individualism and collectivism later in this chapter.

Power distance exists on a continuum ranging from high to low and refers to the degree to which a culture emphasizes inequality differences between communicators, affecting overall communication behaviors and cultural norms. Consider the relationship between a manager and her subordinate. In a high power distance society, the “power” dynamic between the two would heavily influence how they communicate with one another, and the power differential would be at the forefront of both of their minds when they interact. In a low power distance culture, the manager and subordinate would communicate freely and with little thought of their power differences, as if they were coworkers of more equal status. Research has exam- ined how non-U.S. exchange students in the U.S. perceive relationships between students and teachers in the U.S. These international students found their U.S. relationships to be very casual and informal in the U.S.’s lower power distance society, contrary to the high power distance dynamics they experienced at home (Wilson, 1993).

Think about how you feel when you are unsure if you will get a job you interviewed for or how you feel when you send a text to your friend that he may get mad at you about. How comfort- able do you feel waiting without “knowing with certainty”? Uncertainty avoidance refers to the degree to which individuals of a culture tolerate the negative feelings associated with ambiguity, or a society’s reaction to the unknown (Minkov & Hofstede, 2014). In high uncer- tainty avoidance countries—such as Finland and Germany—by having more rules, one will be able to predict what will happen, thus reducing any uncertainty and associated negative feel- ings (Minkov & Hofstede, 2014). On the other hand, in low uncertainty avoidance countries, such as Jamaica, India, and South Africa, individuals are more comfortable with the unknown, with new innovations, and with unstructured days at work or school.

Long- and short-term orientation refers to how focused a country is on values related to either the past and present (short-term orientation) or the future (long-term orientation).

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Long-term oriented countries—such as China and South Korea—tend to value tradition and emphasize that efforts be put toward long-term goals. This long-term orientation is focused on status differences in relationships, perseverance, shame, and frugality (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). Children are raised to “not expect immediate gratification of their desires” (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010, p. 497). In moderately oriented countries—or normative cultures—traditions are maintained, though not as strongly focused on. Change is accepted, though over time and with suspicion, such as in Sweden, Poland, and the U.S. In short-term oriented countries— such as Pakistan, Nigeria, and Canada—children are taught to keep up with societal images of normality and stability, but also to value individuality and reaching one’s goals (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010).

A core difference to identify in long- and short- term orientated cultures are the differing views of aging. In long-term oriented cultures, old age is viewed more positively—people are more joyful about becoming old and do not seek to avoid aging (Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). On the other hand, in short-term oriented cultures, old age is perceived more negatively and people attempt to prevent aging. Because of this, individuals communicate differently with older generations in each culture. A common interpersonal communication phenomenon in short-term cultures is “elderspeak” in which younger individuals speak slowly to aging adults, repeating themselves and using fewer words (Kemper, Ferrell, Harden, Finter-Urczyk, & Bil- lington, 1998). Older adults perceive this as patronizing and dehumanizing (Simpson, n.d.).

Masculinity and femininity, as they relate to culture, do not necessarily align with how we traditionally think about the two constructs. Rather, when Hofstede (2001) identified this dimension, he conceptualized it as the degree to which cultural traditions and norms either value achievement and have well-defined gender roles (masculine cultures) or value equal- ity, concern for others and the environment, and have more flexible gender roles (feminine cultures). In more masculine countries (such as Japan, Italy, and Venezuela; Hofstede, 2001), assertiveness and materialism are prized over cultivating interpersonal relationships. In contrast, more feminine countries (for example, Sweden, Costa Rica, and Thailand; Hofst- ede, 2001) value nurturing behaviors, interdependence with others, and sexual equality. The United States ranks in the middle of this dimension, with a score leaning more toward the masculinity side of the range (Hofstede, 2001). These preferences can extend into the exam room: research has found those who have cultural masculinity prefer “closed communication behaviors” in their health patient–provider interactions, meaning that there is not a prefer- ence for patient-centered communication (Wilby, Govaerts, Austin, & Dolmans, 2017).

Culture and Media Communication scholars agree that both mass media and social media are not only primary tools for information transmission but are also reflections of culture (Bybee, 2008). Today, due to their growing and ever-changing nature, media are more central to and interdepen- dent with culture than ever before. Mass media usually include one-way information trans- missions—such as newspapers, television, radio, or an informational website—or interactive media such as social media, mobile phone technology, or video gaming. The Internet, on the other hand, is a channel through which mass media can inform the public or through which digital interpersonal communication (such as social media) can take place. Culture and mass and social media are interrelated in three ways:

• Media can provide a range of details about the issues that matter to a specific society.

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• Media can reflect dominant cultures and co-cultures. • Media can help individuals learn about their cultures, themselves, and others’

cultures.

First, we learn about our own culture’s politics, social issues, health information, popular movies, television shows, websites, and products and services via the media. As media con- sumers, we are discerning about which form of media we prefer as sources of information for particular cultural issues. For example, U.S. adults’ preferred source of information about the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (also known as healthcare reform) was magazine articles, whereas interpersonal information from sources such as friends and fam- ily members was viewed as less satisfying and more difficult to obtain (Bevan, Sparks, Ernst, Francies, & Santora, 2013). However, when it comes to food choice and food safety, we tend to place value on interpersonal communication with friends, family members, and health pro- viders (International Food Information Council, 2018).

Second, though the dominant culture, by definition, has the greatest control and influence over the media (consider the FCC example discussed in the previous section), aspects of any number of co-cultures can also be portrayed in the media. For example, many residents of southern states were upset about how their co-culture was being depicted on television pro- grams such as MTV’s Buckwild and TLC’s Here Comes Honey Boo Boo (both now canceled).

Third, media globalization means that individuals can use various forms of media to learn about and adapt to different cultures (Croucher, 2011). Consider the fact that the 2018 film Crazy Rich Asians, filmed in Singapore and Malaysia, grossed $174.5 million in the U.S. box office with a majority Asian and Asian-American cast (Box Office Mojo, n.d.; IMDB, n.d.). In turn, this led to a spike in individuals interested in visiting Singapore (Hod, 2018). These examples highlight how media can be used to open a population’s minds to the norms and experiences of different cultures. In fact, exposure to TV or film media that features charac- ters from a culture different than one’s own positively influences audience’s perceptions of that culture (Vincze & Harwood, 2013).

Social media also uniquely transmit and reflect culture, though, unlike mass media, members of a culture or population can all produce and engage with this type of mediated content. Individuals can use social media to communicate with other members of their culture, inter- act with their dominant culture, and learn about and acculturate to new cultures (Croucher, 2011). For example, some researchers (Johnson, Tudor, & Nuseibeh, 2013) argue that Twitter is a useful form of social media for engaging in political protest for five reasons; Twitter is

1. quick, providing real-time information in 280 characters or less 2. free 3. personal 4. highly mobile and resistant to government control 5. capable of providing users with anonymity (p. 129)

Indeed, Ginger Johnson and her colleagues (2013) conclude from their findings that Twitter was an important platform and tool that protesters used when organizing and executing the Egyptian revolution in 2011.

Individual representatives of a dominant culture can also use social media to shape its iden- tity; the White House and members of the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives have

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their own Twitter and Facebook accounts to engage with their followers directly. Indeed, freshman Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez hosted a popular Twitter training ses- sion for fellow House Democrats early in January 2019, and offered advice such as (Dwyer, 2019):

• “Don’t try to be anybody who you’re not.” • “It’s not the kitchen that’s popular, or the cooking that’s popular, it’s that I’m engag-

ing people doing something I’m already doing.” • “. . . We don’t want to separate ourselves [from constituents on social media].” • “The way we grow our presence is being there.”

Whether we use social media or other platforms, mediated communication channels provide access to information and tools that we can use to learn about and participate in our culture and others’ cultures. (See the IPC in the Digital Age feature to read about the impact of using social media while studying abroad.)

IPC in the Digital Age: Does Use of Social Media While Studying Abroad Impact Adjustment? Many high school and university students experience another culture in depth when they study abroad or take part in a foreign exchange program. Students gain a greater insight into another culture through such programs, but it can also be a stressful and lonely experience, especially as students first arrive and learn to adjust to their new sur- roundings. One study (Lee, Kim, Lee, & Kim, 2012) examined how social media can be used while studying abroad and the impact this use had on students’ cultural adjustment. This study focused on 15 Malaysian students’ experiences with social media while study- ing abroad. Specifically, the researchers analyzed students’ status updates on Facebook while they were studying in North America and also considered their Facebook friends’ responses. They focused on status updates because such updates are an example of a rela- tively unstructured online interaction, which means there is not an established format but an unspoken procedure that determines how, when, or what information should be posted. The researchers call status updates “the digital equivalence of a short conversation between friends” (Lee et al., 2012, p. 63). In addition, status updates are archived and thus easily retrieved: 917 status updates were collected from the 15 students and then exam- ined for consistent themes. The student participants were interviewed before and after their study abroad experience and also completed a survey approximately 18 months after they had returned home.

The study findings first revealed that students used their Facebook status updates to cope with the stress of studying abroad, to provide information about their experiences in a new culture, and even to engage in social comparisons with other study abroad participants. The students’ Facebook friends offered positive social support in response to the status updates that described negative emotions. Friends also offered humor, encouragement, and motivation when the students’ updates indicated that they were having a difficult time. The study abroad students were also able to describe their experiences in the new cultures, thus allowing them to explore their new cultural identities while also maintain- ing ties with their old culture via connections with Facebook friends.

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Section 3.2Cultural Identity and Communication

3.2 Cultural Identity and Communication As we have seen thus far in the chapter, cultures and co-cultures serve important functions in maintaining a society and establishing norms and practices for its members. These practices may represent important events in the society’s history and can provide a sense of communal pride, bringing people together with shared values, symbols, holidays, and traditions. Culture also helps create a perspective, or worldview, that influences how its members think about the world, themselves, and other people. As we discussed in Chapter 2, culture, and how it is communicated, helps form and reinforce your self-concept and self-image. Your dominant culture is so pervasive in your life that it influences your communication in significant ways. Culture gives you a sense of identity (Novinger, 2001).

Identity is a consistent set of attitudes that defines who you are and shapes how you view and describe yourself. Your identity is what is “true of you” now, in the past, and in the future, and can include who you want to be, who you expect to be, who you feel obligated to try to be, and/or who you are scared that you will become (Oyserman, Elmore, & Smith, 2012). Your traits, group memberships, roles, and social relationships combine to comprise your identity. Communication and interaction with others is what creates and maintains identity (Hecht, Jackson, & Ribeau, 2003). Additionally, depending on which aspect of our identity is most salient in a communication context, we hold differing expectations of communication, and communicate differently (Hecht et al., 2003).

IPC in the Digital Age: Does Use of Social Media While Studying Abroad Impact Adjustment? (continued) The researchers concluded that Facebook was a useful psychological adjustment tool for study abroad students (Lee et al., 2012).

Apply these findings to your own experiences. Even if you haven’t studied abroad, if you traveled to a new culture, think about how much you used social media while you were there and how your social media use may have inf luenced how well you adjusted to your surroundings. Now consider the critical thinking questions provided.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. If you have spent time traveling in another country, what types of social media did you prefer to use and why?

2. To what extent do you think that your use of social media to stay connected impacted how you adjusted to your new culture?

3. Could you use social media too much to stay connected with home and thus not expe- rience as much of your new culture?

Section 3.2Cultural Identity and Communication

Primary and Secondary Identities Your identity can include both a primary and secondary identity. Primary identity encompasses consistent aspects of your identity, including your biological sex, race or ethnicity, nationality, religion, and age. In other words, an individual’s primary iden- tity rarely changes because it is difficult to permanently alter it. As we saw in the begin- ning of the chapter, the different aspects of one’s primary identity can significantly influence how he or she communicates— the first officers described by Malcolm Gladwell were so influenced by their pri- mary ethnic identities that they chose indi- rect messages even in emergency situations. We can, however, choose to ignore or downplay certain parts of our primary identities. For example, you may be a member of a particular religion, but you choose not to attend its ser- vices or follow its customs. People can also ignore their age limitations; Fauja Singh, for exam- ple, ran marathons until the age of 101 (BBC News, 2013)! In this way, we do not need to be defined by all aspects of our primary identities.

A secondary identity includes the more malleable roles and characteristics of your identity, such as your socioeconomic status, occupation, or relationship status. Your secondary iden- tity can be just as important or central as any aspect of your primary identity but is more likely to change over time. It is also likely that the first officers were partially influenced by their occupations as second-in-command when not speaking out directly in the emergency flight situations described at the beginning of the chapter. For example, as you move up the ladder in your career, your job title and responsibilities will change, and this will alter part of your secondary identity. Shifting from full-time student to full-time employee, or vice versa, will also alter part of your secondary identity. For example, if you were a student and then got hired by your university department into a full-time position after graduation, it might be difficult to reorient your viewpoint of your new coworkers from “professors” to “colleagues.” Calling them by their first names instead of “professor” or “doctor” might seem take some getting used to.

Your identities also affect how you communicate interpersonally, even with those with whom you are close. Bilingual individuals living in the U.S. who speak both Chinese and English tend to choose one language over the other to express different sentiments: English is used more often for sexual communication or to communicate negative feelings (Xie & Galliher, 2018). Although you may not speak multiple languages, you might find that you play up one aspect of your identity in a specific situation.

Though primary and secondary identities differ, everybody has both a primary and secondary identity, and no two sets of identities are alike. The identities of individuals in an interaction can sometimes clash. In one study that explored the communication between grandchildren and their grandparents, it was found that young adulthood and old age are times when one’s primary identity is particularly salient (Kam & Hecht, 2009). Specifically, young adults are

Nick White/Digital Vision/Thinkstock ሁ Identity can influence how we communicate

with others, but our interactions with others can also influence our identities.

Section 3.2Cultural Identity and Communication

negotiating their identities, and older adults who are grandparents view that relational iden- tity as being particularly central to them. Jennifer Kam and Michael Hecht (2009) found that the presence of identity gaps, or discrepancies between the authentic self and the self that you believe another person finds more appealing, between young adult grandchildren and their grandparents was related to decreased satisfaction with the relationship and the inter- action. Our interactions with others can thus shape and shift both our primary and secondary identities because communication can alter how we see ourselves and those roles or groups with which we most closely identify.

Membership, Interests, and Cultural Identities Who you are not only includes your primary and secondary identities, but also what you enjoy doing and the groups with which you seek to align yourself. Culture often has a hand in shaping which groups and interests are important. For example, the television show Friday Night Lights depicted high school football as an integral activity in Texas, with towns rally- ing around, and individuals strongly identifying with, their towns’ teams and players. On the show, football players’ families proudly displayed team signs in their front yards; wealthy and influential boosters provided the team with financial support and perks, such as a Jumbotron screen; and most of the businesses in town closed down during games. A male growing up in this culture may want (or at least feel pressured) to be a member of this group to reap the many benefits of its membership, including elevated status in this particular culture. The reverse can also be true: An individual may shy away from a group or interest because it is negatively perceived by a culture. The same male may not want to be characterized as a “band geek,” for example, and decide not to join the marching band, even though he loves playing a musical instrument.

How you choose to describe yourself enables you to highlight what you think is important about you, and this can include your memberships and interests as well as your primary and secondary identities. But your identity can also cause others to create a stereotype about you before they get to know you. Stereotypes are fixed opinions or preconceptions about someone based on perceived characteristics or expectations of a group rather than factual information about the specific person. In other words, stereotypes are exaggerated percep- tions of similarities or differences among people. People in certain groups have some shared experiences, so some stereotypes might contain a grain of truth. To some degree, we need certain stereotypes to cognitively organize all of the information we can receive at any given time via our senses. However, stereotypes become problematic when they cause us to look at all members of a group as similar and to ignore the unique differences among individuals. It is best never to rely only on stereotypes when making judgments or forming an opinion because many stereotypes are negative judgments or are based on ignorance or misinformation about a culture and its members.

It is very difficult to ignore our stereotypes of other groups when communicating with others or obtaining new social information about others. Social categorization is a natural phe- nomenon that occurs when we cognitively place others into social groups (Stangor, 2014). We categorize others in order to use the least amount of mental energy necessary to gather the most information possible (Hugenberg & Sacco, 2008). Our minds are simply trying to avoid complex, central processing of available information by making quick assumptions (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). This is why we naturally stereotype. We then organize these categories and the relationships among them into a schema or a mental structure that provides “default assumptions” when we have “incomplete information” (DiMaggio, 1997, p. 269). Recall the

Section 3.2Cultural Identity and Communication

example earlier in the chapter of John’s judgment of Kiera’s lack of table manners. John may have already socially categorized Kiera as an American, and thus, when he witnessed her poor table manners, he “fills in the blank” with the schematic belief that Americans have poor table manners rather than cognitively processing other reasons why Kiera may be eating this way. John is just saving mental energy by making this assumption. While these stereotypes are not true or fair, our brain develops them to more quickly process the world around us, and it is our job to recognize, deconstruct, and act contrary to them—especially if they are harmful toward others.

Try the following exercise: Picture someone named Garcia. Now picture someone named Claire. What do these two people look like? The people you pictured are based on your stereo- types of what those names signify. Would you be surprised if Garcia was a 5-year-old girl with blond hair and Claire was a 66-year-old man? Table 3.1 contains some stereotypes about U.S. culture and some common American interpretations. In your interactions with other people, have you encountered any of these stereotypes or other stereotypes based on your cultural heritage, memberships, and interests?

Table 3.1: Stereotypes of American culture and common American interpretations

Stereotype of American culture Common American interpretation

Americans are self-centered and uncaring or dis- interested in others because they rarely ask them personal questions.

It is rude to ask personal questions of people such as their age or how much money they make.

Americans are insincere; they are always smiling and are unrelentingly enthusiastic.

Americans are optimistic and consider it polite to appear happy even when they are not.

Americans are loud, crass, and effusive. They assert- ively introduce themselves to others.

Americans value being sociable and friendly.

Americans maintain a large physical distance from one another compared to many other cultures, and yawning, passing gas, and openly breastfeeding are frowned on.

Americans express bodily restraint to avoid offend- ing others by standing too close, touching others, or engaging in behaviors that may make others uncomfortable.

The word American conjures up an image of a White, middle-class person. All other residents, including the area’s indigenous inhabitants, are hyphenated or identified with an adjective: Native American, African American, Asian American, Mexican American. The national census does not hyphenate Americans of European descent.

Hyphenation of names is commonly the preference of the group itself and distinguishes their cultural heritage.

Americans celebrate several national holidays, but they are regarded more as family holidays than as celebrations of patriotism. The Fourth of July marks the Declaration of Independence from Britain in 1776, but it is also a time for summer picnics and camping trips for friends and family. Thanksgiving is an annual feast that celebrates the hardships of early colonists. However, Thanksgiving is important not primarily because of its symbolism but because it is a significant family holiday and one of the few large and elaborate meals that families prepare.

Many Americans consider national holidays to be times in which families come together. However, they like to think that they celebrate both the family fellowship and the significance of the holiday itself. Americans have a proud military tradition, and flying the American flag, for example, is common on the Fourth of July to celebrate the country’s independence. Giving thanks for their blessings around the table before the Thanksgiving dinner is traditional among many American families to show gratitude for the occasion, the food, and the family.

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Section 3.2Cultural Identity and Communication

Table 3.1: Stereotypes of American culture and common American interpretations (continued)

Stereotype of American culture Common American interpretation

Americans are generally not opposed to social ben- efits such as pensions, social security, and insurance of bank deposits. However, relief programs for the poor, known as welfare, are controversial. In a coun- try where many believe that all its citizens have an equal chance, where opportunity is unlimited, and where only the lazy are poor, programs for the indigent have been vulnerable to cutbacks.

Americans generally believe in providing a safety net for those in the society who are unable to help themselves. However, they also strongly value self- reliance and believe that people have a personal responsibility to care for themselves and their fami- lies if they are able to do so. The conflict between these two values is a major political issue in the United States.

Source: Adapted from United States of America. (2010). Countries and their cultures: Culture of United States of America. Retrieved from https://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/United-States-of-America.html

Communication Accommodation Theory A number of communication theories can help us understand and improve how individuals from different groups or cultures interact with one another. The most significant of these the- ories is communication accommodation theory (CAT), developed 45 years ago by commu- nication scholar Howard Giles. Specifically, CAT describes how communicators from different social groups or cultures choose to modify or adapt their nonverbal and verbal messages to accommodate, or adjust to, one another (Shepard, Giles, & LePoire, 2001).

According to CAT, convergence occurs when we align our messages with those used by other communicators in an interaction. For example, we might speak at the same rate, use a similar tone or accent, or disclose similar levels of information. Convergence is more likely when individuals seek to be like the person they are interacting with, and it is usually perceived as a positive communication strategy. For instance, women are more likely than men to use emo- jis, but men will increase their emoji usage when communicating online with women (Full- wood, Orchard, & Floyd, 2013). However, there is also a risk of overaccommodation when a communicator goes beyond what is necessary to mitigate differences between communica- tors, and such accommodations might be perceived as insincere, offensive, or condescending (Sparks, Bevan, & Rogers, 2012). Speaking loudly to someone from a different culture is one example of overaccommodation, especially if a language difference, not an auditory impair- ment, is the true barrier to shared meaning.

We can also exercise communication divergence if we shift our verbal and nonverbal com- munication away from other communicators in an interaction. Divergent messages empha- size social distance from others and whether or not one is a member of a particular group. Using divergent communication is often negatively perceived and is considered a signal that the communicator dislikes or is uninterested in the interaction (Sparks et al., 2012). An exam- ple of cultural divergence is refusing to learn the language or customs of a foreign country where you are a visitor and instead behaving as if yours is the dominant culture.

How can CAT help you improve your intercultural communication and reduce cultural com- munication barriers? First, it is important to consider altering or accommodating your com- munication when you interact with members of other cultures or co-cultures. Trying to encode convergent messages when you interact with others will increase communication competence. But be careful not to overaccommodate because then your messages could be

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

perceived as an insult, imitation, or overzealous attempt to gain acceptance, thus creating a cultural communication barrier. Instead, let the conversation naturally flow. At the same time, monitor the other communicator’s responses to your messages, and be mindful of how the person adjusts his or her messages.

3.3 Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

In his classic book The Silent Language, anthropologist Edward T. Hall states, “cul- ture is communication and communication is culture,” suggesting that culture and com- munication necessarily go hand in hand (1959, p. 186). In his view, culture governs our communication, and communication creates and reinforces culture by transmit- ting it through language and nonverbal communication. Think back to the idea of perceptual filters; your culture is the frame- work that tells you what is important to attend to, how to organize what you see, and how to interpret it. For example, sup- pose that someone in a room holds up an index finger. If you are from the United States, you may or may not notice the ges- ture. However, if the person were, instead, to hold up the middle finger of his or her hand, it would probably get your attention. This second gesture communicates a specific shared message to members of American culture, and if you are familiar with that culture, you would quickly make sense of and interpret the gesture based on cultural norms. Because our dominant culture and our important co- culture(s) reinforce what communication behaviors we engage in, culture is, in a sense, com- munication—and vice versa! Our communication behaviors create and reinforce our culture, and our culture creates and reinforces our communication behaviors.

Both verbal and nonverbal messages reflect your social background and heritage, as well as the experiences, beliefs, values, attitudes, and role expectations supplied by your dominant culture and the co-cultures that are important to your identity. The language that you learn and use in your everyday communication with others is culturally bound, as is the nonverbal communication that you use or do not use. For example, though Americans and the British both speak English, certain words have different meanings depending on these specific cul- tures—elevator versus lift, or chips versus crisps, for example. Americans also frequently make direct eye contact with their conversational partners, whereas members of a number of Asian cultures shy away from direct eye contact, believing that eye contact can be disrespectful.

When you come into contact with people from other cultures, you cannot assume they will encode and decode messages the same way you do—their perceptual filters have been struc- tured differently from yours. Indeed, the cultural, social, and historical context in which the message occurs must be considered to increase the likelihood that meaning will be shared

XiXinXing/Thinkstock ሁ Both verbal and nonverbal messages can

reflect one’s social background and heritage.

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

(Hall, 1976). It is true that you can encounter communication difficulties with people from your own culture. For example, when a group of individuals from the U.S. order soft drinks together, they may have difficulty sharing meaning: Americans on the West Coast refer to this drink as “soda,” the Midwest calls it “pop,” and the South refers to the drink with the singular brand name “Coke” (Vaux & Golder, n.d.). However, the incidence of such problems increases when you interact with people from entirely different cultures. In the personal, professional, and mediated arenas, cultural differences can cause communication difficulties, as can differ- ent languages and different interpretations of nonverbal messages. We discuss some of these potential communication barriers next.

Low-Context and High-Context Cultures All cultures incorporate both verbal and nonverbal elements into their communication. How- ever, some cultures depend more on words, while other cultures rely more on nonverbal ele- ments such as body language, factors in the environment, or the communication situation itself. One way to understand these communication differences, introduced by Edward Hall in his 1976 book Beyond Culture, is to determine a culture’s context. Context, according to Hall (1976), is a function of culture that “designates what we pay attention to and what we ignore” (p. 85). Context, in relation to communication, is a cultural factor that determines the degree to which the intention or meaning of communication is explicit or implicit. A particular cul- ture, as it relates to Hall’s conceptualization, can thus be placed along the continuum ranging from low context to high context.

The meaning of messages in a low-context culture tends to be clear, direct, and is typically derived from words. The United States, for example, is a low-context culture. A great deal of emphasis is placed on the words someone uses when they speak, and, in U.S. culture, phrases such as “I give you my word” and “My word is my bond” reflect the value placed on people’s words. A great deal of significance is also placed on explicit, written messages, including for- mal contracts, meeting agendas, and even course syllabi, to provide necessary information and details. Nonverbal messages such as silence, eye contact, or gestures are generally used to reinforce words. A high-context culture, however, emphasizes the implicit and indirect meaning of messages, and thus communicators rely more on nonverbal elements. For exam- ple, in some high-context cultures a raised eyebrow might mean “yes,” as in France and Poly- nesia, or it might mean “no,” as in Greece (Novinger, 2001). Words are not as important as the way they are said or the context in which the communication takes place, so members of high- context cultures are better at “reading between the lines.” Much of the important information in a high-context message is contained in the nonverbal elements, in a ritualized response, or in the context of the communication.

To help illustrate differences between high- and low-context cultures, consider how individu- als might engage in conflict with one another. Stephen Croucher and his colleagues (2012) found that members of the high-context cultures of India and Thailand would either avoid conflict or give in during conflict, whereas members of the low-context cultures of the U.S. and Ireland would be direct and dominating during a conflict. But it is important to remember that cultures do not rank as “low” or “high” in an absolute sense. Instead, such distinctions occur on a continuum, or scale, from lower to higher (see Figure 3.1). It is also important to remember that people within a particular culture may be extremely diverse and that various co-cultures exist within each dominant culture. For example, even though someone may be from a low-context culture such as the United States, that person’s central co-culture could be higher context than the dominant U.S. culture.

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

Figure 3.1: A continuum of low- to high-context cultures ሁ The different explicit and implicit meanings of communication are affected by certain cultural factors. Messages tend to be more direct in low-context cultures and more indirect in high-context cultures.

Source: Going International: How to Make Friends and Deal Effectively in the Global Marketplace, by Lennie Copeland and Lewis Griggs. Copyright © 1985 Lennie Copeland and Lewis Griggs. Used by permission of Griggs Productions. For more information please visit http://www.griggs.com/

Low- and high-context categorizations do not apply to all people in a specific country, but it is important to understand the general tendencies of the dominant culture because this knowledge can help you communicate better with those from cultures different from your own (Copeland & Griggs, 1985). Every culture is unique, and when you interact or do busi- ness with people from other cultures, you must become familiar not only with the language of the other country but also with its culture. In some high-context cultures, for example, it is considered rude to directly say “no” if someone makes a request of you, and people instead prefer to communicate the “no” without actually saying the words. They might say, “maybe” or “I will try,” but it is clearly understood to mean “no” to someone who is familiar with that culture. The “maybe” or “I will try” answers are simply ritualized responses, much like when we ask someone “How are you?” and they respond “fine” (even when they are not). This idea is illustrated in the earlier example of the pilots’ intercultural communication. Due to the high-context communication he is probably used to given his dominant culture, the first offi- cer anticipated that his high-context message (“Don’t you think it rains more? In this area here?”) would be appropriately interpreted by the captain.

People from low-context cultures such as the United States are used to focusing on being precise and using verbal communication. So, when an American makes a request of a person from a higher-context society who responds with an indirect, ambiguous message such as “I will try,” the American will typically ignore the ritual and the context, take the words literally, and expect the person to try to accommodate the request. Then the American may become upset when the other person makes no attempt to do so. If the American protests, the high- context person may have difficulty understanding and believe the American is trying to force a rude response (Novinger, 2001).

When engaging in intercultural communication, you may have a tendency to be ethnocen- tric—that is, to believe that your own culture or method of communication is best or does things “the right way” and that others are wrong. One of the most important skills of com- petent communicators in this multicultural and globalized world is to recognize that most aspects of cultures are not right or wrong; they are merely different from one another. For

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Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

example, consider oceanic fishing practices. Some cultures perceive fishing to be wrong because of its environmental harm (“What is the environmental impact of the fishing indus- try?”, 2017). However, for a number of indigenous coastal cultures, fishing in the ocean not only provides food, but a connection to the earth and to family (Ota & Cisneros-Montemayor, 2017). This shows that one culture’s values are viewed entirely differently by members of another culture. While neither is right or wrong, this clashing of values may cause conflict.

Figure 3.2 summarizes the different characteristics of communication in low-context and high-context cultures.

Figure 3.2: Communication in low-context and high-context cultures ሁ Every culture is unique, but there are some general factors that we can keep in mind when we interact with individuals from low-context and high-context cultures.

Source: Based on information from Novinger, T. (2001). Intercultural communication: A practical guide. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Individualistic and Collectivistic Cultures In addition to differences between low- and high-context communication in cultures, another fundamental way in which cultures differ is their tendency toward individualism or collectiv- ism. We first introduced the concepts of individualism and collectivism when we discussed Hofstede’s five cultural dimensions. Recall that individualistic cultures value a strong sense of personal identity and promote individual goals, rights, choices, and freedoms. People in the United States, as well as in other individualistic cultures such as Australia and the Neth- erlands, are encouraged to be unique and self-reliant. They are generally stimulated by indi- vidual competition, place personal goals over others’ motivations, and often attribute their achievements to their individual strengths. In an individualistic culture, meeting new people often involves questions about accomplishments such as “What do you do for a living?” Many believe that they create their own identity, and they are proud of their personal success.

Members of collectivistic cultures, however, value close ties, cooperation and harmony, con- forming to the group, and relying on others for support. The group, family, or community a

• Rules are clearly stated. • Rules are not often verbalized. • Expectations are spelled out. • Expected behavior is understood. • Directions are clearly stated. • Directions are assumed to be understood. • Instructions are explicit. • Communicators use their own instincts. • Acceptable behavior is not assumed.

• It is assumed that people know how to behave.

• Knowledge is made public. • Knowledge is internalized. • Behavior is governed by rules. • Behavior is conditioned by the

relationship or by ritual.

• Rules are clearly stated. • Rules are not often verbalized.

Low-context cultures High-context cultures

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

person belongs to is of high importance in these cultures, and people are more interdepen- dent and closely associated with their social network. What is best for the group is the over- riding factor in decision making. Often, there is no differentiation between an individual’s priorities and the group’s priorities (Hofstede, 2001). In Japanese business situations, for instance, decisions are made within the group with little or no personal recognition for indi- viduals (Morrison & Conaway, 2006).

Interpersonal communication differs according to how individualistic or collectivistic a cul- ture is. In interpersonal communication, individualists focus more on the content of the inter- action, or what is being said, while collectivist communicators focus on the relational implica- tions of the interaction, or what the interaction means for the relationship (Goldstein, Martin, & Cialdini, 2008).

One significant difference between individualistic and collectivistic cultures is how members of the cultures save face. The term face refers to the standing or position a person has in the eyes of others, or “an individual’s claimed sense of positive image in the context of social interaction” (Oetzel & Ting-Toomey, 2003, p. 600). When we attempt to “save face,” we strive to maintain a positive position in the eyes of other people with whom we communicate or to respect the position of others. When we “lose face,” we are embarrassed or humiliated, and we believe that our position in the eyes of others is diminished. When a culturally individual- ist person’s face is threatened, they prefer communication from others that is direct and helps them manage the threat. On the other hand, collectivist people prefer that others communi- cate with them indirectly in order to retain harmony (Merkin, 2015). Those from collectivist cultures are more likely to use plural possessive pronouns (e.g., “our”) rather than singular possessive pronouns (e.g., “my”), though we are not sure whether collectivism influences lan- guage or if individuals are primed to use collectivist language (Na & Choi, 2009).

The concept of face appears in most cultures, but it manifests itself in different ways. Inter- cultural communication researchers John Oetzel and Stella Ting-Toomey (2003) have found that those in collectivistic cultures place more emphasis on the face of others. In an individu- alistic culture, face is often the source of one’s personal pride or self-respect, and saving face is a personal goal. It is one reason why one may make excuses, rationalize, laugh, or excuse her behavior rather than admit she is wrong. For example, the first officers discussed in Mal- colm Gladwell’s book Outliers likely were swayed by their perspectives about face, meaning that they chose not to threaten the captain’s or air traffic controller’s face when they made a request or offered a suggestion, even when lives were at stake. But U.S. air traffic controllers were more interested in accomplishing tasks rather than saving face, which the first officers could have viewed as a threat to their own face.

In a collectivistic culture, face influences a person’s status in the social group or in society as a whole, and people feel an obligation not only to save face themselves but also to help others save face and not bring shame on their group (Fitzgerald, 2003). In this way, individuals in a collectivistic culture might view their self-concept through the lens of their group or commu- nity memberships. In China’s collectivistic culture, for instance, the Chinese word for “polite- ness” includes four components: respectfulness, modesty, a warm attitude, and meeting standards. In this culture, saving face means first respecting others by showing appreciation and admiration for them. Second, one must be modest, which is demonstrated by not calling attention to oneself or elevating oneself. Third, an attitude of warmth requires that people show consideration, kindness, and hospitality to others. Finally, one must behave in ways that are appropriate and that meet society’s standards. To meet these goals in conversation,

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

Chinese people often present themselves in a modest or self-deprecating way and will avoid saying what they actually think if it might hurt others (Cheng, 2004).

Like low-context and high-context communication characteristics, the differences between individualistic and collectivistic cultures exist on a continuum. There are elements of individ- ualism and collectivism in all cultures, but to greater or lesser degrees. For example, Germany is classified as a moderately individualistic culture, whereas Japan is moderately collectivistic (Oetzel & Ting-Toomey, 2003). Nearly three-quarters of the world’s cultures can be described as collectivistic (Triandis, 1989).

Based on what we have discussed about the differences between individualistic and collec- tivistic cultures, you probably understand how conflicts can occur when people interact with others who have different values on issues such as what is best for the group versus what is best for the individual, being unique versus fitting in, and self-reliance versus cooperation. If you want to be a competent communicator when interacting with individuals from other cultures, you must strive to understand the social norms of people from other cultural back- grounds. Figure 3.3 summarizes some differences in the characteristics of individualistic and collectivistic cultures that can influence communication.

Figure 3.3: Communication in individualistic versus collectivistic cultures ሁ Similar to cultural orientations toward low or high context, a culture can have a tendency toward individualism or collectivism. There are elements of both in all cultures, but to greater or lesser degrees.

Source: Based on information from Novinger, T. (2001). Intercultural communication: A practical guide. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press

Time Orientation and Culture Time is a finite concept; we measure it in seconds, minutes, hours, days, months, and years or by cycles of the moon and tides, the weather, and the movement of planets and stars in the solar system. Time is also a form of nonverbal communication that is structured formally and informally by a culture. Chronemics is the study of how a culture structures and uses time,

• Independent • Interdependent • Self-reliant • Reliant on the group • Competitive • Cooperative • Personal achievement valued • Group achievement valued • Personal identity prized • Identity tied to social network • Loosely associated with groups • Strongly associated with groups • Self-assertion and autonomy valued • Confrontation avoided and

harmony valued

• Independent • Interdependent

Individualistic cultures Collectivistic cultures

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

necessary, to move the conversation along. Such behaviors reflect an emphasis on concentra- tion, commitment to a task, promptness, and compartmentalization, which are characteristic of a monochronic time system culture.

In contrast, individuals in polychronic time system cultures prefer to focus on and sched- ule multiple tasks at once. Time, according to this system, is ever changing and flexible and is based more on events rather than actual time. For example, Latin American and Mediter- ranean countries take much more time to establish a point in a conversation and to establish a relationship with someone. People in these cultures may carry on more than one conversa- tion at a time (e.g., managing multiple issues with clients during a meeting or texting your friend and talking face-to-face with your wife) and often consider it offensive to interrupt oth- ers when they are speaking (Novinger, 2001). Such characteristics reflect a culture’s empha- sis on commitment during interactions and interpersonal relationships and on acceptance of interruptions.

Monochronic and polychronic time are not just a product of dominant cultures; there can be differences between dominant and co-cultures and also between contexts. For example, though the United States as a whole tends to be a monochronic time system culture, residents of regions such as the South and California have a looser, more polychronic time system. In contrast, those from the Northeast typically adhere to a more monochronic time system. In addition, business and organizational contexts are more likely to be monochronic, and per- sonal relationship contexts tend more toward polychronic time (Hall, 1990). You can deter- mine your own temporal orientation using Ballard and Seibold’s (2000) scale, provided in the Self-Test feature.

Keith Levit Photography/Thinkstock ሁ Though time is a finite concept, it is a form

of nonverbal communication that differs across cultures. Chronemics is the study of how cultures structure and use time.

including how individuals perceive, structure, emphasize, and respond to time, as well as how they interpret messages about time. Though time is a structured and formalized entity within and across cultures now, it was not always this way. For example, standard time in the United States did not commence until the spread of railroads as a popular form of human transpor- tation in the mid-1800s made it necessary to establish cultural agreement about exact time. Trains were the first method of transportation that could move passengers from place to place in a relatively short amount of time. Unless 2 p.m. was the same time for every station, it would be difficult for passengers to arrive at the station on time and board the trains before departure. Issues such as the importance of punctuality, the timing and duration of business and social visits, and the amount of time you should wait for someone who is late all vary from culture to culture. For example, arriving five minutes late for a business appointment in the United States would usually require a brief apology, but it may not be even be noticed in another country.

When you communicate with people of different cultures, variations in how you structure and use time can cause people to take offense when none was intended. However, time can also be used to send intentional messages to another person, and the person who has more power or influence in the interaction typically uses it for that purpose. For example, former U.S. President Harry Truman reportedly once kept a newspaper editor waiting for an appoint- ment for more than 45 minutes. Finally, the editor asked the president’s aide to check with the president about the long wait. Truman is said to have replied that when he had been a junior senator, the editor had kept him waiting for an hour and a half, so, as far as Truman was concerned, the editor still had “45 minutes to go” (Sowell, 1994). Since Truman was presi- dent, and had more power than he did as a junior senator, he chose to and was permitted to use time in this intentional way. President Truman also intentionally emphasized the power distance between himself and the reporter using time as an interpersonal communication message. Time can, of course, be used to send a positive message as well—arriving very early for a presentation or submitting a project early can indicate great interest. Additionally, con- sider the length of time you may take to text a friend back. While you may simply view other activities as more important than texting, this may negatively impact your friend’s percep- tion of you. Research shows that this is indeed true with instructors—students tend to more positively perceive those professors who respond quickly to their e-mails (Tatum, Martin, & Kemper, 2018).

Hall (1959) introduced one important rela- tionship between time and culture when he described monochronic and polychronic systems of time. In monochronic time sys- tem cultures, members prefer to attend to or schedule one task at a time. Time is viewed as a tangible and valuable item that can be gained or lost, and individuals adhere to formal time, which is regulated by a clock. Sayings such as “Time is money” and “I’m wasting time” are expressions of a mono- chronic time system. In the United States, for example, people tend to be punctual about appointments, to focus on one thing at a time, and to get to the point quickly in conversation, even interrupting others, if

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

Keith Levit Photography/Thinkstock ሁ Though time is a finite concept, it is a form

of nonverbal communication that differs across cultures. Chronemics is the study of how cultures structure and use time.

Self-Test: Ballard and Seibold’s Organizat ional Temporal Dimensions Sc ale Answer each item as it applies to how you prefer to behave or act while you are at work or in a professional setting. Rate each question according to the following 5-point scale:

5 for strongly agree

4 for slightly agree,

3 for unsure,

2 for slightly disagree

1 for strongly disagree

1. Ideally, an office would be soundproof to filter out distractions.

2. I can successfully juggle several tasks in the same time frame at work.

3. I accomplish tasks at work by screening out distractions.

4. I consider my schedule open to change as people and events require.

5. I do several things at once during the course of my workday/work-shift.

(continued on next page)

Section 3.3Cultural Membership and Interpersonal Communication

3.4 Developing Intercultural Communication Competence You live and work in a multicultural world. To communicate well with someone whose cul- tural background is different from your own, you must understand the customs, values, and characteristics of that person’s cultural heritage. One of the first requirements for under- standing others is to be open-minded about foreign cultures and eager to learn how another person’s perceptions and behav- iors may differ from yours. The sections below identify steps to help you improve your intercultural communication com- petence, which is defined as “the ability to communicate effectively and appropriately in intercultural situations based on one’s intercultural knowledge, skills, and atti- tudes” (Deardorff, 2006, p. 249). As with interpersonal communication competence, intercultural communication competence involves acknowledging and balancing effectiveness and appropriateness, with a special consideration and appreciation of how knowledge, motivation, and skill—the three factors that facilitate communication competence that we introduced in Chapter 2—are particularly important to accom- plish this delicate balance.

Understand Your Own and Others’ Cultures The first step in improved effectiveness and appropriateness is understanding your cul- ture as well as the cultures of those with whom you frequently interact or in which you spend time. In other words, you should

Self-Test: Ballard and Seibold’s Organizat ional Temporal Dimensions Sc ale (cont inued) 6. I allow my work to be disturbed only by the most important people or priorities in

my life.

7. I take a relaxed approach to daily plans in my personal life (e.g., easily changing plans if necessary).

8. I tend to separate myself (either mentally or physically) from coworkers when I need to concentrate.

9. It feels natural to do a number of activities or tasks at one time.

10. It is important for my schedule to remain f lexible, so that I am able to meet all my responsibilities.

11. When given a choice, I work on one thing at a time at work.

12. I have been known to engage in a combination of activities at once.

Scoring

Separation: Add items 1, 3, 6, 8, and 11, and divide by 5. This will give you a score, out of 5, where higher values (generally 3.5 to 5) indicate greater separation, and lower values (gen- erally 1 to 2.5) indicate less separation. A score between 2.5 and 3.5 indicates moderate separation.

Concurrency: Add items 2, 5, 9, and 12, and divide by 4. Use the same scoring system, out of 5, as above.

Flexibility: Add items 4, 7, and 10, and divide by 3. Use the same scoring system, out of 5, as above. Source: Self-test from Ballard, D. I., & Seibold, D. R. (2000). Time orientation and temporal variation across work groups: Implications for group and organizational communication. Western Journal of Communication, 64, 218–242. Reprinted by permission of the Western States Communication Association, www.westcomm.org.

Consider Your Results

As noted above, each score is a number out of 5, where

• higher values (generally 3.5 to 5) indicate greater separation, concurrency, or f lexibility;

• middle values (generally 2.5 to 3.5) indicate moderate separation, concurrency, or f lex- ibility; and

• lower values (generally 1 to 2.5) indicate less separation, concurrency, or f lexibility.

Based on this information, you can determine your preference for a specific organizational temporal dimension. Now take a moment to consider the following questions.

1. Are your temporal orientation scores consistent with how you prefer to do your work?

(continued on next page)

Self-Test: Ballard and Seibold’s Organizat ional Temporal Dimensions Sc ale (cont inued) 2. Do you think that your scores on these three dimensions match up with what your

organization expects and how your coworkers view time?

3. If you have inconsistent time dimensions, could this be a possible reason for job dis- satisfaction or difficulty when working with certain people? How might you use interpersonal communication to address this problem?

Travel Ink/Gallo Images/Getty Images ሁ Be sure to consider possible cultural

differences when you interact with others. This can help improve your communication competence.

Section 3.4Developing Intercultural Communication Competence

Self-Test: Ballard and Seibold’s Organizat ional Temporal Dimensions Sc ale (cont inued) 6. I allow my work to be disturbed only by the most important people or priorities in

my life.

7. I take a relaxed approach to daily plans in my personal life (e.g., easily changing plans if necessary).

8. I tend to separate myself (either mentally or physically) from coworkers when I need to concentrate.

9. It feels natural to do a number of activities or tasks at one time.

10. It is important for my schedule to remain f lexible, so that I am able to meet all my responsibilities.

11. When given a choice, I work on one thing at a time at work.

12. I have been known to engage in a combination of activities at once.

Scoring

Concurrency: Add items 2, 5, 9, and 12, and divide by 4. Use the same scoring system, out of 5, as above.

Consider Your Results

As noted above, each score is a number out of 5, where

• higher values (generally 3.5 to 5) indicate greater separation, concurrency, or f lexibility;

• middle values (generally 2.5 to 3.5) indicate moderate separation, concurrency, or f lex- ibility; and

• lower values (generally 1 to 2.5) indicate less separation, concurrency, or f lexibility.

Based on this information, you can determine your preference for a specific organizational temporal dimension. Now take a moment to consider the following questions.

1. Are your temporal orientation scores consistent with how you prefer to do your work?

(continued on next page)

Self-Test: Ballard and Seibold’s Organizat ional Temporal Dimensions Sc ale (cont inued) 2. Do you think that your scores on these three dimensions match up with what your

organization expects and how your coworkers view time?

Travel Ink/Gallo Images/Getty Images ሁ Be sure to consider possible cultural

differences when you interact with others. This can help improve your communication competence.

Section 3.4Developing Intercultural Communication Competence

become knowledgeable about which messages and behaviors are most appropriate and effec- tive within the context of a particular culture and how those might differ in interactions with people from other, specific cultures. Consider and explore the unique combination of domi- nant and co-cultures that are part of your background and heritage, and then evaluate your interactions with others from different cultural backgrounds. Do you express an interest in learning about others’ cultures? For example, when you have booked a trip to visit a foreign country, do you attempt to learn more about its culture before you visit? While there, do you chat with locals and spend time in areas that are not visited by many tourists? Are you open to the specific traditions and preferences of that culture, or do you behave entirely as you would if you were in your dominant culture? Most people are eager to share information about their heritage and the unique features of their cultures, and you will learn a great deal not only about the other culture but about yourself as well. Being open to this knowledge will go a long way in building your intercultural communication competence and is a key way to “acknowledge multiple views.” When you engage in communication with people from other cultures, remember to also keep in mind the aspects and characteristics of intercultural com- munication discussed in this chapter.

Acknowledge and Accept Cultural Differences Whether you interact with different cultural values where you live or when you are travel- ing, it is important to recognize that you will encounter cultural differences. Basic informa- tion about different cultures—which can be accessed online or in travel guides—can help you anticipate and accept intercultural communication differences that may arise during your interactions with others. Such attempts are an example of being motivated to improve your intercultural communication competence—you are propelled to want to be appropri- ate and effective and are preparing to do so ahead of time. For example, when in a coun- try where a language that is foreign to you is spoken, learning to say “hello,” “goodbye,” “please,” and “thank you” in that language is a good place to start. Also keep in mind the principles of CAT described in this chapter, and be conscious of how you adjust your verbal and nonverbal messages. Specifically, accommodate how you communicate when commu- nicating with members of different cultures, but be aware during these interactions so that you don’t overaccommodate.

These efforts help decrease negative perceptions people sometimes have of cultures other than their own. For instance, the expression “ugly American,” coined in a 1958 novel of the same name by Eugene Burdick and William J. Lederer, has been used to describe Ameri- cans traveling abroad who act offensively with their arrogance and privilege. What factors advanced this stereotype of Americans traveling abroad? It may be tied to the strongly indi- vidualistic culture in the United States, but it is primarily the result of specific travelers who acted inappropriately in a new place or who were likely unmotivated to learn about where they were traveling in order to be more interculturally competent travelers. The lesson here is that you can facilitate your communication competence and change preconceptions by acknowledging and accepting the inevitable differences between cultures. The Web Field Trip feature offers more tips on how to deal with the culture shock involved in traveling abroad.

Section 3.4Developing Intercultural Communication Competence

Strive to Overcome Ethnocentrism As discussed earlier, resist the tendency to think “mine is better” when comparing your cul- ture to that of others. We are inclined to evaluate other cultures on the basis of our own soci- ety’s dominant culture, and too often people conclude that their own way of doing things is superior. We occasionally convey an ethnocentric attitude, without realizing it, through our language choices. Instead of saying, for example, “In Britain, they drive on the wrong side of the road,” say, “In Britain, they drive on the left side of the road.” Remember that other cul- tures can be (and frequently are) different. These differences are not wrong or strange, and we can learn to recognize the importance and value of other people’s cultures. In fact, when we are open to learning about other people’s unique cultural experiences, we reduce our own uncertainty and increase our positive attitude toward those individuals (Nelson, 1992; Wilson, 1993).

One specific way to do this is to apply the concepts in this chapter to a culture that is dif- ferent than yours. For example, is that culture low or high context? Individualistic or col- lectivistic? Monochronic or polychronic? Identifying these cultural characteristics can help you understand why members of that culture behave and communicate the way that they do. Understanding the source of the differences between your culture and another culture can shift your thinking away from evaluating other cultures as simply “good” or “bad,” Cultural systems are often much more complex than that. The ability to do this shows that you have skill in applying your knowledge and motivation in understanding cultural distinctions and facilitating intercultural communication competence.

Engage in Communication with Individuals from Cultures Other Than Your Own One effective way to reduce your ethnocentrism and your brain’s natural tendency to stereo- type is to seek out opportunities to communicate with people who are culturally different

Web Field Tr ip: Manag ing Cult ure Shock The U. S. Department of State offers educational, professional, and cultural exchange pro- grams for individuals who are interested in extended immersions in other countries. There are several different programs available for applicants (including arts, technology, and youth programs) that focus on specific topic areas. Read the article “Adjusting to a New Culture” available at http://exchanges.state.gov/us/adjusting-new-culture. This informa- tion provides an in-depth look at culture shock, a period of adjustment that visitors often encounter when living in culture that is different from their own. Review the content and consider the following questions.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. Compare and contrast the three phases of culture shock. How might the suggestions for diminishing culture shock help address the symptoms associated with each of these three phases?

2. If you were to host an exchange program participant, what could you do to help him or her manage their culture shock?

Summary and Resources

than you. In 1954, Gordon Allport developed the contact hypothesis—commonly referred to as intergroup contact theory—which claims that the best tool to reduce one’s negative perceptions of, stigma toward, or prejudice toward a specific group different from one’s own (or an “outgroup”) is interpersonal communication with individuals from that group. For example, Japanese students who took part in volunteer abroad programs had better interper- sonal communication skills, less ethnocentric viewpoints, and greater overall intercultural competence than students who did not volunteer abroad (Yashima, 2010). While the theory originally referred to racial ingroups and outgroups, it has since been expanded to various outgroup types, including those who might be differently abled or of a different religion, gen- der, or sexuality (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Think about the example of the co-cultures that existed at your high school. Perhaps you had stereotyped perceptions about students in the- atre. Maybe you were assigned a group project with someone from theatre, and by work- ing together outside of class, you soon learned that your stereotypes were misguided. This is Allport’s premise: By having positive, interpersonal communication with someone who is “different” than us, we are likely to find that those differences are only minimal. Then, we will generalize these positive perceptions to the entire outgroup.

Recognize the Unique Importance of Nonverbal Communication As individuals in a dominant, low-context culture, most Americans rely more on verbal com- munication to communicate with one another, but nonverbal communication sometimes is more helpful for intercultural communication. On a wider scale, nonverbal communication includes aspects of the environment, time, and appearance, so observe your surroundings and monitor what people are wearing to better understand and adjust to different cultures you visit. Though it is difficult to understand someone who speaks a different language, there are also many nonverbal messages that have the same, or similar, meanings across cultures, and using such messages in an intercultural interaction can better help you achieve shared meaning with someone, even if you do not share the same language. For example, nodding one’s head is a nearly universal nonverbal gesture that indicates yes—though in certain areas of central Europe, such as Bulgaria, Albania, and Macedonia, a single head nod upward may also communicate disagreement. Though there is no official universal language or nonverbal way to communicate with others, acknowledging and accepting that each culture is unique can motivate you to learn about other cultures and teach you to be flexible, accepting the dif- ferences that may arise between your culture and another culture.

Summary and Resources Every society has a unique culture that embodies the specialized set of traditions, beliefs, val- ues, norms, and rules of that society. Culture affects every aspect of your life: how you dress and adorn your body, how you behave, what you eat, what you celebrate, how you raise and educate your children, and how you view life and death. It also dictates how you use physical space, how you conceive of time, and other aspects of your perception of the world through your physical senses. When individuals from different cultures come into direct contact with one another through face-to-face or mediated channels, intercultural communication occurs. You carry elements of culture with you into interactions with members of your own and other cultures, and these remnants of your cultural heritage influence your communication and relationships with others.

A culture is considered dominant when it reflects social institutions such as the media, edu- cational institutions, the law, political processes, business, and artistic expression. Immigrant

Summary and Resources

groups become socialized to the dominant culture of the country to which they immigrate because this culture reflects the norms of the society.

In addition to a dominant culture, societies have various co-cultures—regional, economic, social, religious, or ethnic groups—that also exert influence over people in that society. The co-cultures have their own patterns of behavior that may differ from the dominant culture. The media also influences, and is influenced by, both the dominant culture and co-cultures.

Culture also assists in creating a perspective that impacts how its members view the world. Your dominant culture is so central that it influences your communication in significant ways. In addition, culture offers opportunities for identity formation and membership, which is a consistent set of attitudes that defines who you are and shapes how you view and describe yourself. Your primary identity includes consistent aspects of your identity, such as biological sex, race or ethnicity, national citizenship, and age. One’s primary identity is difficult to per- manently alter. In contrast, your secondary identity includes more malleable aspects of your identity, such as your socioeconomic status or occupation. Though secondary identity can be just as important as an aspect of primary identity, it can change over time.

All cultures incorporate both verbal and nonverbal elements in their communication. Com- munication barriers such as misunderstandings often arise because cultures can be very dif- ferent in the emphasis they place on these verbal and nonverbal elements. Some cultures, such as the United States, are considered low-context communication cultures and place a great deal of emphasis on the words used in communication. High-context communication cultures such as Japan, on the other hand, rely more on nonverbal context or behavior than on verbal symbols. In a high-context message, much of the information is contained in the nonverbal elements, in a ritualized response, or in the context in which the communication takes place.

Another fundamental way in which cultures differ is their tendency toward individualism or collectivism. Individualistic cultures value self-reliance and self-motivation and are stimu- lated by individual competition. Collectivistic cultures, on the other hand, tend to value the needs of the group over the needs of the individual and place a premium on cooperation and harmony. A specific distinction between individualism and collectivism is the difference in how they each conceptualize saving face, acknowledging status, or respecting the position of other people. The concept of face appears in most cultures, but it manifests itself in differ- ent ways in different cultures. In an individualistic culture, face is often a source of personal pride or self-respect, but in a collectivistic culture, people want to preserve group pride and respect.

Another aspect of cultural membership that is important to interpersonal communication is time. Specifically, chronemics is the study of a culture’s structure and use of time, includ- ing how individuals perceive, structure, emphasize, respond to, and interpret time messages. Cultures can range on a continuum of monochronic (focusing upon one task at a time and viewing time as tangible) to polychronic (focusing upon multiple tasks at one time and seeing time as flexible) time systems.

Improving your intercultural communication skills requires that you recognize that cultures are different and not “right” or “wrong” in the ways in which their members behave. You must also understand your own culture, be interested in learning about other cultures, strive to overcome the ethnocentrism and negative stereotypes that can hinder your ability to interact

Summary and Resources

in a positive way, and acknowledge the importance of nonverbal communication in intercul- tural communication situations.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions 1. What is your dominant culture and with which co-cultures do you identify? Which of

these cultures is most central in shaping your identity and why? 2. Recall an intercultural interaction you were involved in that you felt went well and

another that you felt went poorly. Using the terms in this chapter, what do you think was the difference between these interactions that led to these different outcomes?

3. Using the descriptions from this chapter, how would you classify yourself regarding cultural context, individualism/collectivism, and time orientation? Are your per- sonal classifications similar to or different from your dominant culture?

4. Have you ever experienced a situation where you felt that you were stereotyped? How did it impact your communication?

5. How do you use technology and social media in your intercultural interactions? How do you think your online persona reflects your dominant culture or co-cultures?

Key Terms acculturation A process by which immi- grants in a particular society learn and begin to adopt the norms, traditions, and beliefs of the dominant culture.

chronemics The study of how a culture structures and uses time, including how individuals perceive, structure, emphasize, and respond to time and messages about time.

co-cultures Regional, economic, social, religious, or ethnic groups that are not the dominant culture but still exert influence in a society.

collectivistic cultures Cultures that value cooperation and harmony and consider the needs of the group to be more important than the needs of the individual.

communication accommodation theory (CAT) An intercultural communication theory developed to help explain how indi- viduals from different groups or cultures interact with one another.

convergence An element of CAT that iden- tifies how a communicator aligns verbal or nonverbal messages with those used by other communicators in an interaction.

cultural dimensions A framework devel- oped by Geert Hofstede that identifies five categories—individualism/collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, long- and short-term orientation, and mas- culinity/femininity—used to understand how individuals’ cultural memberships impact their values.

culture A relatively specialized set of traditions, beliefs, values, and norms that have been passed down from generation to generation.

divergence An element of CAT that identi- fies how a communicator shifts verbal or nonverbal messages away from those used by other communicators in an interaction.

dominant culture The established lan- guage, religion, behavior, values, rituals, and social customs of a society.

Summary and Resources

dominant minority A dominant culture that is not the majority in terms of population.

enculturation A process by which indi- viduals in a particular society learn and adopt the norms, traditions, and beliefs of the dominant culture.

ethnocentric A belief that one’s own group or culture is superior to that of others.

face The standing or position a person has in the eyes of others.

high-context culture A culture that emphasizes the implicit meaning of nonver- bal contexts or behaviors used in a message.

identity A consistent set of attitudes that defines who one is and shapes how one views and describes one’s self.

identity gaps Discrepancies between the authentic self and the self that one believes another person finds more appealing.

individualistic culture A culture that val- ues self-reliance, self-motivation, belief in personal freedom and privacy, and personal achievement.

intercultural communication An area of communication study that focuses on communication processes in interactions that involve communicators from differing cultural and co-cultural backgrounds.

intercultural communication competence Competency in communicat- ing appropriately and effectively in situa- tions where one is interacting with another culture or a person from another culture.

long-term orientation How focused a country is on values related to the future.

low-context culture A culture that empha- sizes the explicit meaning of words used in a message.

monochronic time system culture A culture that views time as a tangible and valuable item and prefers to attend to or schedule one task at a time.

normative The influence of culture in establishing the rules, regulations, and norms that govern behaviors in a particular society.

open system A culture that has continu- ous inputs and outputs from and to the surrounding environment, influencing and being influenced by other cultures.

ostracized Excluded or removed from a group by others in that group.

overaccommodation An element of CAT that identifies when a communicator goes beyond what is necessary to mitigate differ- ences between communicators and is sub- sequently perceived as insincere, offensive, or condescending.

perceptual filter The mental structure through which we organize and assign meaning to new information.

polychronic time system culture A culture that views time as a flexible, event- dependent item and prefers to focus on and schedule multiple tasks at one time.

power distance The degree to which a culture emphasizes inequality differences between communicators.

primary identity Consistent aspects of one’s identity, including biological sex, race or ethnicity, nationality, religion, and age.

Summary and Resources

secondary identity More malleable roles and characteristics of one’s identity such as socioeconomic status, occupation, and relationship status.

social categorization A natural phenom- enon that occurs when we cognitively place others into social groups.

short-term orientation How focused a country is on values related to the past and present.

stereotypes Fixed opinions or precon- ceptions, usually negative, about someone based on perceived characteristics or expec- tations rather than factual information.

uncertainty avoidance The degree to which individuals of a culture tolerate the negative feelings associated with ambiguity, or a society’s reaction to the unknown.