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2Influences on Child Development

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“I can’t go back to yesterday because I was a different person then.” Alice, from Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (Lewis Carroll, 1865)

Learning Objectives

After studying this chapter you will be able to:

ሁ Distinguish between correlational and causal relationships. ሁ Name at least five contexts that can put a child at increased risk or improve the child’s resilience. ሁ Identify three different types of temperament, and describe each briefly. ሁ Describe four parenting styles and their possible impact on child behavior. ሁ Describe the importance of early attachment and relationships on future social-emotional health. ሁ Develop a list of pros and cons for the influence of modern media and technology on children’s future achievements.

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Section 2.1 Genetics and Other Biological Influences

Chapter Outline Chapter Overview

2.1 Genetics and Other Biological Influences

2.2 Environmental Contexts

2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

2.4 Influences From the Larger Environment: Community and Neighborhoods

2.5 Child Abuse and Neglect

2.6 Brain Development and Executive Functioning

2.7 Media and Technology

Summary and Resources

Chapter Overview In the 19th-century classic Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, by Lewis Carroll (1865), Alice could not go back to being the person she was at the beginning of the novel because she changed too much through the course of her experiences in the fantasy world, “Wonderland.” Of course, extreme experiences at any stage of life can have long-lasting effects on how a person behaves, but how children grow, develop, and behave later in life is now known to be influenced by early factors that can be genetic, environmental, or a combination of the two. This chapter describes what evidence tells us about early influences, the extent to which these influences are based on speculation or professional judgment, and where more research is needed. It also provides information about the key debates surrounding these issues, includ- ing children’s resilience. Resilience is a child’s ability to compensate for negative influences, to recover from them or, in other words, to “bounce back.”

Child development professionals need to recognize that some factors may be correlated to a future outcome but may not cause that outcome. Having a correlational relationship to a future characteristic means that there is a connection between the early factor and the child’s future outcome, although the early factor may not have caused that particular result. Having a causal relationship between an early factor and a later outcome means that the factor produced, at least to some degree, the outcome. An example of a causal relationship is when a child develops a fear of dogs after being bitten by one. If the child did not have a fear of dogs prior to the dog bite, you can link the newly developed fear to the occurrence of being bitten.

Before proceeding with this chapter, remember the importance of not generalizing to all chil- dren. All children develop uniquely as individuals, and simply because one child has been negatively affected by an early adverse event or experience does not mean that all children will be affected in the same way.

2.1 Genetics and Other Biological Influences This section of the chapter provides information that is the basis for the age-old debate on nature (genetics, heredity, biology, etc.) versus nurture (culture, physical environments, parenting, etc.). The basic question behind this controversy is whether human character- istics are affected more by gene inheritance and biology or by the environmental contexts

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Section 2.1 Genetics and Other Biological Influences

and experiences children encounter while growing up. The biological and genetic influences behind the “nature” component of this argument are presented in this segment. They include basic gene inheritance, prenatal and intrauterine effects, temperament, and sexual identity.

Gene Inheritance Every cell in the human body is made up of a complex code that determines a person’s traits. Half of this biological code comes from the mother and half is contributed by the father. Together, the codes combine from both parents to create unique segments of DNA called genes. Genes are responsible for the biological design of many of a person’s traits, including appearance, talents and abilities, and even certain illnesses. The passing of traits from parents to their children is called heredity. The study of heredity in biology is called genetics. Genet- ics and heredity are discussed further in Chapter 4. However, genes are not solely respon- sible for determining a person’s characteristics and behaviors. Certain chemical compounds modify genes by turning them “on” and “off.” These chemical compounds are continually built over time and are influenced by life experiences, nutrition, drugs, and toxins. Therefore, the previously held belief that genes are the sole and permanent determinant of a child’s future has been proven incorrect.

These modifications of genes may lead to positive outcomes by forming healthy systems with strong memory and attention skills. These modifications may also be created through neg- ative events such as child abuse. If modifications are created through negative events, the child could develop unhealthy system responses that create poor, lifelong reactions to stress and other events. Excessive stress or severe negative experiences early in life are known to alter brain architecture in children in ways that increase the risk for mental illnesses and major anxiety and depressive disorders (Gillespie et al., 2009). Additionally, these children are at increased risk for health problems in adulthood, such as heart disease and diabetes (Shonkoff, Boyce, & McEwen, 2009).

Prenatal and Intrauterine Influences Because the developing fetus gets nutrients and oxygen from the mother through most of the pregnancy, it is no surprise that what is harmful to the mother is also harmful to her fetus prior to birth. Several decades ago, pregnant women commonly drank alcohol and smoked ciga- rettes, and their doctors even accepted these practices. Such behaviors are now considered inappropriate and dangerous. Though these behaviors may not cause immediate and severe harm to a healthy mother, exposure to these elements has been shown to be very harmful to the fetus. During the prenatal phase, a mother’s exposure to certain substances can strongly influence pregnancy outcomes, resulting in low birth weight, birth defects, intellectual dis- abilities, and death. Many potentially harmful agents, like drugs (including prescription and over-the-counter medications), alcohol, toxic substances, diseases, cigarette smoke and other harmful vapors, and even the chemicals released by the body as a response to stress, can have detrimental effects on fetal development.

Over the course of its 38-week development, the fetus is growing at an amazing rate and is making huge strides in developing limbs, organs, and bodily functions. It is an enormous amount of work! This rapid growth requires constant energy resources. The nutrition that a mother provides for her growing baby is crucial for healthy development. In general, a diet rich in natural, unprocessed fruits, vegetables, grains, and protein is best for the growth of the fetus during the prenatal period. Chapter 4 discusses prenatal development, healthy preg- nancy habits, and the intrauterine environment in greater depth.

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

Temperament Though environment has a strong influence on many of a child’s characteristics, there are some inherent traits that are present and persist from birth. Temperament refers to a child’s predominant disposition, activity level, and behavioral style. Differences in temperament can be observed in how a child responds to commonly occurring events such as being intro- duced to a stranger. Whether the child is pleasant, curious, distressed, flexible, or cautious can be related to whether he or she fits into one of three commonly agreed-upon temperament types. The three temperament categories for children include easy or flexible, active or feisty, and slow to warm up or cautious (Thomas & Chess, 1977).

Easy or flexible children are generally pleasant and calm. They are not easily distressed; they rarely get agitated; and their activity, eating, and sleeping patterns are regular. Active or feisty children are often fussy and inflexible. They are disturbed by new situations and are fearful of strangers. They are also easily bothered by noise and other stimulation and have intense reactions when these occur. Additionally, the eating and sleeping patterns of active or feisty children are not regular. Children with a slow to warm up or cautious temperament may also be fussy and may react negatively to new situations and strangers. However, with repeated exposure to such situations and people, these children become more adaptable than do active or feisty children (Allard & Hunter, 2010). Some temperaments might be more challenging than others for a parent, but from a child development perspective there is no preferred tem- perament. Recognizing the different temperaments is important so that caregivers can respond appropriately to each child.

2.2 Environmental Contexts Environmental contexts have a varying degree of influence on child development, and they affect children in different ways. The contexts included in this section are family structures; parenting styles; maternal depression and other mental health problems; parental substance abuse; grandparents; and nonparental care, attachments, and relationships.

AT ISSUE: WHAT INFLUENCES SEXUAL ORIENTATION? Sexual orientation (i.e., homosexuality, heterosexuality, and bisexuality) as a product of nature versus nurture has long been debated. While many people accept the idea of a genetic basis for sexual orientation, others believe one’s

sexual orientation is a result of life experiences, environment, or even conscious choice.

Increasing scientific evidence indicates the probable existence of genes that point to sexual orientation (Dawood, Bailey, & Martin, 2009; Ellis, Ficek, Burke, & Das, 2008; Schwartz, Kim, Kolundzija, Reiger, & Saunders, 2010). However, existence of these genetic markers does not definitively determine sexual orientation, but rather points to a predisposition. Many other factors are at work, including the chemicals that turn genes on and off. Those with more con- servative perspectives, usually stemming from tradition or religion, typically believe either that sexual orientation is an individual’s choice or that sexual orientation is inf luenced by fac- tors in the individual’s environment, like parenting styles.

While inf luences on sexual orientation will continue to be debated, scientific advancements in the examination of these possible inf luences will also continue. With rapidly improving tech- nology, new insights will continue to be gained that will inform the dialogue of the debate.

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

Family The importance of family on child develop- ment is monumental. In early childhood, it is the context of the majority of the child’s experiences. Family is the setting from which a child learns emotions, behaviors, and day- to-day interactions. There are many defini- tions of family, and types of families vary. For this text, the definition used is broad and is based on society in the United States. It is composed of at least one adult and at least one other dependent person. (Although couples without children can be considered a family unit, it is necessary to include a dependent person in the definition used here because this book is on child development.) If there are two parents, the parents do not have to be of different sexes and they do not have to be married (Popenoe, 1988).

When discussing the family’s influence on child development, it is important to identify the influence of siblings. Researchers have found that siblings have a considerable impact on each other’s development. Some evidence indicates that siblings provide one another with prac- tice in socializing with peers and a basis for competition and even rivalry. Siblings are role models, both good and bad (Argys, Rees, Averett, & Witoonchart, 2006). In a study of more than 20,000 children, those with siblings were consistently rated as having better social skills than children without siblings (Downey & Condron, 2004). However, this lag in social skills by those without siblings may be short lived. Although differences in social skills were observed in children entering kindergarten, the deficit was no longer present as children entered ado- lescence (Bobbitt-Zeher & Downey, 2012).

Families vary in culture and make-up, but in general, family is the context in which values and norms are provided. It is where socialization occurs and where behaviors are shaped initially. If children grow up in nurturing, stable environments that include healthy, secure, and recip- rocal relationships, their pathway to adulthood will be easier and they will experience more successes than those who do not. This early context influences brain structures, behaviors, learning abilities, and mental and physical health.

Parenting Styles The quality of parenting during early childhood is a significant predictor of children’s social- emotional well-being (Amato, 2005) and is the basis of future relationships between par- ents and their children. Although different parenting styles are defined in the literature, most parents use a combination of styles, generally depending on one style more than the others. Parenting styles are the parent’s strategies used in rearing children, such as the man- ner of discipline used, types of control, the level of parental demandingness, the parent’s expectations of children’s compliance, and the frequency and type of motivators used. This includes the parent’s warmth and affection as well as behavioral and psychological control.

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▶ Researchers have found that siblings have an impact on each other’s development, especially within the social realm.

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UNINVOLVED

AUTHORITATIVEPERMISSIVE

AUTHORITARIAN

(LOW)

(LOW)

(HIGH) Behavioral control,

demandingness

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a rm

th ,

s u

p p

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(HIGH)

Descriptors: lenient, no guidelines, indulgent, over-involved, blurred roles, appeasing, non-directive, “you’re the boss”

Descriptors: flexible, enabling, supportive, democratic, standards and guidelines, assertive

Descriptors: neglectful, distant, absent, passive, uninterested

Descriptors: punitive, autocratic, rigid, demands obedience, rules, directive, “I’m the boss,” “because I said so”

Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

The combination of these dimensions has been associated with the quality of a child’s adjust- ment (Aunola & Nurmi, 2005).

The literature makes reference to many parenting styles, such as positive parenting, over-parenting (also referred to as helicopter par- enting), strict parenting, and oth- ers. For the purposes of under- standing the influence of parenting styles on child development, the four most commonly used parent- ing styles are referred to as authori- tative, authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved (see Figure 2.1). Here is a brief description of each of these styles (Baumrind, 1971; Maccoby & Martin, 1983):

• Authoritative— Democratic style of par- enting in which parents are attentive and forgiv- ing, teach their offspring proper behavior, and have a set of rules. If a child fails to follow the rules, there is punishment. If rules are followed, there is reward or reinforcement.

• Authoritarian—Strict parenting style that involves high expectations from parents with little communication between child and parents. Parents don’t provide logical reasoning for rules and limits, and are prone to give harsh punishments.

• Permissive—Parents take on the role of friends rather than parents, do not have any expectations of the child, and allow the child to make his or her own decisions.

• Uninvolved—Parents neglect their child by putting their own lives before the child’s. They do provide for the child’s basic needs, but they show little interaction with the child.

Developmental psychologist Diana Baumrind identified these styles in the 1970s. She believed that differences in parenting styles explained the way children behaved emotionally, socially, and cognitively (Baumrind, 1971). She found that the most balanced style of parenting is the authoritative style. The authoritative or democratic style of parenting leads to a child’s being appropriately independent, mature, and socially responsible. More recently, Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, and Keehn (2007) found that this authoritative style was related to the child’s increased self-esteem and satisfaction with life, and lower rates of depression. Baum- rind identified the uninvolved style as the most detrimental to a child’s future behavior. This style is characterized by a lack of affection and care from the parent. Children reared with this style behave in a way that elicits attention, generally negative. In early childhood, children reared with this style may act out, with delinquency the likely outcome in adolescence.

Figure 2.1: The four parenting styles ሁ The four parenting styles lie on intersecting continuums,

based on the parent’s level of warmth and responsiveness and level of control and demandingness.

UNINVOLVED

AUTHORITATIVEPERMISSIVE

AUTHORITARIAN

(LOW)

(LOW)

(HIGH) Behavioral control,

demandingness

R e s p

o n

s iv

e n

e s s , w

a rm

th ,

s u

p p

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iv e n

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(HIGH)

Descriptors: lenient, no guidelines, indulgent, over-involved, blurred roles, appeasing, non-directive, “you’re the boss”

Descriptors: flexible, enabling, supportive, democratic, standards and guidelines, assertive

Descriptors: neglectful, distant, absent, passive, uninterested

Descriptors: punitive, autocratic, rigid, demands obedience, rules, directive, “I’m the boss,” “because I said so”

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

At 8 years old, Shawna felt like she was invisible to her mother. Though she des- perately wanted her mother’s attention, she had figured out that nothing she did (either good or bad) could pull her mother from her work. Shawna’s mother was rarely home, and when she was, she was in her office with the door locked. Even though Shawna always had good food available and as many toys and games as she wanted, her mother was never watching her, and no one else was, either. She realized quickly that she could do anything she wanted without any reaction from her mother. After school one day, Shawna decided to walk to the park by herself and found some older kids (who thought she was pretty cool, for an 8 year old). She spent the whole evening at the park, coming back at 11:00 that night. When she returned, she expected that her mother would be furious, or at least worried about her. To Shawna’s surprise, her mother’s office door was closed and locked, with no sign that her mother even knew she was gone. That night, Shawna realized that her mother didn’t care what she did. She decided that she would hang out with her new older friends at the park every night and would do whatever they did, because at least they paid attention to her.

To see how the four parenting styles could play out, let’s look at Jemma, age 5 years. Depend- ing on the parenting style that Jemma’s mother uses, the outcome of a single scenario can be very different. Note how her mother’s actions vary, based on the characteristics of each of the four parenting styles.

Scenario: Jemma sits at the kitchen table with a full plate of carrots. She thinks she hates vegetables. She starts to get upset, wanting to leave the table to play a game of Chutes and Ladders with her brothers. They are starting without her. Jemma says, “I hate carrots,” and moves to get up from the table.

Authoritative: Jemma moves to leave the table to play Chutes and Ladders. Her mother calls her back to her seat. She says, “Jemma, you didn’t eat any of your vegetables. They’re so good for you! Eating vegetables makes you big and strong. Let’s try to eat some.” Jemma looks down to her plate and says, “Mommy, I don’t like carrots!” Jemma’s mother says, “I know, you’re not a big fan of car- rots. I’ll eat some with you! Let’s see how many we can eat together. Let’s try. Then you can go play with your brothers!” Jemma picks up her fork and makes a face. Her mother picks up a fork, too, and says, “Okay, Jemma. Let’s go for num- ber one!” Jemma reluctantly puts the carrot in her mouth. She doesn’t love it, but her mother is so excited that she ate it. Her mother exclaims, “Yay, Jemma. You did it! You’re going to grow up to be big and strong!” Jemma decides that eating a few more carrots is okay if her mother is so excited about it and is eating them with her.

Authoritarian: Jemma moves to leave the table to play Chutes and Ladders. Her mother immediately says, “Stop! Where, are you going? Finish your carrots.” Jemma says, “I don’t like carrots. Why do I have to eat them?” Jemma’s mother says, “You will eat them because I say so. You will not leave this table until all of those carrots have been eaten.” Jemma begins to cry, looking down at her plate of gross carrots, and over at her brothers who already started the game without her. Jemma knew her mother meant business. She struggled to eat the carrots, and finished an hour later.

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

Permissive: Jemma moves to leave the table to play Chutes and Ladders. Her mother says, “Jemma, you didn’t eat your carrots.” Jemma says, “Mommy, I don’t like carrots. They’re gross. I’m going to play Chutes and Ladders. They’re start- ing!” Jemma’s mother looks at her plate and says, “Hmm. . . . Okay. No problem. You must still be hungry, though. Take some of these cookies with you, if you want to.” Jemma looks at her mother and smiles. “Thanks, Mommy! You’re so cool!” Jemma says, happily grabbing a cookie and running to play the game.

Uninvolved: Though Jemma has a warm plate of food waiting for her when she and her brothers get home from school, her mother is nowhere to be found. She looks back in the hall, and of course, her mother is in her office. Jemma yells through the door, “Mommy, I hate carrots!” Her mother yells back, “I’m busy, make something else if you’re still hungry.” Jemma goes to the cupboards and pulls out a box of cereal. Jemma thinks, “Cereal, again. I just wish Mommy would come eat dinner with me. I want to tell her about what happened in gym today.” Jemma and her brothers grab their food and huddle around their game of Chutes and Ladders while they eat.

Notice how differently Jemma’s mother reacts to her dislike of carrots in each scenario. Also note Jemma’s reaction to the way her mother interacts with her.

Despite over 40 years of subsequent research, the parenting styles identified by Baumrind and elaborated on by Maccoby and Martin (1983) remain the only parenting styles with a strong empirical basis—at least in Western cultures. A recent focus has been placed on the culturally influenced parenting style of the “tiger mom,” based on the popularity of the book Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mom, by Amy Chua. This parenting style has been discussed as an intense authoritarian style, with efforts concentrated solely on children’s academic and intel- lectual accomplishments and success (Lui & Rollock, 2013). Parental control, obedience of the child, and explicit training by the parent have been identified as characteristic of the “tiger mom” parenting style (Liu & Rollock, 2013). These characteristics may be influenced by how Asian cultures emphasize values of “obedience, respect for elders and authority, harmoni- ous group dynamics and collectivism, and the importance of education” (Liu & Rollock, 2013, p. 453). Further examination of this culturally influenced parenting style is needed to better understand its characteristics and use, along with the caution that the findings cannot be gen- eralized to all parents from Asian cultures. This topic reminds us that cultural perspectives can have an influence on child development, along with the many other influences at play.

Maternal Depression and Other Mental Health Problems For children to develop optimal abilities, they must have healthy relationships early in life. Positive and healthy interactions with adults, especially the primary parent, are essential. When the parent is responsive to the child’s cues and needs, the attachment intensifies and a positive relationship evolves. When the primary parent, typically the mother, has a prolonged illness early in a child’s life, the give and take of building a relationship is interrupted. Chronic and severe maternal depression is such an illness. Its effects are far reaching in a child’s devel- opment and possibly long-lasting.

When children grow up in the context of maternal depression, their brain architecture is affected negatively. If the depression begins before birth, it may affect the fetus’s brain devel- opment, reduce fetal growth, and increase the risk of premature labor. Studies have shown that after birth the baby’s immune functions are also affected when mothers experience

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

depression during pregnancy. In addition, prenatal depression is sometimes linked to the sup- pression of genes that regulate the stress hormones (Oberlander et al., 2008). During their first year of life, 9 percent of infants will have a mother who is experiencing depression. Rates of maternal depression are greater for mothers who had previously experienced depression and for those with significant financial stress. Some 25 percent of mothers in poverty experi- ence depression during their child’s first year of life. Considering the frequency of maternal depression, it is striking that only 15 percent of new mothers with the condition get profes- sional care for it (Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University, 2009).

Research has demonstrated that the young brain needs appropriate responses from the child’s caregiver. A mother who is severely depressed is unable to give those responses because she is essentially withdrawn, uninvolved, and emotionally unavailable to the child. However, other mental health conditions also exacerbate maternal behavior and a mother’s ability to care for her children. The World Health Organization (2013a) states that a woman affected by mental disorders during pregnancy is less likely to eat and sleep well; is less likely to receive prenatal care; and may use harmful substances such as alcohol, cigarettes, and drugs. These disorders include depression, anxiety, and psychosis (although relatively rare). Poverty, low social sup- port, exposure to violence, and other stressors increase the risk for mental disorders.

Sofie shouted with excitement, “I’m ready to have this baby!” After 9 months of planning and waiting to meet her new baby boy, she was so excited that the time had finally come. When Andrew was born healthy, with all 10 fingers and all 10 toes, Sofie was so happy. She was looking forward to feeling the intensely warm and close bond with her child that she had heard and read about. After a couple of days at home, Sofie told her husband, Ryan, that she didn’t feel right. She tried to explain, but she couldn’t. Sofie did not feel the warm feelings she had expected to feel toward her baby. She began to feel worse and worse, with added guilt about not feeling like (she thought) a mother should feel. Within 2 weeks, Sofie had a hard time getting out of bed, and she had difficulty interacting with her baby. She cried constantly and had trouble caring for her baby. Ryan and Sofie’s family and friends urged her to see her doctor. She felt better when she found out that a lot of mothers felt like this after having a baby, but she knew it was going to take a long time to feel better. She knew that her baby needed to feel loved and cared for, even if she was feeling like this. Fortunately, Ryan was very supportive and understanding, and he took over much of the caregiving. He pro- vided Andrew with the love and closeness that he needed and was there for Sofie when she tried to be close with her baby. Over the next few months, Sofie began to feel better, and was more and more able to feel that closeness with Andrew.

Parental Substance Abuse Parental substance abuse has a negative effect on family functioning and parent-child attach- ment and relationships. Substance abuse is the excessive use of a substance, especially alco- hol or a drug, resulting in negative consequences to oneself and/or others. It is a significant risk factor for negatively influencing child development, and it is considered an element of the definition of child abuse or neglect in many states. Negative impacts on the child include health issues such as malnutrition of the fetus, infant, or older child and neurological dam- age of the brain and neurons (depending on the timing and severity of the parents’ substance abuse). But parental substance abuse also affects the parent’s ability to provide appropriate, warm, and nurturing caregiving and thus creates poor parent-child interactions. Coexisting risk factors for child development clearly exist when parents are substance abusers.

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Section 2.2 Environmental Contexts

Walsh, MacMillan, and Jamieson (2003) also found a relationship between parental substance abuse and child abuse. Parental substance abuse is related to significantly increased rates of physical and sexual abuse among children; rates are even higher when both parents have substance abuse problems. This and other studies support the notion that parental substance abuse is a risk factor for child maltreatment.

Grandparents Grandparents can have a significant role in their grandchildren’s lives. As the make-up of fam- ilies has changed in recent years, with more mothers working, smaller families, and increased life expectancy, grandparents have become primary influences on grandchildren. As a result

of these societal changes, parents are rely- ing more on grandparents to help with child care while the parents are working. These same societal changes make grandparents more physically able to provide this needed assistance (Dunifon, 2013). In addition, with fewer children per family, grandpar- ents reported being more involved and feel- ing more warmth in their relationships with their grandchildren (Dunifon, 2013).

In general, grandparents have two general pathways to shaping their grandchildren’s outcomes. There are direct effects through grandparents’ interactions with the grand- children and indirect effects through their relationships with their own children, the

parents of the grandchildren. Direct influences include acting as role models, enforcing con- sistent rules, and intervening when there is a family crisis such as divorce or death of a par- ent. Indirect influences include supporting the parents to reduce parents’ stress and improve their mental health (Dunifon, 2013).

John and Helen were happy that they could live so close to their son Matthew and daughter-in-law Amie (and particularly happy to spend time with their two beautiful grandchildren, ages 5 and 7). John and Helen had been able to spend time with their grandchildren several times a week lately, taking them to the park, to the movies, and out to the lake. They had developed an incredibly close relationship with both children, with a unique relationship with each one. Sud- denly, Amie was diagnosed with cancer. Though the cancer was treatable, Amie needed to travel 2 hours away for the needed treatment. Of course, John and Helen offered to take the kids for as long as necessary. John and Helen were able to support Matthew and Amie during the health crisis by providing child care, sending care packages, and just being there to listen to Matthew or Amie on the phone. Though they missed their mom and dad, the kids loved staying at Grandma and Grandpa’s house. They said it was like having a sleepover every night. John and Helen were so glad that they were in good enough health and had the resources needed to care for their grandchildren during their family’s time of crisis.

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▶ Grandparents can play a significant role in the lives of their grandchildren.

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Section 2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

Nonparental Care, Attachments, and Relationships The discussion of nonparental care in this chapter focuses specifically on the care of chil- dren who are not able to live with their parents for a variety of reasons such as the death of a parent, domestic violence, abandonment by the parents, parental substance abuse or poor mental health, or abuse or neglect of the child. These kinds of situations sometimes result in children being placed in foster care or, in certain cases, in institutions such as orphanages, which can have intense long-term effects on children.

Before considering the influences of nonparental care, it is necessary to address the impor- tance of early adult-child relationships and attachment. Attachment is defined as the emo- tional bond between children and their caregivers (Commodari, 2013). John Bowlby (1958) pioneered the theory of attachment. The basis of this theory is that the quality of early attach- ment between children and their primary caregivers is connected to future development and behavior. The quality of the attachment affects cognitive and social-emotional growth, and personality traits such as persistence and self-worth. Attachment is the basis of early rela- tionships, and positive and secure early relationships are fundamental to future good mental health. Early relationships are enhanced by stability and consistency of caregivers who have a warm, nurturing, and give-and-take style of caregiving. Attachment is discussed further in Chapter 3.

Unfortunately, more than half of American children in foster care stay in the system more than 3 years and experience three or more placements, resulting in many different caregiv- ers and the lack of stable relationships. However, since children enter the foster care system primarily because of severe neglect or abuse, parental substance abuse, or parental mental health problems, it is not surprising that these children have behavioral, emotional, academic, and mental and physical health problems.

2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development Cultural and societal influences on child development can be instilled subtly through natural interactions with others, can be ingrained deliberately early in life, or can arise as a con- sequence of the family in which the child is born. These influences include direct and indirect impacts of culture, race, and ethnicity as well as the powerful effects of economics, gender roles, marriage, divorce, single parenthood, and religion.

Culture, Race, and Ethnicity Culture, race, and ethnicity have significant influences on children’s futures. Inherent in these are traditions that span all aspects of life such as dress, food, music, dance, family structures including marriage and childbearing, and religion. Culture is the collective knowledge, beliefs, values, behaviors, and practices of a group of like people. It is usually handed down from

Fuse/Thinkstock

▶ Many celebrations are based on cultural beliefs and traditions that have been handed down from generation to generation, such as parents giving children red envelopes to celebrate the Chinese New Year.

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Section 2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

generation to generation through both formal and informal means. Socialization to culture, race, and ethnicity is generally the family’s responsibility, but how this is done varies among families, from teaching children traditional songs and stories to preparing them to cope with discrimination (University of Pittsburgh Office of Child Development, 2007a).

Race is generally considered to be an individual’s physical and biological characteristics, including body structure and the color of the skin, hair, and eyes, whereas ethnicity reflects the socially established characteristics of a group, including language, traditions, heritage, and nationality. Culture, race, and ethnicity bring with them expectations and values for set behaviors that can produce stress and conflict in children if they are unable to conform. How- ever, there are positive consequences of socialization to culture and ethnicity. Research sug- gests that socialization that emphasizes racial and ethnic pride, as well as history and cultural traditions, helps children develop a positive sense of their racial and ethnic identity. Cultural socialization within families is associated with higher self-esteem in the children in those families (University of Pittsburgh Office of Child Development, 2007a).

Economics Childhood poverty is rampant in the United States. Some 22 percent of children in this country live in poverty (National Center for Children in Poverty, 2013). Poverty is formida- ble as a long-term and pervasive influence on child development in all domains and even in physical health outcomes. It is related to chronic stress, which has been shown to alter the brain in ways that produce poor coping and self-regulation skills (Evans & Kim, 2013). Self-regulation is critical to future success: It is the ability to control physiological func- tions, attention, thoughts, emotions, and behaviors. Self-regulation skills include self- control, time management, persistence, self-monitoring, seeking help, and developing strate- gies (Darshanand, & Zimmerman, 2011). When self-regulation skills are poor, the underlying processes of executive functioning (discussed later in this chapter), including inhibition and working memory, are likely to be compromised (Blair & Raver, 2012). Without these regu- latory abilities, children have difficulty coping with the stressors associated with poverty; they may succumb to poor psychological outcomes (Blair & Raver, 2012), and therefore they may develop negative behaviors and emotions such as aggression, intense anger, anxiety, or depression.

In addition to learning, behavior, and emotional responses, physical health is negatively affected in impoverished environments in several ways. These include poor nutrition, leading to obesity or malnutrition; exposure to toxins and allergens; poor health care; and exposure to multiple stressors. Accumulation of stressors has been proven to produce heart problems, obesity, elevated blood pressure, and compromised immune systems, all contributing to wear and tear on the body.

On the one hand, poverty can bring with it many additional problems that contribute to children’s poor outcomes through multiple stressors like substandard housing, overcrowd- ing and even homelessness, family and environmental chaos, divorce and marital strife, and overall unpredictability, which has been found to be a major contributor to poor aca- demic performance (Simpson, Griskevicius, I-Chun Kuo, Sung, & Collins, 2012). This general unpredictability can be characterized by an ever-changing environment in which children never know what to expect (Simpson et al., 2012). Poverty has also been connected with more harsh styles of parenting (Pinderhughes, Nix, Foster, Jones, & the Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2001); more exposure to television (Kumanyika & Grier, 2006); and overall less-stimulating environments in terms of parent attention and time, appropriate

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Section 2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

toys, educational activities, and diminished language stimulation. Therefore, there is much evidence that children raised in poverty lag behind their affluent peers in almost every way (Engle & Black, 2008).

On the other hand, affluence provides multiple opportunities for child development. To con- sider the impact of wealth, one should consider the cumulative effect rather than the compila- tion of resources. Sherraden (1991) found that the assets of the affluent were correlated with improved household stability, increased personal efficacy, a future orientation, and a higher value on education. Children born into affluence have greater access to quality child care, bet- ter schools, and enrichment opportunities such as visiting museums or involvement in the arts or athletics. The home environment of children whose parents hold professional careers was also found to be vocabulary rich. Risley and Hart (1995) found that children of college- educated parents heard 32 million more words by the age of 4 years, compared to their less affluent peers. Income also can be associated with other assets tied to the overall well-being of children, such as access to health care, better nutrition, and living in safer neighborhoods.

Gender Roles Cultural and societal contributions to children’s future behavior and accomplishments are many. Some of these contributions are obvious and some are less apparent. An often unstated, but significant contribution is that of gender roles. Gender roles refer to social and behavioral norms that are considered appropriate and socially acceptable for children and adults of a specific sex; they are determined largely by culture (World Health Organization, 2013b).

For instance, in traditional American society in the 1920s and 1930s, the woman stayed home with her children and the man worked outside of the home for a wage. The woman was the primary child caregiver, housekeeper, and cook while the man was expected to take care of finances and home and car repairs. In childhood, girls traditionally played with toys related to the woman’s gender roles like caregiving (dolls) and entertaining others and cooking (tea sets

and kitchen toys), while boys were encour- aged to play doctor, toss balls, and play with cars and trucks.

These traditional gender roles have shifted in current American society. A study released by the Pew Research Center found that married women are either the sole wage earner or are out-earning their hus- bands in 40 percent of households with children under 18 years old (Wang, Parker, & Taylor, 2013). This study also found that mothers are generally more educated than their husbands and those women who out- earn their husbands are a highly educated group. Thus, gender roles related to educa- tional achievement, providing financially for the family, type of occupations, and home responsibilities have changed considerably.

Jeff Randall/Digital Vision/Thinkstock

▶ Gender roles in American society are quite different than they were in the 1920s and 1930s. It has been reported that married women are the sole income earner or out-earn their husbands in 40 percent of households with children under 18 years old.

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Section 2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

Marriage and Divorce Marriage is considered a traditional social institution but is on the decline in the United States. In fact, the percentage of married adults is at an all-time low in this country, with just 51 per- cent of all adults aged 18 and over married in 2010 (Cohn, Passel, Wang, & Livingston, 2011). In a discussion of the impact of marriage on children it is important to recognize that in the United States there is not a single type of marriage. The most traditional marriages are civil marriage and religious marriage, but we also consider partners legally joined through civil unions and domestic partnerships. Studies have shown that children reared in a civil union of parents benefit from the legal rights and protections given to their parents. Also, years of study have found that children raised by same-sex parents do as well as those raised by het- erosexual parents (Pawelski et al., 2006). Therefore, what is most relevant to this discussion is the quality of nurturing and age-appropriate parenting that is provided to the children.

Since the type of marriage (or alternative to marriage) is less related to child outcomes than is the quality of the relationship between the spouses and the children, this chapter focuses on the impact of parental partnerships in general, rather than on the differences among partnership types. As with other early factors, relationship strength and quality and parental support are inseparable from child development (National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2012b).

Marriage has been linked to a family’s financial resources and thus provides opportunities for a child to develop optimally. According to Fry and Cohn (2010), people with more educa- tion are more likely to be married, with higher education leading to higher income. Dual- earner families have also become more common in recent decades; based on these trends, married couples generally have a higher household income than unmarried couples (Fry & Cohn, 2010). Single-headed households fare the worst in comparison, and many strug- gle with several negative outcomes connected to poverty (see next section). Because fam- ily income has been linked to child development (Aughinbaugh & Gittleman, 2003; Taylor, Dearing, & McCartney, 2004), this association between marriage and higher income has implications for child development outcomes.

Divorce has become viewed as common in the United States, reducing the stigma previously associated with it. Yet, divorce inevitably disrupts family life for children. The effects of dis- ruptive family life on children depend on many circumstances. These circumstances include (a) the reason for the disruption, such as whether it was unavoidable, due to death or illness of a family member, (b) the child’s age at the time of the disruption, and (c) the qualitative context of the disruption, as in the case of divorce (e.g., whether the divorce was amicable or hostile and high conflict, and how long, how intense, and how open the conflict was preceding the decision to divorce).

Parent-child separation is the source of immediate distress in most cases, and, although it is correlated to later antisocial behavior, it is not the cause of such behavior. Rather, long-term problems in children who are separated from their parents through divorce are likely to be caused by the familial conflict that preceded and accompanied the separation and not by the separation itself (Rutter, 1971). Averaging across measures of adjustment, Lansford (2009) found that children in high-conflict, intact families fared worse than children in divorced families, suggesting that exposure to high levels of conflict was more detrimental to children than was parental divorce. Conversely, a good relationship with at least one of the parents can partially defuse the detrimental effects of a disrupted marriage (Lee, 2002; Rutter, 1971).

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Section 2.3 Cultural and Societal Influences on Child Development

Children of divorced parents often present with stress-related symptoms such as anxiety in forming later attachments (Wallerstein, 1991). These children also have more frequent health problems, are more likely to drop out of school, often show poorer academic achievement, are at greater risk for the use of tobacco and other substances, and have an increased risk of being involved with the law (Hansen, 2013). To add to these developmental risks, recent research suggests that if divorce occurs when children are between birth and ages 3–5 years old, they have more difficulties in establishing close relationships to their parents than older children who may have already established good relationships with the parents prior to the divorce (Fraley & Heffernan, 2013).

There is, however, evidence for a child’s resilience in coping with the parents’ divorce. Chil- dren have been shown to have different levels of adjustment based on their unique personal- ity and temperament characteristics, including self-esteem, intelligence, a feeling of control over their circumstances in general, humor, and an easy temperament (Hetherington, 2003). Children who are less well-adjusted before the divorce may have a more difficult time cop- ing with the divorce, whereas children who are more well-adjusted can have an easier time adapting to the stress and changes of divorce (Hetherington, 2003). Parents can contribute to children’s coping and adjustment based on the quality of parenting, the relationship between the child and each parent, and the resulting relationship between the parents (Hethering- ton, 2003). Because each situation is unique to the family experiencing the divorce, a child’s adjustment will be based on that child’s unique characteristics and circumstances.

Single Parenthood A single parent is a parent with one or more children and no other resident parent. Today, approximately 35 percent of all U.S. families with children are being raised by a single parent (Kids Count Data Center, 2013). A single-mother home is more common than a single-father home, though the number of single-father homes is at a record high (Ketteringham, 2007; Liv- ingston, 2013). Once again, the circumstances surrounding the reason for single parenthood have a significant effect on children’s outcomes: It makes a difference if the parent is divorced, widowed, or never married.

Single-parent families are predominantly economically disadvantaged, and their children often experience poor parenting due to the parents being less emotionally supportive of the children, being harsher and inconsistent with disciplinary tactics, and being in more conflict with their children (Amato, 2005). In addition, single parents tend to move more frequently due to new relationships or economic problems. This increases stress for the children and thus increases the risk for academic and behavioral problems. There is also a prevalence of higher death rates among infants in single-parent households and more depression, criminal activity, and drug and alcohol use in later childhood (Ketteringham, 2007).

Nevertheless, there can be some positive advantages for children of single parents. These include spending quality time with the single parent, sharing real responsibilities for run- ning the household rather than doing token tasks, and learning how to handle conflict and disappointment (Wolf, 2013). Also, single parents with good resources can provide stability and solid nurturance so that their children will do as well as children from two-parent homes (Kelly, n.d.).

Though it was difficult, Barb felt good about the way she was able to take care of her daughter, Lee, on her own. At 35 years old, Barb knew that things would

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Section 2.4 Influences From the Larger Environment: Community and Neighborhoods

not have worked out between her and Lee’s father, Dan. He helped out some financially, and spent time with Lee every once in a while, but he was less than involved. It took her a while to do so, but Barb got over the pain she felt about losing the relationship she had with Dan, and also about how little time he spent with his daughter. She decided that she had to focus on taking care of Lee the best way that she could. Though they struggled financially at times, they were always able to make ends meet. With Barb’s mother living only 25 minutes away and with the many friends Barb saw as sources of support, they were doing okay. Despite Barb’s struggles as a single parent, Barb and Lee developed a very close relationship. At first she didn’t think she could do it, but looking back over the past 7 years, Barb knew she had done a good job taking care of her daughter. Lee is a happy, healthy, energetic, silly, and athletic second grader. Lee’s teach- ers love having her in class, as they have said how well-behaved, generous, and friendly she is, not to mention hard-working on class topics that are difficult for her. Lee takes good care of her cat, Snuggles, and loves spending time at the library with Barb. Even though the single-parent thing was hard, Barb knew she could continue to be a great mom for Lee, even on her own.

Religion A child’s exposure to religion also has an influence on the child’s outcomes. Children whose parents practice an organized religion by attending services and talking about religion typi- cally have better self-control, social skills, and approaches to learning than children with non- religious parents. Their caregivers describe these children as better behaved and adjusted than other children, according to a study that looked at the effects of religion on young child development (Wenner, 2008). These outcomes are likely the result of more consistent parent- ing due to the social support that religious networks provide. Although many positive attri- butes are associated with being raised in a religious household, parents in such households are more likely to use more physical discipline methods such as spanking (Bartkowski, Xu, & Levin, 2008). Furthermore, when parents disagree on religion it can be a source of con- flict for families. Ultimately, parenting practices may be influenced based on whether or not religion is practiced in the home (Horwath, Lees, Sidebotham, Higgins, & Imtiaz, 2008), with parenting practices shown to influence a child’s development.

2.4 Influences From the Larger Environment: Community and Neighborhoods

When one considers the environmental influences on a child, it is important to look beyond the home. The community in which a child is raised also affects child development. One can imagine that a child nurtured in a safe community with ample parks, supportive neighbors, and high-quality schools would have a different life course than a child raised in a high-crime neighborhood where broken glass and boarded windows line the streets, with frequent drug exchanges and acts of violence witnessed. The witnessing of even one violent event could invoke trauma for a child and this trauma is heightened if the violence directly involves a fam- ily member.

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Section 2.4 Influences From the Larger Environment: Community and Neighborhoods

Communities and neighborhoods can have substantial influence on child development based on the availability and quality of local resources, including schools, hospitals, and health care, as well as the availability of community-based extracurricular programs, such as scouting, arts, and sports (Ellen & Turner, 1997). Also, adults in the community can influence a child by showing the child what behaviors are acceptable as the child can readily observe adults in public, and community members are also able to watch children’s behavior—providing guid- ance toward certain behaviors, and away from others (Ellen & Turner, 1997). The influence of peers in the community, social connectedness, community safety, and the proximity to jobs for the child’s parents or guardians also may contribute to child development progress and outcomes in the community context (Ellen & Turner, 1997).

Early care and education programs and schools can either mitigate or compound issues related to a high-risk community. If the program fosters high-quality instruc- tion through a warm and supportive pro- vider, it can support a child’s physical, emotional, social, and intellectual develop- ment (Scarr, 1998). Schools can build from a quality early start, but if the child has poor attendance, receives poor instruction, or is the victim of bullying, that child could begin on a path to disengagement and even- tual dropout. The number of days a child is out of school could also be affected by ties to either high-quality or inadequate health care. Each year, children miss a significant number of school days due to asthma or increased colds and flu.

In the cognitive development domain, schools provide children with the opportunity to learn and explore, by both formal and informal means. Even before the formal teaching of skills and information, schools offer children experiences that are new and different, with new experiences in what they see, hear, smell, taste, and touch. Because schools (including pre- schools) are likely more structured in some ways than the home environment, children must learn how to navigate the differing rules and expectations of caregivers and teachers. Schools also have a substantial influence in the social-emotional realm (Sylva, 1994). Children must learn how to understand and regulate their emotions, build friendships, and solve problems, with progressively less adult involvement. It can be argued that as children progress through school, the school’s influence on a child’s development becomes more profound and complex as a substantial amount of time is spent in the school environment learning new and different things over time, with constant interaction with adults and peers.

The extent to which a child’s school has a positive influence or a negative influence on child development hinges on characteristics such as student effort, the relationship between the child and the teacher, peer influence, and parent involvement (Bergin & Bergin, 2009; Stew- art, 2008). Additionally, the child’s feeling of connectedness to his or her school contributes substantially to the direction and magnitude of the school’s influence (Bergin & Bergin, 2009).

© Rich Legg/iStock/Thinkstock

▶ Caregivers in early care and education programs are important people in a child’s life and can have a significant influence on a child’s development.

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Section 2.5 Child Abuse and Neglect

2.5 Child Abuse and Neglect There is no doubt that child abuse and neglect are among the most hurtful and stress-laden contexts a child can endure. Abuse and neglect are considered to have extreme and long- lasting negative impacts on child development, including brain anomalies, deficient learn- ing, personality disorders, relationship difficulties, and poor physical and mental health. Any form of child abuse or neglect is a serious risk to a child’s well-being. At its most basic form, it strips the child of a trusting relationship with the caregiver, particularly if it occurs in early childhood. Severe neglect can cause more harm to a young child than physical abuse. It is the most prevalent form of child maltreatment and is linked to poor brain development and resultant negative psychological and educational outcomes (DeBellis, 2005). Specifically, the results of severe neglect include cognitive delays, poor executive functioning (discussed later in this chapter), and problems with the body’s ability to cope with stress (National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2012a). See Table 2.1 for legal definitions and examples of forms of child abuse and neglect.

Table 2.1: Legal definitions and examples of forms of child abuse and neglect

Term Definition Examples

Child abuse and neglect

Any act or failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker which results in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse or exploitation; or an act or failure to act which presents an imminent risk of serious harm.

Physical abuse, neglect, sexual abuse, emo- tional abuse, abandonment, or substance abuse.

Physical abuse Nonaccidental physical injury (ranging from minor bruises to severe fractures or death) that is inflicted by a parent, care- giver, or other person who has responsibil- ity for the child.

Punching, beating, kicking, biting, shaking, throwing, stabbing, choking, hitting (with a hand, stick, strap, or other object), burn- ing, or otherwise harming a child.

Neglect The failure of a caregiver to provide for a child’s basic needs.

Failure to provide necessary food or shel- ter, lack of appropriate supervision, failure to provide medical treatment, failure to educate a child, or inattention to a child’s emotional needs.

Sexual abuse Persuasion, inducement, enticement, or coercion of a child to engage in sexually explicit conduct or simulation of such conduct for the purpose of producing a visual depiction of such conduct; or the rape, statutory rape, molestation, prostitu- tion, or other form of sexual exploitation of children.

Fondling a child’s genitals, penetration, incest, rape, sodomy, indecent exposure, and exploitation through prostitution or the production of pornographic materials.

Emotional abuse

A pattern of behavior that impairs a child’s emotional development or sense of self-worth.

Constant criticism, threats, or rejection, as well as withholding love, support, or guidance.

(continued)

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Section 2.6 Brain Development and Executive Functioning

Term Definition Examples

Abandonment Often defined as a form of neglect. The parent’s identity or whereabouts are unknown, the child has been left alone in circumstances where the child suffers serious harm, or the parent has failed to maintain contact with the child or provide reasonable support for a specified period of time.

Substance abuse

The excessive use of a substance, especially alcohol or a drug, resulting in negative consequences to oneself and/or others. Often a contributing element of child abuse or neglect.

Prenatal exposure of a child to harm due to the mother’s use of an illegal drug; the selling, distributing, or giving of illegal drugs or alcohol to a child; and the use of a controlled substance by a caregiver that impairs the caregiver’s ability to adequately care for the child.

Source: Modified from Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2013). What is child abuse and neglect? Recognizing the signs and symptoms. Retrieved from www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/factsheets/whatiscan.cfm.

2.6 Brain Development and Executive Functioning The brain is the center of the nervous system and develops over time beginning before birth and continuing into young adulthood. Many factors in the environment interact with the brain and have some effect on its development, but the intensity of that effect depends on the type of factor (positive or negative), dose, duration, and timing of interaction. Chapter 4 describes in detail how the environment affects early brain development and future behavior of children.

Prolonged exposure to stress hormones such as cortisol has been found to damage parts of the brain. Cortisol is the human stress hormone that determines the body’s response to fear and stress through the “fight or flight” reaction. In the course of a typical day, cortisol in most people has a specific pattern of high and low levels that pose no problem. If the cortisol level becomes elevated due to unusual stress, a person typically may have an urge to get out of the situation (flight) or to react aggressively (fight) but controls those urges and acts appropri- ately. However, children who experience adverse events early in life may not react appropri- ately and are more at risk for later stress-related problems such as heart disease, diabetes, hypertension, stroke, and mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, and alcohol and drug problems (Evans & Kim, 2013).

Stress is also found to impair parts of the brain responsible for executive functioning. Execu- tive functioning includes cognitive processes that provide the foundation for goal-directed behavior by altering positively or negatively the prefrontal cortex and amygdala of the brain (Best & Miller, 2010). Executive functioning skills are adaptive behaviors that enable children to override thoughts and responses that would be more automatic for them.

Executive functioning tasks include inhibition, working memory, and shifting. Inhibition is the child’s ability to respond in a way that conflicts with his or her natural response tendency.

Table 2.1: Legal definitions and examples of forms of child abuse and neglect (continued)

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Section 2.7 Media and Technology

For example, if asked not to play with a musical roll ball in the bedroom, an 8-month-old can inhibit the behavior 40 percent of the time (Kochanska, Tjebkes, & Fortnan, 1998), but at 22 months the child can inhibit this behavior 78 percent of the time, and at nearly 3 years old the child is able to comply 90 percent of the time (Kochanska, 2002). Therefore, develop- mental scientists know that this ability to suppress a dominant response begins to develop in the first year.

Working memory, another aspect of executive functioning, is the ability to hold information in memory and use it over a brief period of time without external cues (Alloway, Gathercole, & Pickering, 2006). Working memory improves during the preschool years (Garon, Bryson, & Smith, 2008) with less demanding tasks mastered earlier in development, like finding a toy hidden under a box lid. Shifting, the third component of executive functioning, is the ability to move from attending to one rule to another or from one task to another. An example of shifting is seen when a child is asked first to sort forms by shape (e.g., squares with squares, circles with circles) and then is asked to switch the task to sort the same forms by color (e.g., red forms of any shape with red, yellow forms with yellow).

2.7 Media and Technology Media and technology refer to electronic outlets for information, social networking, and entertainment. These include the traditional television and radio as well as computers, cell phones, electronic tablets, video games, and other mobile devices. Media and technological devices are everywhere and have become a fundamental part of most children’s lives. It is important to consider the influence on children when these devices become integral at an early age.

Researchers believe that the qualitative influence of media and technology depends on the child’s age in addition to the content of the media. For instance, infants and tod- dlers need practice and interaction with people, activities, and objects through sight, sound, and touch in order to learn best (Krikorian, Wartella, & Anderson, 2008). Studies have found that the repetition of images and sounds that media and technol- ogy provide are helpful to children starting at around age 3 years and that the bene- fits peak at about 1–2 hours at a time, but then drop with more time. This is the case when the content is educational, but much of media and technology is not educational, but rather entertainment for preschool chil- dren (Brooks-Gunn & Hirschhorn Donahue, 2008). Because many children of all ages routinely have access to and use comput-

ers, computer tablets, television, smart phones, iPods, and video games (with content that ranges from purely educational to purely entertainment with much ambiguity in between),

Blend Images–JGI/Jamie Grill/Brand X Pictures/Getty Images

▶ With smart phones, tablets, and computers now the norm in today’s society, many children have these devices available to them at all times, allowing easy access to media and instant communication.

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Summary and Resources

it is imperative that caregivers understand the effects that all types of technology may have on a child’s development.

Recognizing that media and technology are here to stay and will continue to be a domi- nant factor in children’s lives, the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) and the Fred Rogers Center for Early Learning and Children’s Media have joined to establish a position statement on technology and interactive media in early childhood pro- grams (see Table 2.2). This statement focuses on the uses of technology and media in early childhood programs for children from birth to age 8 years. Though a significant contribution to the framing of the place of technology in child development, this statement is only the foundation for a more complex and multifaceted examination and discussion of the possible impacts of technology on child development.

Table 2.2: NAEYC and Fred Rogers Center position statement on technology and media

Key Messages

• When used intentionally and appropriately, technology and interactive media are effective tools to support learning and development.

• Intentional use requires early childhood teachers and administrators to have information and resources regarding the nature of these tools and the implications of their use with children.

• Limitations on the use of technology and media are important.

• Special considerations must be given to the use of technology with infants and toddlers.

• Attention to digital citizenship and equitable access is essential.

• Ongoing research and professional development are needed.

Source: Adapted from National Association for the Education of Young Children and the Fred Rogers Center for Early Learning and Children’s Media. (2012). Technology and interactive media as tools in early childhood programs serving from birth through age 8. Retrieved from http://issuu.com/naeyc/docs/ps_technology_issuu_may2012/1?e=2112065/2087657.

Summary and Resources Significant advances have been made recently in understanding biological, cultural, and envi- ronmental effects on child development. Awareness of the potential connections between influences and outcomes is the first step to understanding the type, strength, and impor- tance of the connections and what can be done to lessen the negative effects or increase the positive effects. Parenting styles as well as siblings, grandparents, and other early relation- ships and their influence on future child behavior have been studied, and evidence suggests that they may have considerable effects on child development. Similarly, evidence shows the effects of divorce, sexual identity, religion, and ethnicity on development. We also know that other influences, such as gender roles and culture, affect how children respond to experi- ences. Moreover, all children develop in a variety of environmental contexts, such as families and communities, that can put children at increased risk or improve their resilience. Other developmental considerations involve biological traits, cultural inheritance, and the impor- tance of early attachment and relationships on future social-emotional health. Newer con- cerns involve the effect of media and technology on child development.

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Summary and Resources

attachment The emotional bond between children and their caregivers.

authoritarian A strict parenting style, with high expectations, harsh punishments, little communication between child and parents, and the lack of logical reasoning for rules and limits provided for the child.

authoritative A democratic style of parent- ing in which parents are attentive and for- giving, teach their offspring proper behavior, and have a set of rules. Appropriate punish- ment and reinforcement of behavior are used.

causal relationship When referring to the connection between an early factor and a later outcome, the case in which the early factor produced, at least to some degree, the later outcome.

child abuse and neglect Any act or failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker which results in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse, or exploita- tion; or an act or failure to act which pres- ents an imminent risk of serious harm.

correlational relationship A connection, an association, or a relationship between an early factor and a later outcome.

cortisol The human stress hormone that determines the body’s response to fear and stress through the “fight or flight” reaction.

culture The collective knowledge, beliefs, values, behaviors, and practices of a group of like people.

ethnicity Socially established character- istics of a group, including language, tradi- tions, heritage, and nationality.

executive functioning The use of the cognitive processes of inhibition, working memory, and shifting; provides the founda- tion for goal-directed behavior.

family A social unit composed, at mini- mum, of one adult and one other dependent person.

gender roles The social and behavioral norms that are considered appropriate and socially acceptable for children and adults of a specific sex.

genes Segments of DNA that control what traits are inherited.

genetics The study of heredity in biology.

heredity The passing of traits from parents to their children through genes.

inhibition The ability to respond in a way that conflicts with an individual’s natural response tendency.

permissive A parenting style in which par- ents take on the role of friends rather than parents, allowing the child to make his or her own decisions.

race The physical and biological character- istics of a person.

resilience A child’s ability to compensate for negative influences.

self-regulation The ability to control physi- ological functions, attention, thoughts, emo- tions, and behaviors.

self-regulation skill Independent skills including self-control, time management, persistence, self-monitoring, seeking help, and developing strategies.

Key Terms and Concepts

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Summary and Resources

Discussion Questions

1. A mother is at the playground with her 2-year-old son. Her predominant parenting style is permissive. Today she is with a friend whose parenting style is extremely authoritarian. Describe each mother’s parenting behavior with their own child and what conflicts these two friends may face today.

2. Describe what aspects of the community or neighborhood influence a child’s development.

3. Discuss the influence that a family’s income can have on a child’s development before the child is born.

4. A 3-year-old boy in your care loves to use your electronic tablet to play games. How can you help make it a richer and more developmentally appropriate experience for him?

Web Resources

National Center for Children in Poverty

www.nccp.org This website provides national and state data, publications, and tools to better understand the impact of poverty on children.

Pew Research Center

www.pewresearch.org This nonpartisan “fact tank” informs the public about issues, attitudes, and trends shaping the United States and the world.

Center on the Developing Child

http://developingchild.harvard.edu/index.php/resources/multimedia/interactive_features/ This website translates what experts know about the science of early childhood into facts that the public understands.

shifting The ability to move from attending to one rule to another rule or from one task to another.

substance abuse The excessive use of a substance, especially alcohol or a drug, resulting in negative consequences to one- self and/or others.

temperament A child’s predominant dispo- sition, activity level, and behavioral style.

uninvolved A parenting style in which par- ents neglect their child by putting their own lives before the child’s.

working memory The ability to hold infor- mation in memory and use it over a brief period of time without external cues.

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