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1Introduction to Child Development

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Learning Objectives

After completing this module, you should be able to:

ሁ Identify and distinguish between developmental domains. ሁ Define and describe the five periods of child and adolescent development. ሁ Trace the historical changes in the field of child development. ሁ Identify and describe major developmental theories. ሁ Differentiate among psychological theories of development and summarize major views.

Prologue

Prologue About the time I started teaching child development, I was also a consultant at The Children’s Corner, a “playcare” facility that my two young children attended. We employed certified child- care professionals and a number of teaching assistants from a local university. Together they cared for dozens of children, from newborn to age 5. At times, more than 100 children drifted in and out of the facility on any particular day. Within a climate that increasingly emphasized the importance of giving children an intellectual head start, our school remained an unstruc- tured, open environment. It was child centered and focused on creativity and socialization. Before leaving for work, I would go to different areas of the school and interact with the chil- dren. Sometimes I would read to them; other times I would assist with art. I played on the climbers and helped in the kitchen. The children were full of energy, curiosity, laughter, and fun. It was a terrific way to start my day.

The children from The Children’s Corner have since grown up and undoubtedly have pursued a variety of interests. Most of them are attending college or have begun to work. Some have pursued careers in teaching, medicine, or engineering; others are musicians or artists, labor- ers or technicians; a few are actors. Undoubtedly, some have mental disorders, and, sadly, the odds are good that some of those cute toddlers have been addicted to drugs or have engaged in more maladaptive behaviors, like committing criminal acts.

Individual and group factors have steered the children from that facility into widely diver- gent paths. For many of us observers, these differences lead to perhaps the most fascinating question in psychology: What makes us all so distinct? Even children raised in the same envi- ronment often lead lives that are different in so many ways. Siblings are often motivated by different ideals and hold opposing positions on social issues, personal principles, or politics. They have different personalities, physical abilities, and intellectual pursuits.

My own children, though raised in similar environments, are both alike and different. My son, Max, was an early talker and used words to learn about the world; during infancy and early childhood, he would talk to everyone. By contrast, my daughter, Mariana, did not say much during her first 2 years. She was content to take in the world silently through her eyes and ears, which many observers would mistakenly take for “shyness.” Max remained verbally inquisitive, in some ways the center of attention, with his precocious language and knowledge of facts.

When Max was in second grade, he would come home and report the day’s exploits like he was a local newscaster. Two years behind him, Mariana would just go about her business, almost in the background, but with a keen sense about her. She thought nothing of teaching her fellow kindergartners how to tie their shoes and, at her teacher’s urging, she also taught her friends how to read—but we did not hear about it until months later! Without demanding attention, she exuded self-confidence.

Like most parents, I can tell numerous stories about my children’s physical and intellectual differences. These changes in development are what make each human unique and the study of child and adolescent development so fascinating. Studying this period of development also allows us to understand the processes of change and, through such study, to find ways to improve children’s lives. Like my two children, and the children in the playcare facility, we all end up different. This text will attempt to explain why.

Section 1.2Domains of Development

1.1 The Study of Child Development As your own childhood and adolescence have given way to adulthood, you now have the opportunity to gain a different perspective on development. You have insight that enables you to reflect on your experiences, and you can use those experiences to help you understand how others grow up. You may come across children in your work, during daily routines, and almost assuredly in your own family. It is therefore unlikely that you will leave the lessons and your knowledge of childhood completely behind.

The study of child development attempts to find explanations for both the similarities and the differences in feelings, thoughts, and behaviors that occur in children between birth and the end of adolescence. Dramatic changes occur in this period as children shift from being completely dependent on others to being responsible, autonomous adults. The study of child development also includes genetics and the prenatal (before birth) period, as these factors have a strong influence on later development.

As we study childhood development, keep in mind that there are no universal models that can accurately forecast how a person will grow. Child development is a subfield of developmental psychology, which itself is a separate division of the American Psy- chological Association (APA). However, child development is also associated with the APA divisions of educational psychol- ogy and health psychology, the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, and more. The study of development is clearly multifaceted. In addition, human develop- ment in general is multidisciplinary. That is, we study contributions from academic disciplines other than psychology and child development, including health care, public policy, community outreach, sociology, anthropol- ogy, social work, education, economics, and more.

1.2 Domains of Development To make sense of the interdisciplinary nature of development, it is important to organize the different kinds of change into broad categories. In this section, we explore the areas of physi- cal, cognitive, and psychosocial development, which make up the three domains of develop- ment. Development is also commonly organized by age-related classifications called periods of development, discussed in the section that follows. Though development rarely occurs in perfectly isolated categories, classifying development into domains and periods makes the study of child and adolescent development more convenient and orderly for researchers, teachers, and students.

Fuse/Thinkstock ሁ What accounts for differences in child

development?

Section 1.2Domains of Development

Physical Development Much of development occurs due to a natural, biological unfolding of growth over time. This inner timetable is exemplified by the study of physical development, which is determined largely by genetics. Genes are inherited from parents and to varying degrees determine char- acteristics such as height, strength, speed, and coordination. Physical development includes the biological changes evident during puberty and is also concerned with variables related to health and illness. We understand physical development by studying similarities and aver- ages between children, as well as differences like those exhibited by preterm infants, mal- nourished children, and anorexic teens.

Cognitive Development Cognitive development refers to changes in thinking, language, and intelligence. It includes creative activities and problem-solving abilities. Infants will turn at the sound of a bark; 2 year olds can say, “Dog bark!”; before they turn 7, children will understand many of the dif- ferences between dogs and other animals; and teenagers are able to form complex attitudes

about society’s care and treatment of dogs. These examples are indicative of advances in cognition.

Cognitive and physical development inter act as the brain accounts for at least part of the variability in disorders like autism, dyslexia (a reading disability), and attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). For instance, physical activity in play is often a success- ful part of treatment for ADHD (Abdolla- hian, Mokhber, Balaghi, & Moharrari, 2013). And research tells us that more (physical) movement in general improves long-term cognitive function in infants (Timmons et al., 2012).

Psychosocial Development Cognitive development can also affect areas like self-esteem, as when children feel good or bad about themselves because of their innate intelligence, athletic ability, or socialization skills. Changes in personality, social interaction, and understanding of emotion describe psycho- social development. This type of development includes social traits like the development of play and friendships, and personal traits like self-control. For instance, an infant’s relation- ship with a caregiver is likely to have a significant influence on later emotional development, especially feelings of safety and security. Infants will emotionally attach to protective parental figures and gain emotional strength and control. A healthy emotional relationship also allows children to explore their physical environment more freely and to take protected risks. (Con- versely, think about how an overly cautious or negligent parent might affect a child’s environ- ment.) In this way, the social environment that infants experience affects the growing per- sonality. Reflecting the emphasis that social and emotional changes lead to the construction of personality, some developmentalists alternatively refer to this domain as socioemotional development.

National Geographic/SuperStock ሁ How might culture affect a child’s cognitive

development?

Section 1.3Periods of Development

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Provide examples of processes that are indicative of the three domains of child development.

1.3 Periods of Development Each domain of development involves a process of change throughout childhood, which can be divided into five periods, or stages. These periods help to standardize terminology and research and will sometimes vary. Before the Industrial Revolution and construction of a pub- lic school system, childhood was thought of quite differently. We may have conceptualized only two or three stages of childhood: prenatal (maybe), infancy, and childhood. Childhood ended relatively early, when work took the place of play. So rather than thinking of the follow- ing periods of child and adolescent development as absolute, think of them instead as general ranges that are used as a guide. (See Figure 1.1.)

Figure 1.1: Periods of development ሁ Periods of development should not be thought of as having absolute beginnings and endings. With

the exception of the prenatal period, the periods should be conceptualized as approximate age ranges with intersecting physical, cognitive, and psychosocial processes.

Infancy

10 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Early childhood

Middle childhood

Adolescence

Elementary school

High school

Middle school

Puberty (boys)

Puberty (girls)

Neonate

Preschool

Years

Periods in Child Development

The prenatal period is the only period with definitive physical beginning and ending points; the other age ranges originate from social constructs and have become useful groupings. The prenatal period lasts from the time of conception until birth, whether the gestational period (the time during which a fetus develops) is full term or not.

Section 1.3Periods of Development

Infancy begins at birth and continues through age 2. The second year of infancy is often referred to as toddlerhood. During infancy, there is tremendous growth in all developmental domains. Physically, children begin to move on their own (“toddle”). Cognitively, children begin to talk, and there is tremendous growth in language comprehension. Psychosocially, children begin to engage in independent activities and self-soothing behaviors, and they begin to form meaningful relationships.

Early childhood extends from about age 2 to 5 or 6 and is commonly referred to as the “preschool” years in mainstream literature and conversation. Body propor- tions change and children use more coordinated move- ments, partly due to rapid changes in neuron (brain) growth. Cognitively, children show great progress in syn- tax (the use of words and phrases to form sentences).

They also become a bit more discerning of friendships as they spend great amounts of time playing. Understanding what different playmates can offer leads to advances in psychosocial development.

Middle childhood generally encompasses the elementary school years, from about age 6 to 11. Physical and cognitive differences among children become more noticeable. Children are often acutely aware of the exceptional handball players, mathematicians, and readers. Formal education allows children to master basic language and computational skills. From a psycho- social perspective, games and play become more rule oriented as morality becomes more sophisticated.

Adolescence coincides with the dramatic physical changes that mark puberty and is thought of as a transition to adulthood. Depending on how the changes are measured, puberty begins, on average, at about age 10 years for girls and at about age 12 years for boys. It marks the change into an adult body and includes sexual maturation. Significant changes in cognition, due at least partly to physical maturation of the brain, begin to surface. Thought processes become more abstract as teenagers think about the future in a way that younger children cannot.

From a psychosocial standpoint, puberty lasts until around the end of high school. Self- identity becomes prominent as adolescents look toward the future and establish goals. Ado- lescents look to friends for emotional support rather than strictly shared activities; they also begin romantic relationships. Personal and cultural context often affects much of the transition to adulthood. For instance, when adults say that a child has “grown up fast” due to circumstances such as war or the death of a parent, the comment usually alludes to the psychosocial domain.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Explain how each successive period of development is differentiated from the previous one. Name one advancement during each period and identify it as an example of physical, cognitive, or psychosocial change.

Critical Thinking What period of development do you look forward to studying the most? Why did you choose that period?

Section 1.4Historical Development

1.4 Historical Development Before we conceptualize development from a theoretical perspective, let’s take a look at how history propelled us toward our contemporary view. Only recently has childhood been regarded as an altogether distinct development period. Around 600 years ago, children in modern soci- ety were regarded as miniature adults. They were expected to use proper etiquette and engage in adult kinds of work beginning at about age 7. This age was thought to coincide with the child’s ability to use reason or personal discretion (the “Age of Reason”). This idea came from canon law of the Catholic Church, which still exists. In the past, many children were sent away from home at as early as age 6 years in order to learn a useful trade (Aries, 1962).

Locke Many early philosophers suggested that humans were preordained to have certain characteristics. However, in the 1600s John Locke adopted an alternative view. He pro- posed that infants entered the world with a tabula rasa (“blank slate”). He promoted the idea that humans were born with a blank mind (like a clean chalkboard) and that mental development was established entirely by experi- ence. He thought that people constructed their own expe- riences without an inherent foundation for learning or development. In his view, children were molded by adult approval or disapproval of specific behaviors. Of course, science has made great strides since the 1600s, and we now know that humans are also born with a great many capabilities that we inherit from birth, such as language and intelligence.

Rousseau Views contrary to Locke’s soon surfaced. The French phi- losopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) champi- oned the perspective that children were born with innate goodness and a built-in tendency to develop increasingly complex skills as they aged. Adults only got in the way of these natural plans, so Rousseau argued that adults should not dictate learning. Instead, learn- ing should be child centered, focusing on children’s “own ways of seeing, thinking, and feel- ing. Nothing is more foolish than to try and substitute [adult] ways” (Rousseau, 1762/2009, p. 119). Rousseau embraced the idea that this innate growth developed within stages, and matured in its own time.

Darwin The next century brought Charles Darwin (1809–1882), who first constructed the theory of evolution. Darwin’s observations included the discovery that some species have developed characteristics that lead them to better rates of survival. Over many generations, particular characteristics were passed on to the next generation based on a process of natural selection. Species that are best adapted to the environment are naturally selected to survive and procre- ate. For example, giraffes need to have long necks to reach the tall trees on which they feed.

©Bettmann/Corbis ሁ The 17th-century philosopher

John Locke (1632–1704) believed humans were born with a blank slate that could be developed uniquely.

Section 1.4Historical Development

Shorter giraffes are less likely to survive and reproduce in an environment that contains few options to feed. Not only did Darwin document the wide array of biological variation among species, but he did so scientifically. That is, Darwin was arguably the catalyst for the scientific study of development across all species, including humans. For instance, say we want to know if there might have been an evolutionary advantage for males and females to develop different cognitive strengths. If so, how would that knowledge affect education and career develop- ment? If not, then why do we see differences in educational outcomes among boys and girls?

Hall and Gesell Darwin’s scientific exploration of development also included the careful documentation of the first year of his son’s social, emotional, and language development. Inspired by Darwin’s scien- tific approach, G. Stanley Hall (1844–1924) was the first to identify child development as a spe- cific academic field of study. Hall’s influence later led him to become the first president of the American Psychological Association and founder of the American Journal of Psychology. He and his student, Arnold Gesell (1880–1961), examined how growth seemed to unfold in a predeter- mined fashion. Gesell coined the term maturation to describe this natural course of develop- ment, which is similar for all children. According to maturation theory, heredity prescribes an inner growth timetable for every infant (Gesell, 1928). Through extensive interviews, question- naires, and observations, Hall and Gesell developed the normative approach, which involved classifying and sequencing age-related averages (norms). As a result of their work, we now identify normative milestones in physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development.

Because of the work on normative behaviors that began with Hall, parents became increas- ingly interested in what behavior was supposed to look like. The Gesell Developmental Sched- ules, first published in 1925, offered a way for parents and professionals to know what kind of

developmental milestones were expected at any particu- lar age (Gesell, 1925). Soon thereafter, parents turned to professionals for help when they suspected the presence of emotional issues that prevented a normal course of development. The emerging field of psychiatry joined the push to discover why we become the way we are and what happens when development goes awry.

Binet and Simon Meanwhile, French psychologist Alfred Binet (1857–1911) and his colleague Théodore Simon (1872–1961) were using a normative approach to differentiate children who were at risk of falling behind their peers in school. At the request of the Paris public school system, Binet and Simon developed the first standardized intelligence test based on normative age and grade data. On both sides of the Atlantic, the foundation for the scientific study of child development had begun in earnest.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Provide a brief historical summary of the foundations of child development.

Critical Thinking How is the normative approach used in intelligence testing?

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

1.5 Theoretical Foundations Scientific study in general endeavors to describe, predict, and explain events. The scientific study of child development is no different. We want to scientifically identify the changes that occur during childhood and then understand how those changes come about. Ideally, we want to be able to use the knowledge we gain from scientific studies and apply it in a way that will improve the functioning of children. For example, we might want to know how the small, incremental changes in language occur that eventually develop into that which most of us take for granted—talking. If we can identify what changes occur and then the processes behind them, we can more easily design interventions to improve language development and identify problems in that area early on.

Before we attempt to predict changes in development, we must formulate general prin- ciples on how those changes occur. Without some accepted principle, or theory, behavior would simply be recorded without a real explanation for what is happening. That is, theory is necessary to guide observations. For example, developmentalists want to understand how language development is affected by experience. But, we also want to learn how language appears naturally even in the absence of certain kinds of experiences. What accounts for so much variation in language ability? We need to have a theoretical framework through which to ask this kind of question.

By developing a theory that language occurs as a result of normal brain maturation, we can study the effects of differing amounts of exposure to words on language development. If chil- dren learn language regardless of whether they are exposed to many or few words, there must be some biological mechanism that forces language to emerge. So constructing a theory allows scientists to test different processes that might affect the path of development. Next, theories are tested, which is the focus of Module 2. Finally, conclusions can be used to design intervention strategies in homes and schools.

It is apparent then that an introduction to development must include an overview of accepted theories. Keep in mind that theories are often modified, with time and research. For instance, psychologists no longer consider homosexuality an abnormal developmental disorder, but the official change occurred only in 1974 (Spitzer, 1981). Similarly, over time, studies will both solidify old theories and generate new ones. As you will learn, some psychological theo- rists modified older ideas generated by Sigmund Freud and his followers, while other theo- rists completely abandoned these older ideas in favor of contemporary viewpoints that were decidedly more scientific (e.g., Bandura, 1977).

Freud’s Psychoanalytic Perspective Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) was the most well-known figure in the modern study of mental health. According to his psychoanalytic perspective, we are born with an instinctual sexual drive that later becomes the source of anxiety and maladaptive behavior. According to Freud, children progress through five stages of psychosexual development. Each stage is focused on a particular body part or function. For instance, the mouth is the central source of pleasure for the newborn, so Freud called this initial stage of development the oral stage. Infants can be observed putting everything into their mouths; they receive pleasure through contact with a nipple or food. In years 2 and 3, children shift their focus of pleasure from the mouth to the anus. They learn to postpone immediate gratification by learning to use the toilet. Freud called this the anal stage.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

During the phallic (resembling a penis) stage from about 3 to 6 years, children’s gratification is centered on discovering their bodies. Freud would say that “playing doctor” and undressing with other children would satisfy the developmental imperative to understand the genital differences between boys and girls. During the latency (hidden) stage from about age 6 to 12, children repress their sexual urges. Instinctual sexual drives are transformed into energy for school, friendships, and favorite activities. Freud’s fourth and last stage, the genital stage, lasts from puberty into adulthood. Here, sexual curiosity becomes more adult-like. Instead of being motivated strictly by instinctual drives, the mature adolescent becomes thoughtful. This cognitive intervention delays personal, solitary gratification in order to pursue meaning- ful sexual relationships.

When gratification is denied or frustration ensues at any of the stages, anxiety results. Inadequate opportunities most often cause a fixation, or preoccupation with a particu-

lar psychosexual element. For example, according to Freud, babies who receive inadequate warmth and closeness due to the lack of breastfeeding might develop an oral fixation. He said that maladjust- ment would be displayed as a preoccupa- tion with cigarettes, eating, oral sex, or other activities that focus on the mouth. A fixation at the anal stage would result in obsessive orderliness and attention to detail, or hoarding behavior (the retention of objects, like the controlling of bowels). In contrast, children develop into well- adjusted adults with mature sexual behav- ior when parents find an appropriate bal- ance between delivering too little and too much gratification.

Personality Structure Based on his patient’s reports, Freud came to believe that personality developed around three essential components: the id, the ego, and the superego. He theorized that infants are gov- erned by basic unconscious instincts of pleasure and their energy is directed to primitive, biological desires. Freud viewed infants as basically selfish creatures who are interested only in reducing tension that builds up when their selfish needs are not met. Freud called this pleasure-seeking part of the personality the id, which is completely unconscious. Accord- ing to Freud, although the id dominates an infant’s life, humans spend their lives trying to overcome the aggressive and sexual impulses of the id. Freud might describe politicians who subject themselves to private and public scrutiny by admitting to moral or ethical violations as “mostly id.” When we engage in pleasure-seeking behaviors without regard to the conse- quences, it is the unconscious id that is seeking immediate gratification.

In Freud’s view, conscious awareness begins to develop in the second and third years. It becomes the job of the ego to satisfy the demands of the id and to have realistic plans for obtaining what the id wants. The ego is rational as it tries to rein in the instincts of the id. It therefore operates on the reality principle as it tries to balance instinctual needs with soci- etal expectations. For instance, instead of forcefully taking a toy that another child is using, a

©CORBIS ሁ Sigmund Freud believed that personality

developed largely as a result of unconscious processes.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

3 year old might learn to ask an adult if there are any more toys. This behavior would be the result of the reality principle of the ego.

As the child’s personality matures between the ages of 3 and 6, he or she develops a sense of morality, which Freud called the superego. The superego makes distinctions between right and wrong according to parental and societal standards. When decisions are made, the ego has the difficult task of balancing the demands of the id while maintaining rules that the superego dictates. A 6 year old must balance the demands of wanting a cookie now (id) to satisfy a hunger urge, with the admonishment not to eat sweets before dinner (superego). It is up to the ego to find a compromise—perhaps asking for a piece of fruit instead.

Freud’s theories were quite comprehensive and went well beyond the connection to devel- opment that is discussed here. Many of the terms he used, like anal, ego, and denial have broadened the study of development and have had a great impact on popular psychology. His theories cannot be dismissed from a historical viewpoint, but many psychologists feel that psychosexual stage theory is not particularly relevant as a contemporary model. Importantly, even though Freud stressed the significance of early mother-child relationships, he did not study these relationships directly.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize Freud’s view of development and how the personality develops.

Psychosocial Development Erik Erikson (1902–1994) was a neo-Freudian who argued that Freud misjudged the impor- tance of an individual’s interaction with society and the motivation for humans to be immersed in social customs. Rather than focusing on psychosexual urges as Freud did, Erikson empha- sized the process of psychosocial development. He believed humans are both formed and challenged by the environment. Psychosocial development is embedded within social tasks that occur over a lifelong process of eight stages. This lifelong social component is in contrast to Freud’s theory, according to which the personality was formed during the first five years of life.

Erikson’s theoretical goal was not to “complete” stages but instead was to address specific crises in order to deal with the conflict of the next stage. A crisis develops when psychologi- cal needs and societal pressures intersect. For instance, a fourth grader has a need to achieve but may have a teacher who puts unreasonable demands on performance. Perhaps the child has a learning disability or is simply asked to complete work that is too difficult. According to Erikson, a crisis would develop between the demands of the person and the demands of the social environment.

Cultures vary in their demands on children, so crises may occur differently depending on the context. For instance, some cultures, like mainstream culture in the United States, empha- size independence and autonomy and children are usually rewarded for individual effort and competitiveness (Triandis, 1995). Conversely, a child who grows up in Japan is more likely to have a collectivist orientation, in which group cooperation and interpersonal relations are

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

valued over individual accomplishments. Because of these and other differences in cultures, a crisis of development in one culture may not look the same in another.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W How does Erikson’s view of development stray from early psychoanalytic views?

Learning Theory Psychologists began to question the efficacy of studying unconscious processes that are dif- ficult to identify and measure. As scientists, psychologists knew that theories should be test- able and that it was impossible to measure variables like the id, ego, and superego. Hence learning theory arose. It focused only on thoughts, feelings, and actions that could be quanti- fied (expressly measured). In this view, learning and development could be studied scientifi- cally by observing behaviors that originate from mental events. Early learning theory is often referred to as behaviorism, as its study focused on identifiable behaviors that were learned through reinforcement or avoided through punishment.

Ivan Pavlov and Classical Conditioning The behaviorist movement was kick-started in 1901 as Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936) was sum- marizing his research on conditioning reflexes. Pavlov knew that dogs salivated naturally when presented with food. While studying the salivary response of his laboratory dogs, he

observed them salivating to various objects and condi- tions that were associated with food, but where food was not yet presented. In the same way that a dog or cat might respond to the shaking of a bag of kibble, Pavlov found that dogs could learn to salivate to the sound of a bell, a white lab coat, or a tuning fork (Pavlov, 1927).

This kind of learning through association is called classical conditioning. In this type of learning, a neutral stimulus (where there is no particular response) is paired with a stimulus that elicits an involuntary (natural) response. For instance, a lab coat would not ordinarily bring any response—it is a neutral stimulus; food elicits an involuntary salivary response. When the lab coat is paired with the food repeatedly and learning is complete, the lab coat is no longer neutral. The dog has learned to associate the lab coat with food, even when no food is present. The former neutral stimulus (lab coat) now elicits the response (salivation) even in the absence of the original stimulus (food). The new stimulus-response relationship is not involuntary, it is learned. Pavlov called the learned response (lab coat → salivation) a condi- tioned response. The coat is the conditioned stimulus and the salivation is the conditioned response.

John Watson and Classical Conditioning A major advancement in learning theory occurred when John Watson (1878–1958) demon- strated dramatically that classical conditioning occurred in humans as well as animals. He

Critical Thinking Explain how a child’s fear of dogs can be classically conditioned.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

famously conditioned a child, 9-month-old Little Albert, to be afraid of rats and other furry objects. First, Watson demonstrated that Little Albert was unafraid of rats and other animals. He then paired a loud noise with a rat by banging on a heavy metal bar behind Albert’s head whenever the rat made an appearance. Not surprisingly, Albert began to associate the rat with discomfort and fear. He soon became upset whenever a rat was presented, even in the absence of the noise. Note, however, that research of the type undertaken with Little Albert goes against the code of ethical principles of the American Psychological Association (as well as common sense) and thus would never be pursued today.

B. F. Skinner and Operant Conditioning Though Watson can be thought of as the grandfather of behaviorism, B. F. Skinner (1904– 1990) was its greatest proponent. He demonstrated another type of conditioning that went beyond the involuntary responses associated with classical conditioning (Skinner, 1938). According to Skinner, whenever a behavior is reinforced it is likely to be repeated; whenever a behavior is not reinforced (or ignored) it is likely to die out. If children are reinforced with a treat whenever they whine, they are more likely to whine; when students click on hyper- links and are rewarded with more knowledge or better understanding, they are more likely to repeat those behaviors as well.

In the case of language development, for instance, behaviorists have found that the speech of toddlers progresses more rapidly when parents show approval for talking, even among children at risk for delays due to their premature birth (Pelaez, Virues-Ortega, & Gewirtz, 2011; Tamis-LeMonda, Bornstein, & Baumwell, 2001). They are also reinforced for following specific grammatical rules, and later learn appropriate syntax and manners (Skinner, 1957). We know that children learn by responding to others, as when a parent says, “Look at the but- terfly!” and the child’s response is reinforced with applause, smiles, hugs, or the like.

By contrast, if a child’s behavior is repeatedly not reinforced (e.g., not being chosen for a team on the playground), the child is likely to cease the behavior (i.e., no longer making himself or herself available to play). Similarly, if a classmate continually turns down requests to play after school, “asking behaviors” are likely to stop. In this way, behaviors that are not rein- forced die out. We can define reinforcement as any consequence that increases the likeli- hood of a behavior’s reoccurrence.

Whereas reinforcement increases the likelihood that a behavior will reoccur, punishment decreases its likeli- hood. The child who is laughed at whenever he or she gives an incorrect response to a question is punished and is less likely to repeat that behavior. If people get sick after eating a particular food, they are less likely to repeat that specific eating behavior. Children who are admonished for playing too rough or breaking curfew will look to avoid those behaviors.

Skinner therefore emphasized that development is shaped as a result of learning through patterns of rewards and punishments. He called this type of learning operant conditioning, since people (and other organisms) learn behaviors by operating in the environment. Under- standing this type of conditioning is an essential part of understanding the developing child.

Critical Thinking Identify three behaviors that you have repeated in your life because you were reinforced.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

Skinner first demonstrated operant conditioning by training small animals like rats and pigeons. He would reward them as they got closer and closer to a targeted behavior. In one of his classic demonstrations, a rat is rewarded with a food pellet when it first approaches a

lever; then it must sniff the lever to receive food. Later it must touch the lever to be rewarded. By day 7 or so, it must pull on the lever to receive a pellet of reinforce- ment. Skinner called this gradual process of modifying behavior shaping. Each step closer to the goal is a suc- cessive approximation toward the final goal. When shap- ing behavior in a school or clinical setting, a number of specific goals are usually identified for reinforcement (“baby steps”) before the final target is reached. In a more general way, parents and others gradually shape social behaviors of children by reinforcing specific kinds of etiquette, hygiene, and speech.

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : B e h a v i o r i s m A p p l i e d When compared to psychoanalytic methods pioneered by Freudian theory, behavior- ism can be applied in a much more systematic fashion. Therapists do not always need to uncover unconscious conf licts in order to treat unwanted behavior. The treatment of spe- cific behavior issues, like phobias, provides one example.

When I was a practicing psychotherapist, I specialized in the problems of children. One day I received a call from the parents of 10-year-old “Billy,” explaining that he had lost part of his face after being bitten by a dog. Billy had received multiple stitches and was left with massive scars. What took a number of pairings to achieve in Little Albert was achieved in one brief, brutal attack against Billy. He was so traumatized that this previously animal- loving boy had mixed feelings about even keeping his own quietly gentle dog. Intellectually Billy knew that he loved his dog and wanted to keep her, but he was so terrified from his experience of being bitten by a strange dog that he was uncomfortable even looking at his dog from the other side of a glass patio door. In the same way that Little Albert generalized his fear from rats to other furry creatures, Billy had generalized his fear to all dogs. He and his parents asked me to alleviate his fear so that he could once again interact with his own dog.

In these types of cases, therapists often use behavioral principles to eliminate the response. I worked with Billy to replace his fear response with relaxation, since it is physiologically impossible to be simultaneously fearful and relaxed. During 6 months of treatment, I used a combination of distraction, hypnosis, and relaxation techniques while exposing Billy to progressively more fearful situations. Each exposure level was planned systematically to eliminate Billy’s fear response. At first, Billy was afraid to look at photos of gentle dogs. After he was able to tolerate those photos, I gradually exposed him to pho- tos of dogs that appeared angry. When I first met Billy, he would not look out the window of the car for fear he would see a dog. A couple of months later, Billy was able to comfort- ably watch his dog from the other side of the glass door and could drive past the dog park without cowering.

(continued)

Critical Thinking Children often play games in which they look for a hidden item and the person who hid the item responds to the seeker’s behav- iors by using words related to temperature (e.g., “warmer, warmer, hot, hotter, burn- ing!”). What behavioral concept is applied in these situations?

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

We then worked on exposure to live dogs. I eventually brought in my own family dogs because I knew they would remain calm in a corner of the office if necessary. Billy actu- ally began to interact with my dogs before allowing his own dog into the house, probably because he associated my office with a deeper level of relaxation than his home. However, not long after that, he was able to take his dog for a walk and then move her back into the house. After another month or so, he was functioning nearly as he did before the attack.

Shaping occurs constantly. Behaviors as simple as looking for a toilet in an unfamiliar envi- ronment or attempting to find a particular classroom involve shaping. Even asking for direc- tions becomes reinforcing because it gets you closer to your ultimate goal. The second time you go to the same location, there may be some delay in getting there, but your response time is usually faster. By the third or fourth time, you reach the target location (the ultimate rein- forcement) without hesitation.

Albert Bandura and Social-Cognitive Theory Although Skinner clearly demonstrated how responses change, pure behaviorism does not explain all learning. Albert Bandura (1925– ) showed that behaviors emerge even without reinforcement or punishment. Bandura famously demonstrated that the social environment and cognition play interactive roles in behavior. This model for learning is now called social- cognitive theory. In his classic study using children who watched adult models punch a Bobo doll, Bandura demonstrated that humans could learn simply by observation. That is, he showed that reinforcement was not always a factor in eliciting behavior. Instead, we know that children also learn by modeling (or imitating) the behavior of others. Imitation partly explains how babies learn to smile, children learn to do “cannonballs” in a pool, or adults learn to behave in a new environment without being reinforced.

The four steps in social-cognitive learning demonstrate the interaction of operant principles and cognition (Bandura, 1986):

1. Attention: The individual must first pay attention to something in the environment. The event’s most critical features receive the most attention.

2. Retention: The individual must successfully translate the event into a concept that can be remembered.

3. Reproduction: The individual needs to be able to convert the remembered concept into appropriate behavior.

4. Motivation: The individual must be sufficiently motivated through reinforcement or punishment to engage in the behavior. The environment initiates the consequence that ultimately causes the behavior to be repeated or not.

Critical Thinking Watch or read a “how to” activity online to identify each of Bandura’s four steps in social-cognitive learning.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

Bandura’s approach to learning has many practical applications. Like other psycholog- ical learning models, though, it falls short in trying to explain all behavioral outcomes. For example, although observational learn- ing can explain why the vast majority of abu- sive parents report that they were abused as children (Garbarino, 1984), the reverse is not true: Many children make a conscious decision to behave differently from their parents. In fact, over 70% of children who are abused do not grow up to abuse their own children (Cicchetti & Toth, 2006). Researchers and theorists explain the differ- ent outcomes by the strength of the cogni- tive side of learning. In the social-cognitive perspective, the environment is regarded as

a mechanism for feedback. An abused child can use that feedback (through observation) and consciously (with thought) make decisions without necessarily modeling the behavior.

Therefore, when people think about a problem that needs to be solved, it is a separate extension of behavioral pro- cesses; action is guided by thinking—in addition to rein- forcement and punishment. The social-cognitive model explains how you might observe an online video and pursue an idea for engaging in a similar type of activity, like the second time a group of individuals thought about performing the Harlem Shake (see Web Resources).

S E C T I O N R E V I E W What major changes in scientific thinking occurred when learning theory became more prominent?

Cognitive Perspective: Piaget and Information Processing Contemporary cognitive theory is also associated with learning. For instance, when a child thinks about a recent allergic reaction to papaya and thus avoids eating it, then there is a cog- nitive assessment that influences behavior. It is therefore apparent that learning perspectives have evolved from “Pavlov’s dog” to learning models that include the influence of mental pro- cesses in concert with the social environment. Although these perspectives strongly influenced early psychology research, no one has been more influential in the contemporary field of child development than Swiss biologist and psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980). While adminis- tering Binet’s intelligence test to Parisian schoolchildren, he became fascinated by children’s incorrect answers. After many years of observing the mental limitations of children, including his own, Piaget came to the conclusion that children of different ages think differently. Mental

Image Source/SuperStock ሁ Albert Bandura demonstrated that behavior,

environment, and cognition form reciprocal relationships.

Critical Thinking Name some behaviors that you believe you have learned in the absence of reinforce- ment and punishment.

Comstock Images/Thinkstock ሁ What is the best way to promote thinking?

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

Bandura’s approach to learning has many practical applications. Like other psycholog- ical learning models, though, it falls short in trying to explain all behavioral outcomes. For example, although observational learn- ing can explain why the vast majority of abu- sive parents report that they were abused as children (Garbarino, 1984), the reverse is not true: Many children make a conscious decision to behave differently from their parents. In fact, over 70% of children who are abused do not grow up to abuse their own children (Cicchetti & Toth, 2006). Researchers and theorists explain the differ- ent outcomes by the strength of the cogni- tive side of learning. In the social-cognitive perspective, the environment is regarded as

a mechanism for feedback. An abused child can use that feedback (through observation) and consciously (with thought) make decisions without necessarily modeling the behavior.

Therefore, when people think about a problem that needs to be solved, it is a separate extension of behavioral pro- cesses; action is guided by thinking—in addition to rein- forcement and punishment. The social-cognitive model explains how you might observe an online video and pursue an idea for engaging in a similar type of activity, like the second time a group of individuals thought about performing the Harlem Shake (see Web Resources).

S E C T I O N R E V I E W What major changes in scientific thinking occurred when learning theory became more prominent?

Cognitive Perspective: Piaget and Information Processing Contemporary cognitive theory is also associated with learning. For instance, when a child thinks about a recent allergic reaction to papaya and thus avoids eating it, then there is a cog- nitive assessment that influences behavior. It is therefore apparent that learning perspectives have evolved from “Pavlov’s dog” to learning models that include the influence of mental pro- cesses in concert with the social environment. Although these perspectives strongly influenced early psychology research, no one has been more influential in the contemporary field of child development than Swiss biologist and psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980). While adminis- tering Binet’s intelligence test to Parisian schoolchildren, he became fascinated by children’s incorrect answers. After many years of observing the mental limitations of children, including his own, Piaget came to the conclusion that children of different ages think differently. Mental

Image Source/SuperStock ሁ Albert Bandura demonstrated that behavior,

environment, and cognition form reciprocal relationships.

Critical Thinking Name some behaviors that you believe you have learned in the absence of reinforce- ment and punishment.

Comstock Images/Thinkstock ሁ What is the best way to promote thinking?

activity evolves in a predictable pattern of distinct stages related to natural maturation of the brain (Piaget, 1983).

Many contemporary cognitive psycholo- gists have also been influenced by the com- puter age and more detailed knowledge of the brain. Supporters of the information- processing theory of cognition compare thinking to computer systems in the way that both humans and electronic devices take in, store, and use information. This theory focuses on how information flows through the system, especially with regard to mem- ory. Thinking can be mapped like a flowchart to understand how we solve problems. Chil- dren become better processors of information (more advanced cognitively) as they gather more knowledge, encode it in memory, compare it with other memories, and finally make an appro- priate response. These cognitive theories are examined more extensively in Modules 7 and 8.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W How do Piaget and the information-processing theory conceptualize learning?

Contextual Perspective Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934) was another influential theorist whose ideas included a strong cognitive component. Rather than focusing on what children know, Vygotsky focused on what they are capable of knowing. In other words, if Vygotsky administered an intelligence test, instead of asking children to perform tasks and answer questions (as in typical tests), Vygotsky would demonstrate how to perform a task and then observe whether or not the child could repeat the process.

To Vygotsky, the context in which learning takes place is key to development; hence, his theory is often referred to as a contextual (or sociocultural) model. A child’s culture and social group play prominent roles. Culture determines what is most important to know. For instance, a child who grows up in an agrarian society in Bangladesh needs a different kind of knowledge than the advanced linguistic and reasoning skills taught in a prep school in New York City or Tokyo. In addition, regardless of the community, learning is social. Children learn by interacting with others and by receiving assistance when they are learning tasks that are just outside their current levels of achievement. These concepts are explored in more detail in Module 7.

The ecological systems model also emphasizes the importance of the environment. Ameri- can psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner (1917–2005) identified a constellation of individual and contextual variables that operate within a complex structure of individual and community

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). He theorized that development was determined by the relationships among various environmental systems, including those related to governmental institutions and policies, schools, health services, social networks (like churches and recre- ational sports leagues), and family, friends, and neighbors. These systems operate simultane- ously and illustrate how context is key to a child’s development.

Figure 1.2 shows how context ranges from a child’s immediate surroundings to a society’s laws and values. The microsystem has a daily, direct impact on the child. Contexts like school, peers, neighborhood, and religious affiliation make up the setting in which the child lives. The mesosystem represents the interaction of the various components of the microsystem, like parental involvement in school and a child’s friends. The exosystem includes community and socioeconomic variables that have a more indirect impact on the child. For example, there are circumstances when parents have to (or choose to) work more hours, or when there are fewer resources for childcare and supervision. These conditions may change a child’s life. The macrosystem represents the cultural context, such as laws, traditions, and customs. For instance, some governmental and cultural institutions have programs that support the health, education, and welfare of children. In other nations, simply being a girl will restrict access to schooling. Finally, the chronosystem shows the social and historical context within which the other systems operate, and how the four systems change over time. A child’s long-term illness may affect the microsystem, a new job for Mom might affect how the mesosystem operates, a new park across the street can have a profound effect on a child’s exosystem, and economic recession or war can have a lasting impact on each of the systems. For Bronfenbrenner, devel- opment is a complex interaction of the changing child within a changing ecological context.

Figure 1.2: Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model ሁ Bronfenbrenner’s theory emphasizes individual and contextual variables that affect development.

September 11 attacks in the U.S. or the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan may impact every other system

T

he individ ua

l

Age Sex

Health

Mesosystem

Family School

Neighborhood Health

services

Religious and group affiliations

Microsystem

Exosystem Soc

ial we

lfa

re

ser vic

es

Legal services

Sc

ho ol

fun din

g

M

ass media

Neighbors

Macrosystem

S o ci

e ta

l b e lie

fs

C ultu

ra l co

n text

Atti tude

s and ideologies of the culture

Time

Chronosystem Historical events that have a comprehensive effect on the other systems

Source: Adapted from Urie Bronfenbrenner, The Ecology of Human Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

Critical Thinking Identify specific events and circumstances in your life that are representative of each of Bronfenbrenner’s systems.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Provide examples of contexts that can inf luence developmental outcomes.

Biological Perspective Like Bronfenbrenner, developmentalists accept that multiple forces are involved in develop- ment. According to biological and evolutionary theories, development is determined by vary- ing degrees of interaction among genetics, physiology (the functions and processes of the body), and the environment. Furthermore, these theories vary in the way that development is viewed as either individual or universal.

Ethology is a subtopic of both zoology and biology; it refers to the study of animals in their natural habitats. Ethologists are inter- ested in biological determinants of behav- ior. They study why birds nest and why humans have a propensity for early emo- tional attachment. Ethologists are inter- ested in phenomena like imprinting, the process whereby newborn animals instinc- tually recognize an organism that will be protective and aid survival, such as a parent. Konrad Lorenz (1903–1989) famously dis- covered that goslings could easily imprint on him. (Most birds will generally imprint on the first moving object they see, even a moving toy train.) Lorenz was filmed walk- ing, swimming, and engaging in activities with goslings that had imprinted on him at birth. Behaviors such as these have specific survival value. Emotions do, too. Fear, joy, and disgust encourage parents to respond to their children’s needs. Crying may communicate distress (perhaps due to hunger), which elicits a response from a parent that aids survival.

Although evocative behaviors like crying are viewed as biological, ethologists also view behavior contextually. That is, biologically determined behavior is sometimes dependent on a specific environment. For instance, consider two third graders who have become so frus- trated in their attempts at finishing their homework that they are both crying. Depending on the patience of the adults involved, the resources that are available, and the “reasons” for the

©Daniel Lamoreux/Visuals Unlimited/Corbis ሁ Konrad Lorenz was inspired by his

observations of goose imprinting.

Section 1.5Theoretical Foundations

tears, outcomes may be markedly different. Crying children in general are responded to dif- ferently depending on the culture (and even subculture) in which the crying occurs.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W What can ethology and evolutionary theory teach us about human development?

Dynamic Systems Perspective Gaining inspiration from behaviors rooted in biology, Esther Thelen (1941–2004) and her colleagues embraced a more contemporary dynamic systems perspective, which attempts to more fully explain variations in human behavior. Whereas Gesell, Piaget, and others described a patterned, maturational plan, dynamic systems theory views development as individually self-organizing (Smith & Thelen, 2003; Thelen, 1992). That is, instead of focusing on linear development, dynamic systems theorists explore how the interaction of the mind, body, and social environment customize an integrated, dynamic (constantly moving) system. Each behavior is “assembled” from the interaction of multiple systems (Spencer et al., 2006).

This perspective attempts to understand the “microdevelopmental” dynamics of the tran- sition—“how” the moment of change occurred—rather than focusing on “when” (Thelen & Corbetta, 2002, p. 55). For instance, we know that, on average, infants will begin to pull them- selves to a standing position at around 9 months of age. According to dynamic systems theory, the process of pulling oneself to a standing position is not simply programmed. In addition to brain maturation, coordination is necessary between muscle movement, perception, motiva- tion, and mental processes. For each infant, the mix of variables will prescribe the moment of transition. Individual exploration, which offers new challenges and encounters, is what leads to new levels of organization. How that new organization occurs is due to “every neural event, every reach, every smile and every social encounter, [which then] sets the stage for the next” (Smith & Thelen, 2003, p. 348).

It is apparent then that dynamic systems theory incorporates biology and genetics, evolution, learning, cognition, contextual perspectives, and more. This perspective illustrates the mod- ern approach in general, which has shifted the study of development from simple stimulus- response relationships indicative of behaviorism, to more complex systems. In the next mod- ule, we look at how these different perspectives guide and organize research, leading to new understanding and intervention strategies.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize the views held by dynamic systems theory.

Summary and Resources

Wrapping Up and Moving On You now have the foundation needed to move forward in your study of child development. This module began with a discussion of how the study of child development is organized, including the identification of its different periods and domains. The historical perspective established some order in the way in which contemporary theory has evolved. You should now have a clear idea of what child development is and the numerous theories that con- tribute to its scientific base. In the next module, we describe how those theories are used in various forms of research as we attempt to promote deeper understanding of the issues that children face.

Summary and Resources • Child development is the subfield of psychology that studies the similarities and dif-

ferences among children from birth through the end of adolescence. For convenience and organizational purposes, development is often separated into physical, cogni- tive, and psychosocial domains.

• The five periods of child development referred to in this text are standardized for convenience. Only the prenatal period, which is determined by biology, is always fixed. Other chronological age ranges should be thought of as a guide to develop- ment, not absolute markers.

• Historical transitions in the study of development include the evolution from view- ing children as miniature adults to childhood being a special period of development.

• To study the science of development, we must begin with an understanding of vari- ous theories that have influenced the contemporary study of child development.

• Freud’s psychoanalytic theory was influential in elevating the field of psychology, but he did not directly study childhood development.

• Erikson was a neo-Freudian whose theories still form the basis for much of psycho- social development.

• Early psychodynamic theories spawned a wave of behaviorists that focused on spe- cific measurable outcomes.

• More modern learning theory acknowledges the importance of cognitive and social variables in learning.

• Piaget is the most influential figure in the study of cognitive development and per- haps all of cognitive psychology. He constructed the first comprehensive theory of how thinking processes emerge, identifying discrete stages.

• The information-processing theory is modeled on the computer and the way in which it takes in, stores, and uses information.

• Vygotsky’s model stresses the importance of the context of learning. His theories have helped shape how we look at collaborative education.

• Dynamic systems theory addresses the complexity of development while acknowl- edging the interaction of biology on momentary actions.

Summary and Resources

Key Terms Albert Bandura Influential psychologist who is credited with beginning the school of social learning theory, which was later expanded to social cognitive theory.

B. F. Skinner A psychologist and behavior- ist who is credited with expanding the sci- ence of learning theory.

child development A subfield of develop- mental psychology that looks at the influ- ences on thoughts, feelings, and behaviors from conception to the end of adolescence.

chronosystem The social and historical context in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological sys- tems model.

classical conditioning Associative learn- ing that occurs when a neutral stimulus is paired with a stimulus that naturally elicits a response.

cognitive development The domain of development that includes the study of changes in thinking, language, and intelligence.

conditioned response A response that has been learned as a result of pairing with a conditioned stimulus.

conditioned stimulus A previously neutral stimulus that becomes associated with an unconditioned stimulus to elicit a response.

domains of development The physical, cognitive, and psychosocial divisions of development.

dynamic systems perspective A theory that explains development by the interac- tion of the mind, body, and social environ- ment, which creates an integrated, dynamic system.

ecological systems model A contextual approach to development that exam- ines a number of environmental systems simultaneously.

ego In psychoanalytic theory, the part of the personality that operates on the reality principle and serves as a mediator between the id and the superego.

Erik Erikson A neo-Freudian who argued that Freud misjudged the importance of an individual’s interaction with society and the motivation for humans to be immersed in social customs. Emphasized psychosocial processes in development.

ethology The study of animals (including humans) in their natural habitats in order to understand the biological determinants of behavior.

exosystem The community and socioeco- nomic variables in Bronfenbrenner’s ecologi- cal systems model.

id According to Freud, the part of the per- sonality that is concerned only with seeking pleasure.

imprinting The process in which newborn animals instinctually recognize and acquire specific behavioral characteristics of the par- ent, usually during a critical period.

information-processing theory A theory that compares human cognitive develop- ment to a computer in the way that they take in, store, and use information.

Jean Piaget The father of cognitive theory.

learning theory A psychological approach that emphasizes the study of thoughts, feel- ings, and actions that can be observed.

Lev Vygotsky An influential theorist whose ideas focused on cognition and the signifi- cance of contextual learning.

macrosystem The cultural context in Bron- fenbrenner’s ecological systems model.

maturation The programmed unfolding of biological processes.

Summary and Resources

mesosystem The component of Bronfen- brenner’s ecological systems model that provides the connection among various components of a child’s microsystem.

microsystem In Bronfenbrenner’s ecologi- cal systems model, the context that has a daily impact on the child.

modeling In social learning theory, the copying of behavior after observation. Also known as imitation.

multidisciplinary The idea that the study of development includes disciplines outside of psychology, such as health care, sociology, and education.

normative approach The classification and sequencing of age-related norms for growth and development.

operant conditioning Learning as a result of reinforcement and punishment.

physical development The domain of development that generally refers to matu- rational growth as determined by genetics.

prenatal period The time period ranging from conception until birth.

psychoanalytic perspective Freud’s theory that early influences become unconscious motives that underlie and guide behavior.

psychosexual development A part of the psychoanalytic perspective that identifies five specific stages of development. Each stage corresponds to a specific body part, each of which is a source of sexual energy.

psychosocial development Erikson’s neo- Freudian view that emphasizes the person’s interaction with the environment as key to emotional, personality, and social changes.

punishment In learning theory, a conse- quence that decreases the chance that a behavior will be repeated.

reality principle In Freudian theory, the rational part of the ego that operates on what is reasonable to attain.

reinforcement In learning theory, a con- sequence that increases the chance that a behavior will be repeated.

shaping The gradual modification of behavior by the reinforcement of succes- sive behaviors that get closer and closer to a target.

Sigmund Freud The most well-known fig- ure in the modern study of mental health.

social-cognitive theory Bandura’s theory that suggests that the environment and cog- nition interact to produce behavior rather than simply reinforcement and punishment.

socioemotional development The domain of development that includes the study of personality, emotion, and socialization. Also referred to as psychosocial development.

superego In Freudian theory, the part of the personality that incorporates societal standards (the conscience) and strives for perfection (the ego ideal). In opposition to the id.

tabula rasa In Latin, “blank slate.” Refers to the idea that human mental development is based entirely on experiences.

theory In developmental psychology, prin- ciples formulated to account for how devel- opmental changes occur.

Urie Bronfenbrenner The creator of a model by which development is seen as the result of the intersection of a number of individual and environmental variables.

Summary and Resources

Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.

American Journal of Psychology

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublication?journalCode=amerjpsyc&

American Psychological Association

http://www.apa.org/

Developmental Psychology

http://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/dev/

Educational Psychology

http://www.apa.org/about/division/div15.aspx

Harlem Shake

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ieTa_dgDik

Health Psychology

http://www.apa.org/about/division/div38.aspx

Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues

http://www.apa.org/about/division/div9.aspx