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HISTORIC LUND RESORT AT KLA AH MEN: BUILDING SALES AND HIRING APPROPRIATE MANAGEMENT

Elizabeth Bowker wrote this case solely to provide material for class discussion. The author does not intend to illustrate either effective or ineffective handling of a managerial situation. The author may have disguised certain names and other identifying information to protect confidentiality. This publication may not be transmitted, photocopied, digitized, or otherwise reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission of the copyright holder. Reproduction of this material is not covered under authorization by any reproduction rights organization. To order copies or request permission to reproduce materials, contact Ivey Publishing, Ivey Business School, Western University, London, Ontario, Canada, N6G 0N1; (t) 519.661.3208; (e) [email protected]; www.iveycases.com. Our goal is to publish materials of the highest quality; submit any errata to [email protected]. i1v2e5y5pubs Copyright © 2022, Ivey Business School Foundation Version: 2022-01-25

In October 2018, Anthony George was the liaison between the Tla’amin Nation management team and the

historic Lund Resort at Kla ah men (the Resort) in British Columbia, Canada. George was the lead Tla’amin

representative for the Tla’amin Nation at the Resort, so it was his job to keep Tla’amin senior management

informed of all significant activities in the Resort. In late 2018, there was much to report. One day, as

George looked out over the Salish Sea to Vancouver Island, K’ómoks territory, thoughts about issues at the

Resort consumed him: The ice machine was leaking, which was not significant, but irritating. A server and

a housekeeper had both quit without notice, saying they were tired of the workplace gossip, which was

more concerning. The busy season was almost over, and there had been no decision yet on whether the

Resort would stay open for the winter; and there were not enough annual sales to make the Resort profitable.

Most pressing for George, however, the Resort was still without a full-time manager. Finding the right

manager for the Resort had been an ongoing issue and was the immediate concern for Tla’amin

management; increased sales would have to come later. A new manager would need to develop a sound

marketing strategy, with sales targets and improved marketing activities to meet those targets. They would

need to create stability among all the employees, Tla’amin and non-Indigenous alike, while prioritizing and

promoting Tla’amin Nation members. They would also need to build relationships with the Tla’amin

leadership, Tla’amin members, and the non-Indigenous community. It was a lot to expect of one person.

BACKGROUND

The Tla’amin was a fully independent Nation, whose final treaty agreement 1 had taken effect in April 2016,

making the Tla’amin Nation self-governing 2 over its land, resources, and citizens for the first time since the

1 There were four modern treaties in British Columbia: those between the government and the Nisga’a Nation, the Tsawwassen First Nation, the five Maa-nulth First Nations, and the Tla’amin Nation. A treaty was a contract between two Nations that defined rights and title. It had taken 113 years for the Nations to come to an agreement on the Nisga’a-Canada Treaty. Among other things, this treaty covered taxation, jurisdiction, dispute resolution, governance, justice, and transition out of the Indian Act. 2 Indigenous Peoples had always practiced their own forms of governance and economic management and possessed unique social systems. Colonial British and Canadian governments made most of these practices illegal, replacing them with a series of laws, policies, and decisions based on a colonial and paternalistic approach, which culminated in the Indian Act. Indigenous communities were now working to undo federally imposed systems of governance and administration in favour of Indigenous self-governance. For more information, see Government of Canada, Crown Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada,

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nineteenth century. The Tla’amin Final Agreement (the Treaty) confirmed the Tla’amin Nation’s land base

(Tla’amin Land 3 ), which included the land upon which the Lund Resort was situated (see Exhibit 1). The

Tla’amin Land did not include all Tla’amin Traditional Territory; however, under the Treaty, the Tla’amin

had regained access to their entire territory for the purposes of exercising their Aboriginal rights, including

hunting, fishing, and harvesting medicinal plants.

According to the standard practice in Canada, land held privately was never considered for treaty

settlement. 4 Along with the land settlement, governance, and taxation provisions, the Tla’amin Nation also

received cash as part of the total settlement package. The federal and provincial governments were

motivated to negotiate treaties to create stability; however, they were also motivated to pay as little as

possible in settlements. Ultimately this settlement caused significant conflict within the Tla’amin Nation,

as some members were keen to gain independence and compensation as soon as possible, and others wanted

to hold out for a better deal. 5

The Tla’amin People and Traditional Territory

The Tla’amin People’s Traditional Territory occupied an area over 400 square kilometres spanning the

northern part of British Columbia’s Sunshine Coast and extending down both sides of the Strait of Georgia,

part of the Salish Sea. The Tla’amin People’s economic and political systems and spirituality were based

on a relationship with the Traditional Territory of their ancestors and their unique relationship with the land.

In her book Written as I Remember It, Elder Elsie Paul wrote of the “beliefs my ancestors grew up with, to

be respectful to everything around you.” 6 Trading with neighbours up and down the coast served an

important economic and social function, and Paul explained that the Tla’amin were one with the Homalco

and Klahoose Peoples: “It was all shared. It was never, ever competition.” 7 These relationships remained

strong. In 2019, the Tla’amin community had over 1,100 members, with the majority living in the main

village site in Tla’amin, just north of Powell River. Like many First Nations, the population was young and

growing, and over 60 per cent of its members were under the age of forty.

Tla’amin Constitution and Treaty

In 2009, Tla’amin members ratified the Constitution of the Tla’amin Nation—binding its government to be

open, democratic, and accountable and to respect the rights and equality of all Tla’amin Citizens. The next

step was to complete the treaty negotiations, which had begun in 1994. This was polarizing for the community.

“Advancing Indigenous Self-Government,” Government of Canada, accessed March 31, 2021, https://www.rcaanc- cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100032275/1529354547314. 3 The Tla’amin Land defined in the Tla’amin Final Agreement was 8,323 hectares, including Traditional Territory and waters around the Powell River area; Lasqueti, Texada, and Cortes Islands; and the Comox Valley. See a complete copy of the Tla’amin Treaty Settlement on the Tla’amin website: Final Agreement, Tla’amin Nation, April 5, 2016, https://www.tlaamiNation.com/final-agreement/. 4 In the Supreme Court decision Tshilqot’in Nation v. British Columbia, “the Supreme Court was careful to note that the declaration of Aboriginal title did not apply to ‘privately owned or underwater lands.’ In fact, title over such lands was not asserted. Canadians’ sense of entitlement to these types of land likely prompted a narrower framing of issues. The stakes would have been much greater had Aboriginal title affected private ownership and submerged lands.” John Borrows, “Aboriginal Title and Private Property,” The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 71 (2015), http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol71/iss1/5. 5 Brian Thom, “Reframing Indigenous Territories: Private Property, Human Rights and Overlapping Claims,” American Indian Culture and Research Journal 38, no. 4 (2014): 3–28. 6 Elsie Paul, Written As I Remember It: Teachings (þm̃s Taþaw) from the Life of a Sliammon Elder (Vancouver, BC: UBC Press, 2014), 17. 7 Paul, Written As I Remember It, 69.

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Some members felt they were unprepared for independence; others said the Tla’amin Nation was settling for

too little, particularly with respect to the rights to control more of their Traditional Territory, but self-

governance and certainty with respect to land and resources was a powerful motivator.

Tla’amin Hegus Clint Williams said, “I’m proud of my community for choosing a path of change, that while

difficult at times, provides us with a new beginning as a self-governing Nation free of the Indian Act.” 8 Paul

articulated some of the misgivings: “There’s proof everywhere that our people lived in all these different

locations, all around the territory. Yeah. So what we’re getting is a very small portion, I feel. Very, very small.” 9

On April 11, 2014, after many years of work and negotiation, the Tla’amin Nation signed a final agreement

with the governments of British Columbia (BC) and Canada, achieving a final agreement in principle and

signalling the start of a two-year period, ending April 4, 2016, when the Tla’amin Nation officially

transitioned into self-government. The Tla’amin Final Agreement freed the Tla’amin from Canada’s Indian

Act 10

and enabled the Nation to be self-governing, independent from Canadian oversight, and guided by its

own constitution. It was only the fourth modern treaty signed with a BC First Nation. The treaty was

approved by Tla’amin Citizens with a slim 51 per cent majority.

After the Treaty

The Tla’amin Nation gained a great deal of management capacity through the treaty settlement process and

then focused those skills and energy on business development and entrepreneurial ventures. This focus led

to a diverse revenue stream for the Tla’amin People and near full employment for the hundreds of Tla’amin

workers living locally. The Tla’amin Nation owned a substantial asset base that was uncontested, and it

was active in taking back control of its lands and resources. It also established a complex business

development structure designed to insulate its government from business risks and liabilities; to mitigate

complex tax implications related to own-source revenue; 11

and to provide a sound governance structure,

with established reporting requirements to enhance accountability. The new general manager would need

to work within this reporting structure.

In 2019, in addition to the Lund Resort and its ancillary businesses (see Exhibit 3), Tla’amin business

operations included a very profitable sustainable forestry business, Thichum Forest Products. There was

also aquaculture (oysters and geoduck clams) and fishing, including participation in the Pacific Integrated

Commercial Fisheries Initiative, which encouraged sustainable Indigenous commercial fisheries. The most

significant future business prospect was the development of the 324-hectare (800-acre) land parcel known

as the Powell River Sliammon Catalyst Lands (PRSCL), which had been divided into three parcels: some

went to the City of Powell River, some was held for residential development for the Tla’amin Nation, and

8 Chris Bolster, “Tla’amin Nation Celebrates New Era of Self-Governance,” Powell River Peak, April 7, 2016, https://www.coastreporter.net/local-news/tlaamin-Nation-celebrates-new-era-of-self-governance-3398474. 9 Paul, Written As I Remember It, 72. 10 The Indian Act was “a Canadian federal law that governs in matters pertaining to Indian [Aboriginal] status, bands, and Indian reserves. Throughout history it has been highly invasive and paternalistic, as it authorizes the Canadian federal government to regulate and administer in the affairs and day-to-day lives of registered Indians and reserve communities.” First Nations Studies Program, “The Indian Act,” Indigenous Foundations UBC, accessed March 31, 2021, https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/the_indian_act/. 11 The Government of Canada defined own-source revenue (OSR) as follows:

the revenue that an Aboriginal government raises by collecting taxes and resource revenues or by generating business and other income. Under self-government agreements, Aboriginal governments use some of this revenue to contribute to the costs of their own operations, such as providing programs and services to their citizens. Many Indigenous groups can generate OSR.

Government of Canada, “Own-Source Revenue for Self-Governing Groups,” Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, accessed March 31, 2021, https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1354117773784/1539869378991#sec1.

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some was to be developed for sale in the future. The PRSCL built on the Klahanie and Southview real estate

leases, offering prime, affordable waterfront lots, with pre-paid ninety-nine-year leases and residential and

commercial construction services.

Tla’amin planning had always been long-term, with an outlook that stretched multiple generations and both

respected the ancestors and considered responsibility to future generations. To achieve its goals, the

Tla’amin Nation engaged in strategic partnerships and joint ventures with non-Indigenous business partners

across the region and beyond, in tourism, real estate development, and forestry. Its diverse pool of assets in

natural resources and a significant land base provided many opportunities for partnerships in both the public

and private sectors.

THE RESORT

The historic Lund Resort at Kla ah men was wholly owned by the Tla’amin Nation and operated by Tla’amin

Management Services LP (TMS), the economic development arm of the Tla’amin Nation (see Exhibit 2).

Ultimately, the Nation and its governing bodies were accountable to the Tla’amin Citizens. The Resort was a

highly visible symbol of business success for the Tla’amin Nation, although by no means its only marker. The

Resort needed to be a good source of income and a foundation for further development of a tourism-based

economy. As well as being a major source of employment for the Nation, it offered an opportunity to build

management capacity, thereby further expanding the Tla’amin Nation’s business potential.

The Tla’amin Nation had purchased the Resort in 1996 through a joint venture with a private owner; the owner

held the management role while the Tla’amin Nation held 51 per cent of the shares. In March 2016, one month

before the Treaty was implemented, the Tla’amin Nation purchased the remaining 49 per cent of the shares

and assumed full operation of the Resort, to be administered by TMS and its directors. The Resort had a series

of short-term managers, and management became focused on creating stability and improving profitability.

CONTEXT

The Resort was located at the northern tip of the Salish Sea, north of Powell River (Tiskwat) at the gateway

to the renowned Desolation Sound, part of Tla’amin Land. It was one of the world’s most beautiful and

pristine environments. This area had been home to the Tla’amin People for many thousands of years. As

Paul described, “Our people lived on the coast and lived off the land. And they lived off the clams. And

people just lived everywhere in nature. . . . This is where our ancestors were, from ever so long ago.” 12

The Resort was originally built by the Swedish Thulin brothers during the colonial era, in 1895. It served

as the heart of the Lund community, which had previously been called Kla ah men and was one of several

historic village sites of the Tla’amin People. Since it was built, it had remained the largest employer in

Lund and the largest and most high-profile building. It became a natural place for the community to come

together or to share information.

The Resort was accessible by road, ferry, boat, and sea plane. It featured thirty-one renovated guest rooms,

which ranged from budget-friendly units to luxury ocean-front suites, all of which offered clean, bright

decor and modern amenities. In 2018, luxury waterfront room rates ranged from CA$199 13

to $350 per

night, including breakfast, during the summer season. Other rooms were $125–$225 per night, depending

12 Paul, Written As I Remember It, 72. 13 All dollar amounts are in Canadian dollars.

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on the season. The Resort had both a pub and a restaurant, where guests could enjoy the large decks and

spectacular views of Malaspina Strait. The general store offered a quintessential town store experience,

with fresh produce, deli service, camping gear, hardware, and liquor sales. Perched on the edge of the ocean,

the Lund Resort offered a special experience for its guests. It overlooked a busy dock and gas bar (both

owned by TMS), which serviced work boats, fish boats, locals, and tourists (see Exhibit 3).

The Resort’s peak season was from May to September, followed by an off-season from October to April,

when reduced sales made it necessary to lay off many staff. During the peak season, there were

approximately eighty employees at the Resort; a little over one-quarter were Tla’amin Nation members. In

the winter, employment dropped to approximately thirty people. Winter lay-offs were a standard procedure

in the hospitality industry and were understood by seasonal staff, such as students. However, for local

people with families and other responsibilities, the lay-offs could be problematic.

In 2016, the Tla’amin Nation kept the Resort open through the winter, although it lost money for that season,

with an occupancy rate near 20 per cent. It was closed through the winter in 2017. During the peak season,

occupancy was 85 per cent, while it was 40–60 per cent during the shoulder seasons (April–July and

September–November). In 2018, TMS had forecasted that the Resort would become a profitable, financially

sustainable, year-round operation in the following two to five years. Doing so would require considerable

marketing efforts to attract enough visitors as well as a broader, more diverse clientele.

Most guests came from the Pacific West Coast, including Vancouver and Seattle, although many travelled from

as far away as England, Scotland, Germany, China, and beyond. Guests tended to be over fifty, professional,

and well-travelled. The Resort was at the very end of the scenic Highway 101, so visitors came as far as they

could by car to enjoy the views and the wild West Coast, while still staying in luxurious and comfortable

accommodations. Increasingly, guests travelled by boat, and there were plans to increase float-plane access.

EXPLORING THE ISSUES

The Resort

George noted that some Tla’amin People believed the Nation was unprepared to manage the Resort, and

many had opinions about running the Resort, which they were not shy about expressing. This created an

additional challenge for George and the new general manager. The questions around the Resort’s operations

and the management difficulties contributed to a strong feeling among the Tla’amin leadership that the

Resort needed to be a noticeable success. This would build confidence and show that the Nation was

prepared to be independent of the federal government and the Indian Act and was operating with good

governance; it would indirectly suggest that signing the treaty had been the right thing to do. The Tla’amin

Nation was now free to put its time, money, and energy into economic development activities, such as the

Resort, and into community management, including culture, language, education, and health.

Management

The Resort had had six general managers in two years, and it needed a highly experienced professional,

who the leadership hoped to retain for at least three years. Given the complex reporting structure, the right

person would have to be adaptive and willing to work with multiple people within the Tla’amin leadership.

The manager would have to observe protocols they might not be familiar with and show deference to Elders

and other people who might not seem to have direct roles in the Resort. They would also need to be willing

to build management capacity in Tla’amin Nation employees, developing employees’ skills in

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communications, staff management, organization, negotiation, and accounting, and promoting proficiency

in many of the positions in the Resort. While it would have been best to hire a manager with experience

working with Indigenous communities, the TMS determined that this would be difficult; they would at least

have to hire someone who was experienced and who was open to learning about Tla’amin culture.

The Resort needed to be run in a way that respected Tla’amin values: a profound respect for nature and a

desire to create a sustainable refuge in this remote coastal community. Of course, the new general manager

would also have to be willing to move to a small community, where the smallest detail of their life might

be interesting to others. With support from the senior management team, George would provide the new

general manager with the time and support necessary to learn the ways of the Tla’amin Nation. The TMS

management team appreciated the way George had kept them informed and up to date and had effectively

managed senior relationships and internal politics.

George was considering several options for recruiting the general manager. First, he could employ a Resort

management agency, which would send skilled general managers on an as-needed basis and could do so

without delay. These managers would always be well trained and very experienced, but the Tla’amin

leadership had done this in the past and found that such managers were impatient and had a very corporate

mindset; they had not been sufficiently willing to learn Tla’amin ways and culture. Perhaps George could

find a different company that might send people who were more sensitive. Second, George could promote

a Tla’amin person already working at the Resort and could offer them training and mentoring to build their

capacity and leadership skills. This would take considerable time and effort, since there was not currently

someone who was almost ready; however, such a person would be an excellent fit and would have the

respect of the rest of the staff. Third, he could retain a recruiter, who would spend considerable time looking

for the right person. A recruiter could likely identify someone with good experience and the right

personality—probably more quickly than George could himself—but this person probably would not have

experience working in an Indigenous community. Finally, George could do the recruiting himself, using

word-of-mouth and online advertising platforms such as LinkedIn. This would certainly lead him to

someone with the right experience, who would fit in well and be a good cultural fit with the community—

but George still was not sure he would find someone with experience working in an Indigenous community.

Employee Recruitment and Retention

Locating, hiring, and retaining good workers was a chronic problem in the hospitality industry, partly

because work was often seasonal and many people required steady, year-round employment. At the Resort,

this led to high turnover, which created an unstable environment. 14

As the Resort was at the end of the road

in a small town, there were only so many local people available to work. Bringing people in from out of

town could be challenging, but to address the problem, the Resort specifically built accommodations for up

to twenty employees. Most new hires typically required training.

A more complex option was to develop talent from within the Tla’amin Nation; Tla’amin Citizens were

indirectly part owners of the Resort, and employing Tla’amin members was a priority for the Nation. These

people could help build the Tla’amin tourism economy and could develop into future leaders for the Nation

in a variety of capacities, including managing other Tla’amin-owned businesses. This made training and

retaining Tla’amin employees—some of whom had very little prior experience—especially important.

14 The ADP Research Institute reported that the average monthly turnover rate in the industry was 4.4 per cent in 2019, while in the workforce as a whole, it was only 3.2 per cent. Ahu Yildirmaz, Christopher Ryan, and Jeff Nezaj, 2019 State of the Workforce Report: Pay, Promotions and Retention, ADP Research Institute, April 16, 2019, https://www.adpri.org/assets/2019- state-of-the-workforce-report/.

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Marketing

It was important that the Resort reflect the Tla’amin People and culture. To create an authentic and

memorable experience, the Resort’s development needed to be driven by the values of the Tla’amin Nation

and to reflect the meaning of the name Kla ah men: “a place of refuge.” As a start, in 2018 a Coast Salish

art project that showed the deep history of the Tla’amin People in this place was implemented in the

redesign of the rooms and the rebranding of the Resort. In order to increase the number of room nights, the

Resort needed to encourage visitors to eat and stay overnight—and to think of the Resort as a destination.

This meant developing eco-adventure and spa activities to keep people busy.

In 2018, the Resort was mostly full in the summer but needed to extend bookings into the spring and fall

shoulder seasons. Since the Resort had the benefit of several different room types, it was also possible to

attract more diverse visitors for work or other reasons. There were also opportunities to attract more

millennials and adventure tourists of all ages: there were plans to develop a high-end “glamping” experience

nearby as well as a cannabis shop that would emphasize health and wellness. Nonetheless, the Resort still

needed to serve temporary workers who were employed nearby, often in blue-collar positions, and who

required lower rates.

Relationships with the Local Non-Indigenous Community

Citing posts on community Facebook groups and personal interactions, George and the Tla’amin leadership

noted that not everyone in the non-Indigenous community had been happy when the Tla’amin Nation took

over the operation of the Resort and its ancillary businesses, even though the Nation had been a majority

owner for two decades. Some local non-Indigenous people said it was going to cost jobs and contracts,

while others were simply opposed to more First Nations influence in any manner. They complained on

social media of “Indians getting handouts,” “living in the past,” and “spending my tax dollars.” 15

None of

these comments acknowledged Tla’amin ancestral rights or all that the Tla’amin had been required to give

up in the treaty negotiation.

The Tla’amin Nation had taken over operations of the adjacent parking lot contract, and this was particularly

contentious, even though the Nation owned it and had the right to run the operation. Some considered the

lot to be public land rather than a Tla’amin asset. There were similarly high emotions around the historic

photos that had hung in the Resort. The Tla’amin Nation had spent a lot of money on restoration and had

decided to remove most of these photos, since they did not in any way reflect Tla’amin culture and did not

even show any Tla’amin People. Some non-Indigenous locals felt this was an insult to their history. A

gesture was made to showcase some of the photos in the community hall nearby.

George noted that some local non-Indigenous people also complained that the success of the Resort and its

restaurants—a big employer and a focal point in the community—might represent too much competition

and hurt other small businesses in the area. These people expressed concerns that the Tla’amin were being

unfair to people who had lived in Lund for decades, and they felt that their history was being challenged. 16

Those complaining seemed not to notice that the Tla’amin Nation was reclaiming territory that had been its

own since time immemorial and was actively building the local economy, which would benefit everyone.

Much of the opposition was voiced in private and on social media, but some of it, including vandalism to

the parking lot, was direct and confrontational. George and others felt very hurt by the racism and

15 Anonymous Facebook posts from 2016. 16 These complaints were made on Facebook and were still available for viewing as of September 2020.

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resentment directed at the Tla’amin Nation and the Resort management, who had done so much work to

build relationships within the community. They offered personal invitations to the pub and held a grand

opening specifically for the local community. Resort management met with local businesses to develop

joint marketing initiatives. George said, “We’ve bent over backwards. That’s just the way our people are.”

With the signing of the treaty, the Tla’amin Nation held unambiguous power in the region, and the work of

building strong relationships was ongoing.

CONCLUSION

George and the Tla’amin leadership had a lot of work to do to make the Resort run smoothly, continue to

serve the needs of the Nation and the broader community, and turn a profit. They had to improve the

Resort’s financial performance so the operation would become more profitable. They needed to attend to

employee training and retention, especially for Tla’amin Nation members, in order to run the Resort

effectively and develop management capacity within the Nation. They also needed to improve marketing,

to bring in more customers—especially at times of year when sales were soft—and to put more work into

creating a superior customer experience. This would also help with marketing, as happy visitors would

become marketing assets for the business through word of mouth. The plan was that new people would

come and stay longer, enjoying the magic of Lund and Desolation Sound for a few days, just as the Tla’amin

People had since time immemorial. And finally, they urgently needed to find a general manager, who would

ensure the Resort would be profitable and run smoothly well into the future.

A u th

o ri ze

d f

o r

u se

o n ly

in t

h e c

o u rs

e E

n tr

e p re

n e u rs

h ip

a t

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e rs

ity C

a n a d a W

e st

t a u g h t

b y

B re

n t

R a m

sa y

fr o m

3 /1

0 /2

0 2 2 t

o 7

/1 5 /2

0 2 2 .

U se

o u ts

id e t

h e se

p a ra

m e te

rs is

a c

o p yr

ig h t

vi o la

tio n .

Page 9 W24516

EXHIBIT 1: TLA’AMIN AREA

Source: Government of Canada, Tla’amin Nation, Government of British Columbia, “Appendix A: Map of Tla’amin Area,” in Tla’amin Final Agreement Appendices, 1, November 27, 2012, https://www.tlaamiNation.com/wp- content/uploads/2016/08/TLA_AMIN_FINAL_AGREEMENT_APPENDICES_NOV_29_2013__ENGLISH.pdf.

A u th

o ri ze

d f

o r

u se

o n ly

in t

h e c

o u rs

e E

n tr

e p re

n e u rs

h ip

a t

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ity C

a n a d a W

e st

t a u g h t

b y

B re

n t

R a m

sa y

fr o m

3 /1

0 /2

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/1 5 /2

0 2 2 .

U se

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id e t

h e se

p a ra

m e te

rs is

a c

o p yr

ig h t

vi o la

tio n .

Page 10 W24516

EXHIBIT 2: TLA’AMIN GOVERNANCE STRUCTURE

Source: Tla’amin Nation, Tla’amin Nation Annual Report, 2018-2019, accessed December 13, 2019, https://www.tlaaminnation.com/2018-2019-annual-report-and-financial-statements/.

A u th

o ri ze

d f

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in t

h e c

o u rs

e E

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n e u rs

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a n a d a W

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b y

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3 /1

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U se

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id e t

h e se

p a ra

m e te

rs is

a c

o p yr

ig h t

vi o la

tio n .

Page 11 W24516

EXHIBIT 3: TLA’AMIN BUSINESS OPERATIONS AS OF 2019

In 2019, Tla’amin business operations included the following:

• Thichum Forest Products, with a heavy emphasis on sustainable development

• Aquaculture for oysters and geoduck clams

• Land development, including the 324-hectare (800-acre) parcel known as the Powell River Sliammon Catalyst Lands, which had been divided into three parcels, some going to the City of Powell River, some to be held for residential development for the Tla’amin Nation, and some to be developed for sale in the future

• Klahanie and Southview real estate leases—offering prime, affordable waterfront lots with pre-paid ninety-nine-year leases

• Construction services (residential and commercial)

• Fishing, including participation in the Pacific Integrated Commercial Fisheries Initiative for sustainable Aboriginal commercial fisheries

• The Lund Resort and its ancillary businesses, including the restaurant, gift shop, market, and marina Source: Tla’amin Nation, Tla’amin Nation Annual Report, 2018-2019, accessed December 13, 2019, https://www.tlaaminnation.com/2018-2019-annual-report-and-financial-statements/.

A u th

o ri ze

d f

o r

u se

o n ly

in t

h e c

o u rs

e E

n tr

e p re

n e u rs

h ip

a t

U n iv

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a n a d a W

e st

t a u g h t

b y

B re

n t

R a m

sa y

fr o m

3 /1

0 /2

0 2 2 t

o 7

/1 5 /2

0 2 2 .

U se

o u ts

id e t

h e se

p a ra

m e te

rs is

a c

o p yr

ig h t

vi o la

tio n .