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Reframing Leadership and Organizational Practice Volume 12, 2012 - Issue 4: Perspectives on Ethical Leadership

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Original Articles

What's the Difference? Ethical Leadership in Public, Hybrid and Private Sector Organizations

&Leonie Heres  Karin Lasthuizen Pages 441-466 | Published online: 12 Nov 2012

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Abstract

Is there one best practice for ethical leadership? Studies suggest that the publicness of

an organization can have important implications for leadership. Yet research on ethical

leadership generally assumes that one ethical leadership style should �t all types of

organization alike. This study explores the validity of that assumption by using

qualitative interviews to unravel similarities and di�erences in how Dutch public,

hybrid and private sector managers conceive ethical leadership. The results suggest

that most aspects of ethical leadership may be transferable across public and private

sectors. However, in comparison with their private sector counterparts, the managers

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sectors. However, in comparison with their private sector counterparts, the managers

operating in public and hybrid sector organizations placed greater value on being

altruistic, showing concern for the common good, and being responsive, transparent

and accountable to society at large. Moreover, whereas public and hybrid sector

managers considered explicit and frequent communication about ethics to be a key

component of ethical leadership, most of the private sector managers preferred

communication strategies in which ethics was more implicitly embedded in

discussions of, for instance, ‘the business model’ or ‘customer relationships’. The

results suggest further research on the contingencies of ethical leadership views and

practices across di�erent types of organizations is warranted.

 Keywords: Ethical leadership publicness organization type context variform universal leadership

Introduction

Research on ethical leadership has proliferated in the last decade. As a result,

understandings of what ‘ethical leadership’ entails and how it works have improved

signi�cantly (Brown and Treviño, 2006). Research shows that ethical leadership helps

to reduce counterproductive and unethical behaviour (Huberts et al., 2007; de Hoogh

and den Hartog, 2008; Lasthuizen, 2008; Mayer et al., 2009), raises followers' moral

awareness and judgement (Treviño et al., 1999; Resick et al., 2010), and fosters

dedication, optimism, initiative, extra e�ort, altruism, better work attitudes and

willingness of followers to help others with work-related problems (Brown et al., 2005;

de Hoogh and den Hartog, 2008; Mayer et al., 2009; Toor and Ofori, 2009; Kalshoven,

2010). The e�ects of ethical leadership on followers' behaviour are shown to have

wider rami�cations than the e�ects produced by a more general leadership style (e.g.

transformational leadership) that does not have such an explicit focus on ethics

(Brown et al., 2005; Lasthuizen, 2008).

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(Brown et al., 2005; Lasthuizen, 2008).

An important limitation to most research on ethical leadership, however, is the

common assumption that the same style of ethical leadership is adequate for all

organizations under all circumstances. By contrast, studies on implicit leadership

theories indicate that not only are conceptions of leadership context-dependent, but

they also in�uence the extent to which particular leadership characteristics and

behaviours are e�ective in in�uencing follower decision-making and behaviour (den

Hartog et al., 1999; Resick et al., 2006; van den Akker et al., 2009). Moreover, a meta-

analysis by Lowe et al. (1996) reveals that both the prevalence and e�ectiveness of

leadership styles are partly contingent upon the public–private nature of the

organization (i.e. its ‘publicness’). Such studies raise questions as to what extent a ‘one

style �ts all’ approach to ethical leadership is tenable. Is there one best way to be an

ethical leader, a ‘best practice’ that is transferable across organizations? Or are there

di�erent approaches to ethical leadership that might be used in di�erent types of

organizations?

The present study aims to provide some initial insights into questions like these by

uncovering both similarities and di�erences in the way public, hybrid and private

sector managers conceive ‘ethical leadership’. It thereby explores whether the

prevailing ethical leadership model �ts with the views of managers that operate across

di�erent types of organizations, or whether some of the universalistic premises

underlying the current model need to be revisited. In doing so, this study can provide

important insights to further advance the conceptualization and operationalization of

ethical leadership.

Literature Review

Ethical Leadership

Drawing on qualitative research (Treviño et al., 2000, 2003) as well as conceptual and

quantitative validation studies (Brown et al., 2005; Brown and Treviño, 2006), ethical In this article

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quantitative validation studies (Brown et al., 2005; Brown and Treviño, 2006), ethical

leadership has been de�ned as ‘the demonstration of normatively appropriate

conduct through personal actions and interpersonal relationships, and the promotion

of such conduct to followers through two-way communication, reinforcement, and

decision-making’ (Brown et al., 2005, p. 120). As this de�nition implies, the primary

objective of ethical leadership is to cultivate ethical decision-making and behaviour

among followers and it is this explicit focus on promoting and managing ethics that

distinguishes ethical leadership, both conceptually and empirically, from other

leadership styles such as transformational or authentic leadership (see Brown et al.,

2005 and Brown and Treviño, 2006 for a more extensive discussion). Prevailing theory

and research speci�cally sees ethical leadership as consisting of two fundamental

components, the ‘moral person’ and the ‘moral manager’ (cf. Treviño et al., 2000).

Moral person. Whilst a clear de�nition is lacking in today's literature, the ‘moral person’

component of ethical leadership is often described in terms of: (1) the personal

character of the leader, and (2) the moral nature of the leader's own decision-making

and behaviour. Ethical leaders are portrayed as being ‘ethical by nature’ (Aronson,

2001, p. 253) and having strong moral values that are highly principled and concerned

with ‘doing the right thing’ (Treviño et al., 2000; Kaptein, 2003). Ethical leaders also have

the moral courage to uphold these values even in the face of signi�cant external

pressures (May et al., 2003). In addition, ethical leadership is associated with a plethora

of moral traits such as integrity, responsibility, trustworthiness, authenticity and

conscientiousness (Craig and Gustafson, 1998; Treviño et al., 2003; Caldwell, 2009; den

Hartog and de Hoogh, 2009; Kalshoven and den Hartog, 2009).

The values and traits of ethical leaders are embedded in their decision-making and

behaviour (Treviño et al., 2000). Ethical leaders have a high level of moral awareness

(Treviño et al., 2003) and make sound moral decisions by ‘judging ambiguous ethical

issues, viewing them from multiple perspectives, and aligning decisions with their own

moral values’ (Brown and Treviño, 2006, p. 599). As Turner and associates (2002, p.

305) show, this necessitates the application of higher levels of moral reasoning. It is

said that ethical leaders make great e�orts to remain consistent, coherent and In this article

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said that ethical leaders make great e�orts to remain consistent, coherent and

constant in their decision-making and behaviour: they walk the talk and talk the walk

(Kaptein, 2003; Brown and Treviño, 2006).

Leaders' decisions and behaviours inevitably a�ect their relationship with followers

and thereby their ability to in�uence follower (ethical) decision-making and behaviour.

For this reason, ethical leaders are open, caring and people-oriented (Michie and

Gooty, 2005), and they show respect, trust, fairness and loyalty towards followers

(Brown et al., 2005; Mayer et al., 2009). In doing so, ethical leaders strengthen their

relational attachment with followers and followers in turn will come to identify

themselves more with their ethical leaders. This makes followers more likely to

reciprocate with constructive behaviours and to deter from behaviour that hurts the

leader or the group (Popper and Mayseless, 2003; Cropanzano and Mitchell, 2005;

Neubert et al., 2009 Walumbwa and Schaubroeck, 2009). Also, a fair and just

interpersonal treatment of followers elevates the credibility and moral authority of

leaders and enhances followers' motivation to emulate the leader's ethical behaviour

(Neubert et al., 2009; de Schrijver et al., 2010).

Moral manager. The second component of ethical leadership, the ‘moral manager’, is

concerned with those behaviours of the leader that are deliberately geared towards

promoting ethical decision-making and behaviour amongst followers (Brown et al.,

2005). Speci�cally, the ‘moral manager’ component includes four key aspects: role

modelling, reinforcement, communication about ethics and empowerment.

Role modelling ethical behaviour is the �rst and most critical factor in being a moral

manager (Treviño et al., 1999; Lasthuizen, 2008; Neubert et al., 2009), as it directly

attests to the credibility of the ethical leader and their attempt to foster ethics among

followers. Although role modelling overlaps with being a ‘moral person’, it goes beyond

one's mere individual behaviour by highlighting the reputational and perceptual side

of ethical leadership (Treviño et al., 2000). It is important that the decision-making and

behaviour of the leader is su�ciently visible and salient to be observed by followers

‘against an organisational backdrop that is often ethically neutral at best’ (Brown and

Treviño, 2006, p. 597). At the same time, ethical leaders must be careful not to send In this article

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Treviño, 2006, p. 597). At the same time, ethical leaders must be careful not to send

out negative or con�icting signals. ‘[People] are generally not aware of our intent. They

see the actions and make inferences based upon them’ (Treviño et al., 2000, p. 134).

Ethical leaders are aware of how their decisions and behaviours might be interpreted

by followers, make e�orts to avoid conduct that could be perceived as inconsistent

with moral values and norms, and explicate the reasoning behind their decisions and

behaviours if needed (May et al., 2003; Weaver et al., 2005).

Adding a more transactional side to ethical leadership, the second aspect of the ‘moral

manager’ component concerns reinforcement of ethical standards through discipline

and reward. Importantly, the learning experience of reinforcement lies not just with

the person(s) being rewarded or punished, but also occurs vicariously and

anticipatorily among those that observe the reinforcement actions of the leader

(Treviño, 1992; Brown et al., 2005; Mayer et al., 2009). Rewards and punishments

should thus be made visible to other followers as well (Treviño et al., 2000). In dealing

with unethical behaviour, leaders should also apply a fair and balanced amount of

authority, so as to prevent resentment and cynicism yet still send a clear message that

ethical lapses are not tolerated (Johnson, 2005). Formal reinforcements should be used

with caution. Too much emphasis on formal reinforcement could lessen the level of

moral reasoning used by followers and provide them with a reason for not considering

the broader ethical implications of their actions (Baucus and Beck-Dudley, 2005).

Furthermore, formal rewards might lead employees to sacri�ce the overall desired

outcomes for the sake of the rewarded behaviour (Bartol and Locke, 2000). Informal

rewards such as recognition, trust and status, however, can be powerful incentives for

people to engage in ethical behaviour (Grojean et al., 2004), while the threat of

informal sanctions, such as ostracism by peers and leaders, can e�ectively deter

people from committing unethical behaviour (Treviño, 1992).

The third aspect that is said to be important to being a ‘moral manager’ is

communication about ethics (Brown et al., 2005). Such communication includes

highlighting the moral implications of decisions, having open discussions about

individual and organizational values, clarifying norms and role expectations and In this article

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individual and organizational values, clarifying norms and role expectations and

providing guidance on the appropriate course of action (Grojean et al., 2004; de Hoogh

and den Hartog, 2008; van den Akker et al., 2009; Piccolo et al., 2010). Leaders also

communicate their ethical message by making their own decision-making processes

transparent to followers (Treviño et al., 2003; de Hoogh and den Hartog, 2008). Ethical

leaders are open, approachable and willing to listen to the questions and dilemmas

that followers may have (Huberts et al., 2007), and they provide followers with

feedback regarding their ethical conduct (Grojean et al., 2004).

Similar to leadership in general (Bass and Steidlmeier, 1999), recent studies suggest

that empowerment of followers is a fourth important aspect of moral management

(Resick et al., 2006; den Hartog and de Hoogh, 2009). Ethical leaders provide followers

with opportunities to participate in decision-making processes and allow them to voice

their own perspectives and concerns, they help them to set realistic and motivating

goals and they provide them with individual attention, coaching and opportunities for

personal development (Khuntia and Suar, 2004; den Hartog and de Hoogh, 2009;

Walumbwa and Schaubroeck, 2009). Ethical leaders stimulate followers to view things

from di�erent perspectives, to question their assumptions and to think independently

and creatively (Resick et al., 2006). Empowerment may provide for a natural growth in

the ethicality of followers (cf. Jurkiewicz, 2006). Moreover, empowerment heightens

perceptions of fairness and of trust in the leader, increasing the leader's own ability to

in�uence the followers' ethical decision-making and behaviour (Resick et al., 2006;

Mayer et al., 2009).

Ethical Leadership in Public, Hybrid and Private Organization Contexts

These days, there are many types of organizations that defy the label of a strictly

‘public’ or ‘private’ organization. Hence, it is necessary to establish a more dynamic and

multidimensional approach to distinguishing public and private organizations,

accounting for the many di�erent types of organizational con�guration. In this study,

the terms ‘public’ and ‘private’ are taken as the opposite ends of a continuum

indicating the degree of ‘publicness’ of an organization (Bozeman, 1987). The position In this article

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indicating the degree of publicness of an organization (Bozeman, 1987). The position

of an organization on this public–private continuum follows from three dimensions: (1)

the extent to which organizations are constrained by political control, (2) how

organizations are funded and �nanced, and (3) the extent to which organizations

perform public or private tasks in order to reach public or private goals (cf. van der

Wal, 2008). The terms ‘public’, ‘private’ and ‘hybrid’ organization then denote typical

positions on the public–private continuum.1

To date, there have been few studies that have looked at contextual variations in what

people consider to be ethical leadership (see, however, Resick et al., 2006; Martin et al.,

2009), let alone whether a more public organization would require a di�erent style of

ethical leadership than a more private one. Indeed, most studies on ethical leadership

simply assume that one style of ethical leadership is adequate for any type of

organization. Yet, as argued below, there are reasons to suspect that the publicness of

an organization may shape a person's understanding of ethical leadership. Speci�cally,

these reasons relate to the public service motivation of employees, the core tasks of

organizations and the in�uence of external stakeholders on the organization.

First, public service motivation (PSM) may a�ect the ways in which ethical leadership is

conceived. PSM re�ects such things as a person's desire to serve the public interest,

one's loyalty to the government, the strive for social equity and a so-called ‘patriotism

of benevolence’ motive (Perry and Wise, 1990). On average, PSM is higher among

public organization employees than among private organization employees

(Vandenabeele, 2008; Leisink and Steijn, 2009). People with higher levels of PSM, in

turn, are shown to be less dependent on monetary and other extrinsic incentives

(Perry and Wise, 1990; Bright, 2005) and exhibit more social altruism (Brewer, 2003),

interpersonal citizenship behaviours (Pandey et al., 2008) and a willingness to report

integrity violations that are harmful to the public interest (Brewer and Selden, 1998).

This could imply that in organizations with higher levels of PSM, presumably the more

public organizations, leaders might need to appeal more to the intrinsic motivations of

employees. They may, for example, want to emphasize general ethical principles and

the value of decisions and actions to the public interest over speci�c procedures, rules, In this article

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the value of decisions and actions to the public interest over speci�c procedures, rules,

punishments and rewards. Or, conversely, leaders in public organizations might

assume that their followers are already intrinsically motivated to serve the greater

good and may therefore consider frequent communication on ethics to be

super�uous. By contrast, leaders in organizations with lower PSM, arguably the more

private organizations, may wish to relate ethical conduct more directly to employees'

own career opportunities or their chances of receiving bonuses, status and

recognition. Additionally, in private organizations, explicit communication on ethics

and integrity in terms of ‘the public interest’ and ‘the common good’ may not be

su�ciently motivating for employees and perhaps less e�ective than in public

organizations.

Second, the di�erences in the core tasks and mission of public and private

organizations may be important to ethical leadership. Whereas the primary aim of

private organizations is generally to maximize pro�ts, public organizations are

primarily executers and enforcers of democratic law and policy, serving the public

interest and providing public services that are generally not sold on economic markets

(Dahl and Lindblom, 1953). As such, public organizations often make decisions and

operate in ways that are not only coercive and monopolistic, but which also have a

broader societal impact and greater symbolic signi�cance (Hughes, 2003; Rainey and

Chun, 2005). The very nature of their tasks suggests ethical dilemmas may, therefore,

be more pronounced in public organizations. Whether it is interrogating a recalcitrant

prisoner, deciding to spend taxpayers' money on education or on welfare for the

elderly, or determining when to inform the general public on the possible bankruptcy

of a bank, public organizations frequently face ethical dilemmas that are inherent in

the core of their business. Because of this, managers of public organizations may, for

example, feel the need to address the ethical dimensions of certain decisions and

actions more explicitly and frequently than their private sector counterparts.

Third and last, the di�erent demands and expectations that external stakeholders

have of public and private organizations could shape managers' views on ethical In this article

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have of public and private organizations could shape managers views on ethical

leadership. Political dynamics and external oversight inhibit the discretion of public

and hybrid organization managers, particularly when it comes to personnel

management (Rainey and Chun, 2005). Moreover, the publicness of an organization

a�ects the extent to which the organization is susceptible to citizen pressure and

scrutiny, with public organizations facing uniquely high public expectations for

fairness, openness, accountability and transparency (Pollitt and Bouckaert, 2004;

Rainey and Chun, 2005). As a result, managers in public and hybrid organizations may

feel ‘forced’ to employ more explicit ethical leadership and institutionalized ethics

programmes. In the Netherlands, for instance, public organizations are now legally

required to have a formal code of ethics and ethics policy (National Integrity Bureau,

accessed 2009). Backed up by such an extensive ethics programme and political

mandate, managers in public organizations could be more inclined to talk explicitly

about ethics with their employees, discussing ethical dilemmas and re�ecting on the

ethical aspects of their decisions and actions. Furthermore, ethics programmes may

foster the use of more formal reinforcement mechanisms in case of ethical

transgressions.

At present, presumptions like the above regarding the e�ect of an organization's

publicness on ethical leadership lack a solid empirical basis and thus remain highly

speculative. At the least, however, this discussion suggests that it is quite possible that

di�erent types of organizations may elicit di�erent views on ethical leadership. Hence,

empirical exploration of the similarities and di�erences in ethical leadership

conceptions across public, hybrid and private organizations is needed to determine

whether the universalistic approach to ethical leadership is su�ciently valid and �tting

with managers' own perspectives or whether we should take a more context-sensitive

approach to ethical leadership instead.

Method

Given the lack of pre-existing theoretical and empirical insights on ethical leadership

contingencies, particularly in relation to organizational publicness, an explorative In this article

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contingencies, particularly in relation to organizational publicness, an explorative

research design must be employed. In doing so, this study explicitly aims for

theoretical generalization (cf. Yin, 1990; Ritchie and Lewis, 2003). When it comes to

theoretical generalization, the goal is not to universalize results (e.g. ‘managers’), but

rather to elicit insights that can inform and expand present theories and enable the

development of hypotheses for future empirical testing. To achieve such theoretical

generalizability, it is not the representativeness of the numerical sample that is of

concern, but rather the richness and breadth of the sample and its ability to represent

the variety of views on ethical leadership. In addition, theoretical generalizability

requires the internal validity and reliability of data (Yin, 1990; Ritchie and Lewis, 2003),

which in turn is aided by careful, transparent and structured administration and

justi�cation of the data collection methods and analyses.

To foster the internal validity of the study, the data were collected using qualitative

interviews. Compared with most quantitative designs, qualitative interviews can

provide a deeper understanding of the assumptions and processes underlying (ethical)

leadership (Bryman, 2004) and allow for a more detailed analysis of the various

contextual factors that might a�ect it (Bryman et al., 1996). Furthermore, qualitative

interviews are generally more sensitive to the multiple social meanings that people

attach to a construct. Hence, interviews are more appropriate for studying the

subjective, diverse and idiosyncratic understandings people may have of ethical

leadership (cf. Bresnen, 1995). Interviews allow interviewees to formulate their

conceptualizations of ethical leadership in their own words, to attach meaning to the

construct and to express how they value certain aspects of it (Alvesson, 1996).

Consistent with this, the study focuses on what managers think ethical leadership

should look like and the subjective meaning they attach to the concept, rather than on

evaluating the managers' own ethical leadership or lack thereof. Nevertheless, it is

reasonable to expect that managers largely base their views of ethical leadership on

their daily experiences and realities. Managers' conceptions of ethical leadership are

thus necessarily informed by practice and situated in the context within which they

operate. In this article

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operate.

Internal validity is also fostered by an open, inductive approach to the research object.

However, semi-structured interviews rather than completely open interviews were

used for several reasons. Miles and Huberman (1994) argue that where constructs are

relatively well-delineated, a tighter design of the qualitative interview will provide more

clarity and focus and yields more comparable, reliable and economic results.

Furthermore, qualitative research is often criticized for its lack of cumulativeness even

though building on previous research and explicitly relating the study to pre-existing

literature can be just as important in qualitative research as it is in quantitative studies

(Bryman, 2004). Given the existence of a relatively well-developed ethical leadership

construct and the importance of more cumulative and reliable qualitative research, at

least some structuring of and focus in the interviews was deemed necessary. Still, in

order to allow multiple subjective meanings to come to the fore and enable the

occurrence of unanticipated �ndings, the interviews maintained a relatively open and

�exible character.

The interviews commenced with some general questions probing respondents' initial

de�nitions of and associations with the term ‘ethical leadership’, e.g. with questions

such as ‘what would you consider to be ethical leadership?’ and ‘what characteristics

should an ethical leader have?’. Subsequently, the interviews were structured around a

topic list including themes such as ‘role modelling’, ‘communication’ and ‘the role of

organizational context in ethical leadership’. When interviewees diverged in promising

directions, or the course of the interview suggested a di�erent order of questions

might be more appropriate, the interview protocol was put aside and the questions

were adjusted to the situation at hand. In many cases, the themes suggested in the

interview protocol emerged naturally from the responses of the interviewees, and we

were able to relate the questions more directly to the interviewee's own story. At

times, the insights obtained from the interviews led to a revision of (aspects of) the

interview protocols used for the subsequent interviews. Thus, there was a continuous

interaction between the conceptual framework and the empirical data, which helped

combat the risk of too much a priori framing and structuring on our part. In this article

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combat the risk of too much a priori framing and structuring on our part.

In total, 18 semi-structured interviews were conducted with managers working in a

wide variety of organizations in the Netherlands.2 A theoretically driven, purposive

sampling method was employed to maximize the richness and possible variance of

views on ethical leadership and to ensure that a wide range of organization types were

included in the sample. The �nal sample (see Table 1) included managers from typical

public organizations such as a police force and a municipality to typical private

organizations in retail and engineering, and various hybrid organizations in between.

Although the de�nition of publicness presented earlier prohibits strict labelling of all

the organizations, a rough categorization of public (�ve organizations), hybrid (�ve)

and private organizations (eight) can be made. Both with respect to the number of

employees and the organization's budget, the sample ranged from medium-sized local

organizations to very large multinationals. One smaller organization was included in

the sample.

The sample included both middle managers and executive managers. Of the 18

interviewees, 13 were male. Ages ranged from 34 to 61 years, with an average age of

48.5. All interviewees had completed tertiary education, with most having obtained

university-level degrees. While it may be that people with lower education levels have

di�erent views on what ethical leadership entails, the lack of diversity in the education

levels of the interviewees seems consistent with their function levels. More

problematic in this regard is the lack of diversity in terms of ethnic background: all

interviewees were Caucasian. Within the Netherlands, the workforce is much more

heterogeneous and includes large groups of ethnic minorities. The extent to which this

lack of ethnic diversity in the sample may or may not have a�ected our results, cannot

be determined at this point.

Table 1. Sample description

CSV Display Table 

In this article

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be determined at this point.

Data were analysed along the ‘ladder of abstraction’ (see Carney, 1990 as cited in

Bresnen, 1995, p. 92), employing both incremental coding procedures using Atlas.ti

(version 4) and qualitative data matrices. To facilitate the coding process, a provisional

list of sensitizing codes was developed. This list was applied to the �rst three

interviews, and then examined thoroughly to determine its �t with the data and to

make adjustments where necessary. While some codes were revised, added,

separated into sub-codes or deleted, the overall structure chosen to code the

interviews seemed to �t the data well. The revised code list was then applied to the

next set of interviews and again reviewed and revised to achieve a better �t with the

data. This procedure was repeated several times and the �nal code list developed

progressively through close interaction with the data. Next, a qualitative data matrix

was used to further organize, aggregate and analyse the data to identify relevant

within-case and cross-case patterns of similarities and di�erences in managers'

conceptions of ethical leadership.

It is important to note that in the analysis, aside from considering the publicness of the

organization context, speci�c attention was paid to potentially confounding factors,

most notably interviewees' gender, age, management scope (i.e. the number of

respondents they are directly and indirectly responsible for), and the size of the

interviewees' organization. Where the comparison of data based on these

characteristics suggested di�erences in interviewees' views on ethical leaders, these

will be explicitly noted.

Results and Analysis

Being a Moral Person

As expected, all interviewees either explicitly noted or implied that ethical leadership

entails having strong moral values. However, the focus of these moral values di�ered In this article

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entails having strong moral values. However, the focus of these moral values di�ered

between public, hybrid and private organization managers: it was mostly the

managers of public and hybrid organizations (6 of 10) who emphasized that ethical

leadership requires altruism, serviceability to the common good and responsiveness

to societal demands, values and norms. As a police department head (respondent A)

remarked: ‘I think that when you talk about ethical leadership, you should have a clear

vision on the position of the police within society. We are not here as a goal in and of

itself, we are here to do a job for that society […] in the middle of society’. Such a

societal, outward-oriented focus was not notable in the views of the private sector

managers, who tended to describe ethical leadership more as something that

concerns the internal organization and its members. In fact, only one private sector

manager (K) noted altruism as an ethical leadership characteristic. The data do not

allow for any de�nitive conclusions on the causal mechanisms underlying this

apparent di�erence between the public, hybrid and private sector managers' views on

ethical leadership. However, three of the public and hybrid sector managers (A, E, G)

did explicate that their organizations tend to attract and select members who have a

higher than average motivation to serve the public interest. Conversely, only one of

eight private sector managers (M) indicated that his organization selects its employees

based on their commitment to societal goals. Furthermore, �ve of the public and

hybrid sector managers (respondents A, B, E, F, H) stressed that their organization's

task and position in society automatically make ethics an issue that needs to be

addressed and accounted for both within the organization and society itself.

Whatever the precise moral values, there was general agreement between public,

hybrid and private sector managers that both authenticity and moral courage were key

(13/18 respondents): ethical leaders should always be true to themselves and stand up

for what they believe in, even in the face of di�cult external circumstances. And,

although they were not mentioned very consistently across respondents, there were

signs to suggest that ethical leadership is associated with moral traits such as integrity

(7/18), trustworthiness (2/18), modesty (2/18) and conscientiousness (2/18). Female

interviewees seemed particularly inclined to discuss many di�erent traits of ethical

leaders. And, interestingly, while honesty seemed particularly central to the views of In this article

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leaders. And, interestingly, while honesty seemed particularly central to the views of

private sector managers (5/8), only one hybrid sector manager (respondent G) and

none of the public sector managers mentioned it.

Obviously, leaders' moral values and traits are inferred from their decision-making and

behaviour. Five interviewees noted explicitly that an ethical leader should be able to

recognize ethical dilemmas and make sound moral deliberations. This requires talking

to the people involved, taking account of di�erent perspectives, and considering both

short-term and long-term implications. To four of the interviewees (respondents I, K, P

and Q), ethical decision-making and behaviour also mean being consistent and

congruent not just in terms of practising what you preach and aligning your words and

deeds, but also in terms of being consistent in what you say or how you treat di�erent

people. Other managers (e.g. A, G and L), however, felt consistency in decision-making

should not be taken too strictly, as changing (moral) environments, speci�c

circumstances and learning over time may warrant a change of heart or direction.

Close inspection of the interview data in the end did not suggest a relation between

these di�erences and speci�c characteristics of the respondents or their organizations.

Interviewees also emphasized that, to them, ethical leadership entails being

transparent about decisions made (10/18) and being open to feedback (7/18). Ethical

leaders share their decisions to enable others to judge their intentions, their decisions

and conduct, and thus their integrity. The interviewees even suggested that ethical

leaders should organize such feedback themselves by frequently asking followers,

colleagues and/or superiors to tell them what they are doing wrong or could do better.

Again, most of the managers working in public organizations (4/5) seem to have a

strong focus on (also) being transparent to stakeholders outside the organization.

Respondent A: ‘In your accountability to the external environment … [you should be],

as transparent as possible, try to explain that you act according to the values and

norms that are imposed on you and that you impose on yourself. And do what you as

an organization in general are expected to do by the broader society’.

Interviewees further described ethical leaders as being caring and empathic (7/18). In

line with this, some interviewees noted ‘people-orientation’ (5/18) and ‘respectfulness’ In this article

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line with this, some interviewees noted people orientation (5/18) and respectfulness

(4/18) as aspects of ethical leadership. Ethical leaders were described as having a

general interest in people, in their backgrounds and their development, in how they

feel and what they are experiencing. They have ‘sympathy’ and are able to understand

and relate to another person's thoughts, feelings and actions. However, it was

particularly the women who stressed such care and empathy traits: four of �ve female

interviewees (D, H, I and K) referred to them as attributes of an ethical leader, whereas

only three of thirteen male interviewees (E, L and P) suggested empathy and/or care to

be characteristic of ethical leadership. As one male interviewee explicitly noted: ‘the

people I have in mind are not softies’ and ethical leaders should still be able to ‘keep

enough distance in order to hold people accountable’ (respondent E).

More speci�cally, many interviewees implied that ethical leadership requires a high

quality leader–follower relationship. Ethical leaders are leaders that have the ability to

build strong relationships of trust, respect, fairness, safety and openness with their

followers (12/18). Ethical leaders should be supportive, loyal and protective of

followers, even in times of hardship. In line with previous ethical leadership research,

one interviewee (F) argued that positive socio-emotional exchanges are in fact a

prerequisite for ethical leadership. He explicitly noted that if you treat your followers

well ‘in the end it pays o�’, because followers will repay you with the same behaviour.

Likewise, follower judgements of a leader's integrity may be more related to the

overall leader–follower relationship than to the morality of the leader's actual conduct:

‘It is di�cult to separate whether it is really about integrity or whether it is just a

general feeling about the management’ (respondent D).

Being a Moral Manager

Role modelling. All managers agreed that ethical leadership is largely a matter of role

modelling the right behaviour: ‘You shouldn't make it too complicated, it is still about

role modelling’ (respondent J). They considered role modelling essential to ethical

leadership because it attests to the credibility of leader and strengthens, or weakens,

the message that the leader aims to send. Role modelling communicates the

underlying principles that the leader tries to maintain. Consequently, being an ethical In this article

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underlying principles that the leader tries to maintain. Consequently, being an ethical

role model is not just about big gestures or dealing well with an ethical dilemma. In

fact, it seems to be the rather mundane everyday behaviours that are the most

powerful vehicles for role modelling: ‘It's really in everything: in how you react to

situations, in being consistent in what you say and do […] So it is continuously that that

principle needs to be con�rmed for people’ (respondent I). These behaviours that the

leader role models, but which may not have a clear ethical dimension to them, are

assumed to have spillover e�ects to situations in which there are serious ethical

issues. Furthermore, interviewees almost exclusively discussed examples of negative

role modelling and argued that leaders should foremost avoid (inadvertently) sending

out the wrong signals by exhibiting behaviour that could be interpreted as inconsistent

with the values and norms of the organization.

Reinforcement. Initially, very few interviewees volunteered descriptions of ethical

leadership that included the use of reinforcement through punishments and rewards.

It seems reinforcement is not preferred as a primary means for ethical leadership but

should only be used to, as the term itself suggests, reinforce other components such

as role modelling and communication. Nevertheless, when asked, interviewees

generally did feel (16/18) that reinforcement is necessary for ethical leadership.

Interviewees particularly acknowledged the symbolic function of reinforcement.

Punishments and rewards are seen as ways to explicate and exemplify the norms and

values of the organization. Moreover, reinforcement can communicate the sanctions

that employees can expect in response to unethical behaviour, which in turn is

thought to prevent other employees from committing such unethical acts: ‘And the

di�cult thing is, when the environment sees that you witnessed a certain behaviour in

the team and your environment also sees that you do not respond, then you become

part of the problem. And you lose your authority as a leader in that respect’

(respondent A). The same goes for rewarding behaviours. As with role modelling,

reinforcement is not about the punishment or reward per se, but about its symbolic

function and the underlying principles that it communicates. In line with this,

reinforcement is said to apply to all kinds of behaviours – smaller and bigger, with or In this article

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reinforcement is said to apply to all kinds of behaviours smaller and bigger, with or

without a clear ethical component.

A number of interviewees (8/18) emphasized the importance of safety and procedural

conscientiousness in dealing with unethical behaviour. More speci�cally, these

interviewees argued that ethical leaders should create and maintain an environment

in which followers feel comfortable and safe enough to report ethical transgressions.

Ethical leaders make sure that people are not penalized for reporting unethical

behaviour. Additionally, when unethical behaviour has been detected, ethical leaders

need to remain thorough, careful and fair in the process of investigating the behaviour

and punishing the individual(s) involved. By maintaining procedural conscientiousness

and respect for all people involved ‘the hard decisions that you sometimes have to

take will get support [from the punished employee as well as other employees]’

(respondent A).

Most interviewees (15/18) seemed to have an overall preference for informal

sanctions. When unwanted behaviours occur, ethical leaders should call that person to

account, making clear in a respectful way that such behaviour is not allowed and if it

ever occurs again that there will be consequences. Moreover, interviewees feel that

ethical leaders should actively stimulate followers to call each other to account as well.

Where possible, formal punishments are to be avoided. At some point, however, more

formal actions are necessary to prevent the occurrence or reoccurrence of certain

behaviours. Several interviewees did indicate, however, that in determining the

appropriate sanctions, a distinction should be made between people that violate rules

because of some sort of naivety or by mistake, and those that repeatedly and willingly

cross moral norms. Interestingly, only one interviewee (P) remarked that it is just as

important not to reward unethical behaviour: perverse incentives in the system of an

organization that could lead to risk-taking or unethical behaviour should be removed

in order for reinforcement to be e�ective.

When asked whether they would be in favour of rewarding exemplary ethical

behaviour, most interviewees responded rather hesitantly and several were quick to In this article

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behaviour, most interviewees responded rather hesitantly and several were quick to

add that such rewards should only be immaterial, most notably in terms of

compliments and recognition (7/18): ‘For many of these things I think that the most

important thing is that it is seen and that they get the con�rmation ‘gee, I saw that and

I think that was really good of you’ […] I think that material rewards do very little in

things like these' (respondent E). Four other managers (H, J, K and R) felt that

rewarding ethical behaviour, whether formal or informal, is unnecessary or in practice

just too di�cult. As a department head at a public bank indicated: ‘I think that that

behaviour is rewarded by itself, because you also get it back, I assume, in the response

you get from the one you do it to. Yes, that is rewarded in and of itself’. Three

interviewees (D, L, O) did consider material rewards to be somewhat useful, but only

when applied indirectly by including ethical behaviour as a recurring theme in the

yearly assessment interviews.

Communication about ethics. To a large majority of the interviewees (17/18),

communication about ethics is important, although there are notable di�erences as to

the preferred frequency and explicitness of such communication. All the managers

working in public organizations (5/5) considered communication about ethics as

something that should occur very regularly. As one public sector manager (A) noted: ‘In

your daily contact with people, you can just start a conversation about it. There are so

many opportunities in practice […] allowing you to express [norms and values] as a

leader’. For another public sector manager (B) ‘it is just a natural topic’. For many of the

managers working in hybrid and private organization contexts, however, ethics is not a

daily topic. These interviewees felt that ethics is something that requires only periodic

maintenance and should therefore only be raised as an issue every once in a while

(4/5). However, in practice, discussion about ethics may not always be easy to organize

because ‘tomorrow the business comes �rst and integrity can always wait another day’

(manager at a social housing corporation). There are also interviewees (5/18) – all from

private organizations – who feel that communicating about ethics is not necessary at

all. One interviewee even indicated: ‘talking about it is nonsense […] The less talk about

it the better. You just have to do it’ (respondent P). For these interviewees, ethics is

communicated through behaviour and selection of personnel rather than through In this article

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communicated through behaviour and selection of personnel rather than through

words. Verbal communication about ethics should only occur ‘by exception’ or ‘when

there is reason to’ (respondents P and R).

In most cases, the di�erent views on the frequency of ethics communication seems to

re�ect di�erences in managers views on how ethical leaders should communicate

about ethics. That is, it is a re�ection of interviewees' opinions on whether or not one

should explicitly communicate in terms such as ‘ethics’, ‘integrity’ and ‘morals’. On the

one hand, there are interviewees (respondents F, K, P and Q), three of which are

private sector managers, who feel that communication about ethics should occur in

rather general terms, using the everyday vocabulary of the organization and its

members. These interviewees avoid terms like ‘ethics’ and ‘integrity’ and instead

rephrase them into ones that �t the concrete context of their organization or

department. Here, ethics is ingrained in communication about ‘atmosphere’,

‘appropriate prices’, ‘quality structures’, ‘corporate identity’, ‘the business model’ and

‘long-term client relations’. An interviewee from a �nancial �rm (K): ‘It is not like I

emphasize it from an ethical standpoint, but everyone knows that that is what it's

about’. On the other hand, there are those who suggest ethical leadership also

requires more explicit communication about ethics (11/18). Speci�cally, these latter

interviewees prefer that ethical leaders explicate the ethical component in their work,

for instance, by discussing what their moral norms and values are and how to deal

with ethical dilemmas. Here, the implicit and the explicit communication style are not

seen as mutually exclusive but as complementary to one another. Again, the

di�erences between managers' views on communication show an interesting pattern

along the public–private continuum: although there are exceptions, most managers

working in private sector organizations tend to prefer more implicit communication

strategies (5/8), whereas those operating in the more public and hybrid organizations

clearly favour a mix of both implicit and explicit communication about ethics (8/10).

Again, these results seem consistent with managers' arguments that the tasks of

public and hybrid organizations and their position in the broader society make ethics a

‘natural topic’ to discuss. Also, as suggested by three public and hybrid sector

managers (A, E, G), explicit communication might appeal more greatly to the In this article

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managers (A, E, G), explicit communication might appeal more greatly to the

motivation of public organization employees to serve the common good.

To those interviewees that consider explicit communication about ethics important,

ethical leadership entails being transparent about decisions processes and explaining

the reasoning behind one's behaviour. And, some interviewees added (5/18), ethical

leaders should put themselves in a vulnerable position by sharing their struggles and

insecurities with followers. Respondent I: ‘When people see that their manager can be

vulnerable, it makes it easier for them to also do it’. Ethical leaders should be willing to

admit to their own mistakes and be held accountable for them. Even more so, ethical

leaders can use their own and others' mistakes as valuable learning experiences for

both themselves and the organization at large (3/18). Ethical leaders should

furthermore be clear about their own moral standards and try to come to some

shared moral standards for the organization. Ethical leaders need to ‘stimulate the

conversation about ethics’ and ‘make it live’ (respondents D and H). In how and what

they communicate, ethical leaders are role models to their followers. They show that it

is desirable to think and talk about values, dilemmas or occurrences of unethical

behaviour: ‘It makes the conversation [about ethics] more normal’ (respondent D).

Communication about ethics also helps bring to the fore a person's ‘blind spots or

weaknesses’ (respondent A) and raises followers' awareness of the moral aspects of

certain issues. Similarly, communication about incidents of unethical behaviour is

considered important for organizational learning. But, many interviewees stressed that

communication about ethics is more than a one-directional message from the ethical

leader (8/18). Communication is also about asking questions and listening to the

doubts, struggles and issues raised by followers. Ethical leaders are willing to ‘receive’

messages, even when it is about the leader's own conduct. Additionally, ethical leaders

should facilitate the conversation amongst followers.

Empowerment. Consistent with recent additions to the academic literature, most of the

interviewees had a general preference for an approach to ethical leadership that

emphasizes empowerment, independent judgement, commonsense and personal

responsibility (17/18). Interviewees suggested that ethical leaders should not give too In this article

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responsibility (17/18). Interviewees suggested that ethical leaders should not give too

many instructions on what is and what is not allowed, as rules and regulations merely

create a ‘false sense of security’ (respondent Q). Moreover, putting too much emphasis

on existing norms and rules can sti�e the discussion about those norms and rules. It is

the ethical leader's job to stimulate followers to think for themselves about what is and

what is not acceptable behaviour. Ethical leaders, interviewees noted, should try to

emphasize the underlying principles rather than the precise rules that would apply in a

speci�c situation. In addition, ethical leaders should enable an open and constructive

discussion about the organization's values, norms and rules so that followers become

directly and personally involved in the development of moral standards.

At the same time, interviewees suggested that rules still remain necessary to protect

both the organization and the employee. By emphasizing principles over rules, an

ethical leader leaves much open to interpretation and thereby allows for di�erent

interpretations of ‘appropriate behaviour’. This poses a risk to both the organization

and the employee and rules thereby function as a ‘safety net’. Rules, according to

general consensus, should be applied only ‘where the organization really doesn't want

something to happen’, where ‘intuition fails’ and/ or the ‘temptations are great’

(respondent L). One private sector manager (R), however, was adamant in stating that

general principles and personal responsibility are just not enough: ethical leaders

should above all clarify unequivocally what is and what is not allowed, avoid vague

norms and maintain a strict zero-tolerance approach to ethical transgressions. Also,

two interviewees (J and K) remarked that when the education level of followers is low,

ethical leaders might need to give more precise guidelines and instructions on what is

expected of the followers.

Discussion

The results, summarized in Table 2, suggest that there are great similarities between

public, hybrid and private sector managers' views on ethical leadership. Along with a In this article

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public, hybrid and private sector managers views on ethical leadership. Along with a

few additions and speci�cations, many of the characteristics and behaviours that

prevailing theories and empirical insights attribute to ethical leaders were found in the

data, and most were agreed upon by a majority of the interviewees. The data

speci�cally revealed that the managers see ethical leadership as �rmly based upon

being a ‘moral person’, i.e. leaders' own moral values and traits, their ethical decision-

making and behaviour, as well as their relationships with followers. To many of the

interviewees, ethical leadership also entails a more or less deliberate attempt to

in�uence the ethical decision-making and behaviour of followers, i.e. being a ‘moral

manager’. Through role modelling, reinforcement, communication and empowerment,

ethical leaders send out signals that explicate and strengthen the underlying (moral)

principles that they wish to instil in followers (cf. Brown et al., 2005; Resick et al., 2006;

den Hartog and de Hoogh, 2009). For this reason, the �ndings of this study are

consistent with the social learning, social exchange and social identity perspectives of

ethical leadership proposed in the literature (Brown et al., 2005; Mayer et al., 2009) and

suggest that the fundamental components and mechanisms underlying existing

models of ethical leadership are indeed applicable across di�erent organizational

contexts.

Yet the results also imply some quali�cations of the general model of ethical

leadership, as subtle di�erences were found between public, hybrid and private sector

managers' views on ethical leadership. These di�erences provide valuable insights to

aid the development of propositions and may be used to formulate a more nuanced

ethical leadership theory. Speci�cally, while the private sector managers placed more

emphasis on honesty, public and hybrid sector managers were more inclined to

emphasize that ethical leadership requires an outward, societal focus. In line with the

theoretical speculations formulated earlier, interviewees attributed this to the very

nature of their organizational tasks and mission and to the PSM of their employees.

Table 2. Summary of the results

CSV Display Table 

In this article

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nature of their organizational tasks and mission and to the PSM of their employees.

Also consistent with theoretical expectations, di�erences were found in managers'

preferred style of communication: in general, the public and hybrid sector managers

were more in favour of addressing ethics-related issues frequently and explicitly in

terms like ‘ethics’ and ‘integrity’, whereas the private sector managers often wanted to

avoid these terms and preferred to use more implicit communication strategies. In

addition, women seemed to emphasize empathy and care in ethical leadership more

than men. Finally, though seemingly unrelated to speci�c individual or organizational

characteristics, there was some variation on the necessity of consistency in decision-

making and how and when to use formal reinforcements.

It seems then that ethical leadership is perhaps best understood as a variform

universal phenomenon, rather than a mere simple universal phenomenon. In cases of

variform universal phenomena, the general principles are universally stable yet the

precise meaning and enactment of those principles vary across contexts (cf. Bass,

1997; den Hartog et al., 1999; Resick et al., 2006). In other words, the results of this

study suggest that while the basic components of ethical leadership – moral person,

moral manager – may be rather consistent across di�erent types of organizations, the

way these components are interpreted and enacted may di�er, as may the relative

weight that people give to the respective components.

Limitations

Of course, this study is not without its limitations. The data presented here concern

the views of 18, non-randomly selected participants, who are not fully representative

of the general population of managers in the Netherlands. Likewise, the organizations

that the respondents represent are not exhaustive of all types of organizations that

one may �nd across the public–private continuum. This limits the external validity of

the �ndings and thus no generalizations can be made regarding (Dutch) managers'

views on ethical leadership or about the di�erences between the public and private

sector managers in this respect. However, as noted before, the study explicitly aimed

for theoretical rather than empirical generalization (cf. Yin, 1990; Ritchie and Lewis,

2003). The interviews aimed to delineate some initial insights on how the publicness of In this article

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2003). The interviews aimed to delineate some initial insights on how the publicness of

an organization could shape managers' views on ethical leadership, so as to inform

and expand theory on this issue and aid the development of hypotheses for further

testing – not to yield de�nitive conclusions on the empirical distribution of speci�c

viewpoints on ethical leadership across di�erent organizational contexts. Additional

research is required to further examine the extent to which the di�erent views

presented here are supported by a wider population of managers and whether the

publicness of an organization is indeed antecedent to the di�erences in viewpoints.

Another important limitation of the current study is that the sample does not include

employees. Therefore, no inferences can be made regarding the e�ectiveness of the

various approaches to ethical leadership proposed by the interviewees. Employees'

needs for ethical leadership may be very di�erent than how managers conceive and

exert it in practice. Employees may actually expect and want an ethical leader that

reduces ethical ambiguity by providing clear rules, as studies by Lasthuizen (2008) and

Kaptein (2003) imply. Or perhaps employees feel that implicit communication about

ethics, as some of the managers interviewed in this study seemed to prefer, is not

salient or clear enough (cf. Brown and Treviño, 2006). Indeed, there may be various

sources of discrepancy in the implicit ethical leadership theories of managers and

employees, which in turn may decrease the e�ectiveness of ethical leadership on

followers' ethical decision-making and behaviour (cf. House et al., 2002; Resick et al.,

2006; Martin et al., 2009; van den Akker et al., 2009). In future research on ethical

leadership conceptions, employees' views will therefore need to be explored as well.

Conclusion

In our view, this study warrants further inquiry into the di�erences and similarities that

may exist in conceptions and manifestations of ethical leadership. To allow for a better

understanding of the variform universal nature of ethical leadership, however, it is

imperative that we develop measurement instruments that are more context-sensitive

and allow for variety in styles of ethical leadership. Existing ethical leadership In this article

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and allow for variety in styles of ethical leadership. Existing ethical leadership

measures tend to provide little information on the speci�c expressions of the traits

and behaviours that they entail, and yet it is with respect to these speci�cs that the

most variety in ethical leadership is likely to be found.

To illustrate, existing measurement instruments include items like ‘discusses business

ethics or values with employees’ (Resick et al., 2006, p. 125) and ‘my supervisor clari�es

ethical decisions and norms concerning my work’ (den Hartog and de Hoogh, 2009, p.

594). Given the di�erent views on what communication about ethics entails, items

such as these may be understood in di�erent ways: one respondent might score a

leader on the amount of explicit communication about ethics, whereas another might

feel that this item also encompasses more implicit discussions of norms and values.

Di�erent interpretations of these measurement items might cause variance in ethical

leadership scores that is not an indication of whether someone is more or less

perceived to be an ethical leader, but which rather re�ects the di�erences in how

ethical leadership is exerted. Moreover, not all existing measures enable analysis of

the relative importance of the di�erent aspects across various contexts (see, however,

Martin et al., 2009; van den Akker et al., 2009). Recognizing the variform universal

nature of ethical leadership and developing additional measures of ethical leadership

that enable more variation to occur will advance our understanding of ethical

leadership itself, its relation to the organizational context, as well as its antecedents

and e�ects.

The study also pointed out gender di�erences in the respondents' conceptions of

ethical leadership: not only did female respondents emphasize more moral traits than

their male counterparts, they were also more inclined to stress aspects of care and

empathy as critical to e�ective ethical leadership. These results are consistent with

Gilligan's notion that men and women may di�er in their moral reasoning, with

women applying more of an ‘ethics of care’ whilst men have more of a tendency

towards an ‘ethics of justice’ (Gilligan, 1977, 1982; see also Woods, 1996 for an

overview). This latter line of research, however, has been highly contested and

criticized over the years (Walker, 1985; Rest, 1986). Meanwhile empirical research on In this article

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criticized over the years (Walker, 1985; Rest, 1986). Meanwhile empirical research on

gender di�erences in leadership styles remains inconclusive at best (Eagly and Carli,

2007). Perhaps, as Ambrose and Schminke (1999) suggest, gender di�erences are

merely perceived in ethics, and thus only perceived in the ethical leadership styles of

men and women. By contrast, precisely because there is so much ambiguity

surrounding the relationships between gender and ethics as well as gender and

leadership, the present results suggest it may be worth looking into the relation

between gender and ethical leadership more thoroughly in the future.

This study furthermore provides important information to managers and ethics

trainers. Whether the di�erent views on ethical leadership discussed in this article are

indeed e�ective in practice still remains to be tested empirically and hence this study

cannot be taken as a ‘checklist’ that one can simply tick-o� in order to become an

ethical leader. Nevertheless, the study provides a useful benchmark for managers to

assess their own ethical leadership e�orts and suggests managers should re�ect more

speci�cally on what is the most appropriate ethical leadership approach in their own

public, hybrid or private organizational context. Moreover, it indicates that ethics

training programmes need to appeal more directly to the speci�c beliefs and

experiences of their participants and provide concrete information on how managers

can apply certain ethical leadership behaviours in their speci�c sector. After all, it is the

managers who will need to incorporate the ethical leadership training within their daily

routines and it seems unlikely that they will incorporate behaviours that they perceive

to be unrealistic, un�tting or irrelevant to their everyday work environment.

More generally, this study suggests that it is important for managers to take account of

the di�erent views on and approaches to ethical leadership that may exist within their

own organizations. Di�erences in views on ethical leadership should be addressed

explicitly, as incongruence between ethical leadership expectations and practices are

likely to lessen its e�ectiveness (cf. House et al., 2002; Resick et al., 2006; Martin et al.,

2009; van den Akker et al., 2009). Similarly, inconsistencies between the organization's

formal ethics programmes and managers' own perspectives on the best means to

foster organizational ethics might lessen the e�ectiveness of such ethics programmes. In this article

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foster organizational ethics might lessen the e�ectiveness of such ethics programmes.

To assure that both managers' ethical leadership e�orts and formal ethics

programmes are optimally e�ective, one must identify inconsistencies between

expectations and approaches and consider whether such inconsistencies can be

mended to make the organization's ethical leadership e�orts more coherent and

mutually reinforcing.

Finally, we want to stress that the di�erences found in the views of public, hybrid and

private sector managers could have important implications when these di�erent

‘worlds’ meet, for instance in public–private partnerships or other forms of

cooperation such as outsourcing. When private parties carry out public tasks and

deliver public goods, they should be aware that their public counterpart holds

di�erent expectations of what ethical leadership entails and that public stakeholders

have other demands with regard to integrity. By highlighting managers' expectations

and preferences for ethical leadership in public, hybrid and private sector contexts,

this study can contribute to a better mutual understanding of managers who operate

across these di�erent organizational contexts. Where the di�erent public and private

worlds meet, these worlds could and should learn from one another on the basis of

this study.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the guest editors and the anonymous reviewers for

their very helpful comments on earlier versions of this article. We would also like to

thank Lieke Witlox and Gareth Hewer for their assistance and technical support.

Notes

To illustrate, ‘public organizations’ refers to organizations such as ministries and

municipalities, which are predominantly public on all three dimensions: they are under In this article

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municipalities, which are predominantly public on all three dimensions: they are under

substantial and direct political control, primarily depend on public funding, and

perform public tasks. By contrast, private organizations are predominantly private on

the same three dimensions and involve organizations such as retailers and

engineering companies. In such organizations, political control is limited, funding is

predominantly or fully private, and the primary aim is to reach private goals (most

notably, to make pro�t). Hybrid organizations then concern organizations where the

degree of publicness of the organization di�ers according to the three dimensions. For

instance, in the case of Dutch universities, where political control is moderate, funding

is increasingly becoming a mix of private and public sources, but the primary aim is

still to provide a public service.

A more extensive report and discussion of the results of this study can be found in

Heres (2010).

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