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˓Aṭṭār's "Taḏkirat al-awliyā˒" and Jāmī's "Nafaḥāt al-uns": Two Visions of Sainthood

Author(s): Denise Aigle

Source: Oriente Moderno , 2016, NUOVA SERIE, Anno 96, Nr. 2 (2016), pp. 271-315

Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44280774

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https://www.jstor.org/stable/44280774

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'Attar's Tadkirat al-awliyď and Jāmī's Nafahat al-uns Two Visions of Sainthood

Denise Aigle EPHE, CNRS UMR 8167, "Orient et Méditerranée"

denise. aigle@cnrs.fr

Abstract

This article presents two famous collections of the lives of saints: 'Attar's Tadkirat

al-awliyã ' and Jāmī's Nafahãt al-uns. Every collection of the lives of saints shares the

common tradition of Arabic-language works. Indeed, Hujvīri's Kasf al-mahjüb and

Ansāri's Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah ensured the transition with Sufi literature written in

Arabic. However, the Tadkirat al-awliyď is the first truly original work in Persian. 'Attar

and Jāmī sought to make known to their respective communities of belief the words

and deeds of spiritual masters, but they did so in two different ways. 'Attar chose a lim-

ited corpus of saints that, in his eyes, represented the primary movements of the first

centuries of Sufism. Jāmī instead favoured exhaustiveness, amassing a great number

of biographies, especially on the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. While Jāmī con-

veyed the paths of saintliness in accordance with the religious orthodoxy of his order,

'Attar showed a special attachment to the ecstatic masters. The Tadkirat al-awliyď and

Nafahãt al-uns thus represent two different ways of commemorating the memory of

the spiritual masters who embodied the mystical thought of Islam.

Keywords

'Attār - Jāmī - Sanā'ī - Rūmī - Ansāri - Hujvīrī - Abū Yazîd Bistāmī - Hallāj - ča'far

Sādiq - Šath - M'Crāģ

* Having used sources in Arabic and Persian, for greater coherence, I retain the Arabic trans-

literation for Sufi terms even if they appear in Persian works (e.g., walãyah, ahwãl). I would

like to thank Nelly Amri for reading this article, as her remarks contributed to enriching

the study.

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272 AIGLE

Sufism developed in every Muslim country, but its literary expression reached its zenith in the areas under Persian cultural influence.1 From the formative

period of Islamic mystical thought, Khurasan was the chosen land for the majority of spiritual movements, to such an extent that numerous scholars claimed a link to this territory:

The scholars called themselves al-Khurasani, not because they had an ancestor from this region of Iran or had visited it, but rather because they were followers of a Sufi teaching received from scholars of mysti-

cal movements and because, hypothetically, these saintly figures, as their masters, came from Khurasan.2

Indeed, from early times, this eastern province contributed to the develop- ment of Islamic mystical thought with great figures such as Ibrahim Adham

(d. 777), Šaqlq Balkhl (d. 810), Ahmad b. Harb (d. 849), Abū Haf§ Haddād (d. 879), and many more. The founding texts of Sufism, similarly to the great

masterpieces of mystically inspired Persian poetry, were composed by authors

native to this region. Jam! is regarded to be the last representative of this tradition.

The importance of Sufism in the development of Persian poetry was high-

lighted by Qâsim Gani: "Sufis recited poetry in their circles of remembrance

of God and in public preaching assemblies, believing discourse to be ineffec- tive without the proper poetic devices to adorn it."3 In this regard, Abū Sa'īd b.

Abi 1-Khayr (d. 440/1049) is considered the first to have introduced Sufism into Persian literature.4

The major details of Abū Sa'ïd's life are inextricably interwoven with leg-

endary tales. His father would have introduced him - while still a child - to the poet Abūl-Qāsim Bišr Yãsln (d. 380/990), who became his first spiritual master. Abū Said was said to be the author of a great number of quatrains (rubďiyyat), although these collections of versified compositions were

1 Yarshater 1968, 23.

2 Sublet 1991, 169.

3 ćanl 19673, 555; Lewisohn 1992, 15-16. On the development of Sufism and its literary aspects,

see Zarrinkoob 1970, 139-220.

4 He was born on 1 Muharram 357/7 December 967 in Mîhana, a town in Khorasan, where he

died on 4 Ša'bān 440/12 January 1049. His life was narrated in Persian in the sixth to seventh

century by one of his fifth-generation descendants, see Hālāt suķanān-i Šaykh Abü SďidL.

This work was then developed by the author's cousin, Ibn Munawar, in Asrār al-tawhîd. fi

maqãmat al-Šayfi Abi Sciïd. On Abū Sald, see Ritter 1975, 150-151; Böwering 1985, 377-380;

Meier 1976; Šafi'ī Kadkanl 1381Š/20035, in Asrār al-tawhld, davãzdah-çad u ša$t u dû.

ORIENTE MODERNO 96 (2016) 271-315

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CATTĀR'S TADKI RAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 273

compiled from diverse sources composed at different times.5 It is thus by no

means clear whether these poems came from his pen. The idea that Abū Said did not write the entire body of poetry attributed to him derives from a phrase

cited in his oldest hagiography, the Hãlãt va suhanān-i Šaykh Abü Sald: "I never

composed a poem myself. What you hear from my tongue comes from able men ( mardãn-i saturg ), the most part from Abūi-Qāsim Bišr."6 Ibn Munawar, the author of the Asrãr al-tawhîd, does not cite these words of the master of

Nishapur, but rather makes an interesting observation: "There are some who

think that these [verses] which fall from the Master's tongue are composed by

him, but this is not so, for he is so drowned in God that he has no capacity to

speak on his own."7 The poetry recited by Abū SaťId would thus be of divine

inspiration.8 Following the execution of Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj (d. 309/922),

many of his disciples sought refuge in Khurasan. His teachings and ideas thus

spread throughout Sufi circles, being incorporated into the verses uttered by

Abū SacId in his sermons. According to Dick Davis, "they became the staple of

Persian mystical literature when they were taken up by Sana'i, and after him

by Attar and Rumi."9 Thus, the poems used by Abū Sa'Id in his teachings were,

in reality, verses recited by his spiritual masters (piran ).10 He probably did not

compose the poetry himself, but was "instrumental in establishing Persian poetry as a vehicle for Sufi teaching and preaching."11

It was indeed Sanai (d. ca. 525/1130) who gave impetus to mystical poetry. The Hadîqat al-haqlqah wa-šarťat al-tarlqah is the first example of a mystical masnavī in Persian literature. This didactic poem adopts the form of an ongo-

ing discourse on a broad spectrum of ethical and religious subjects.12 For cen-

turies, the Hadîqat al-haqīqah enjoyed the favor of readers interested in Sufi

writings.13 It also had a tremendous impact on later authors. Both 'Attar and

Rūmi held Sana'! in high esteem.14 According to Jāmī, Rūmi had a relationship

5 See NafìsI 1334 sh/1955.

6 This assertion would appear to demonstrate his modesty as opposed to describing a lit-

eral reality, according to Graham Graham 1999, 95.

7 Ibid., 95. 8 Ibid., 95. 9 Davis 1984, 13.

10 Bruijn 1997, 17. 1 1 Losensky 2009, 14.

1 2 The large number of known manuscripts testifies to the text's immense popularity.

13 Bruijn 1983, 119-139. The text is dedicated to the Ghaznavid Sultan Bahrām Šāh (r. 512-547/

U18-1152), who was a great patron of Persian literature.

14 Bruijn 1999, 361-379. Rūmi based his masnavī-i mďnaví on the model of the Hadîqat aL-haąląah.

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274 AIGLE

of companionship ( suhbah ) with 'Attar in Nishapur, claiming that "'Attar was

the soul and Sana'! his two eyes: We came in the footsteps of Sanai and 'Attar"

(AttárrůhbuvadvaSanďídůčasm-iúfinadarpay-iSanďíva (Attãr āmadīm).15 Abū Sa'īd and Sanā'ī are thus considered the forerunners of Persian mystical poetry, one of whose greatest exemplars is 'Attār.

In this article, I would like to present two collections of the lives of saints

penned by authors better known for their versified mystical writings: 'Attar's

Tadkirat al-awliyď16 and Jāmī's Nafahāt al-uns.17 These texts are considered to

be essential references within Persian Sufi literature. My aim is not to compare

the two works from a strictly literal perspective, since the biographies consti-

tuting these collections are, by nature, very different: they are highly devel-

oped with 'Attar, but far shorter with JāmI, who closely adheres to the model

of the tabaqãt collections. Instead, I would like to show how these two authors

adapt the founding writings of Khorasan Sufism in Arabic and Persian based on their own visions of sainthood. After briefly overviewing the biographies

of 'Attar and JāmI, I will detail their motivations for writing these collections of the lives of saints. Then, in the first instance, I will show how 'Attar utilizes

his sources and composes a true mystical epic similar to the famous Legenda aurea of Jacobus de Voragine.18 To this end, I will study three spiritual figures

who strongly influenced 'Attar's mystical thought: ča'far Sâdiq, Abū Yazld Bistami, and Husayn b. Mançûr Hallāj. In the second instance, while examin- ing Jāmī's relationship with his sources, I will highlight his relative faithful- ness to the ancient Arabic tradition of the collections of the lives of saints.

In contrast to 'Attar, he does not innovate in the tabaqãt genre, but rather seeks

to present himself as the most accomplished representative of this tradition in Iranian Sufism.

'Attar and JāmI: Authors of the tazkirah of Saints

Farīd al-DIn Muhammad 'Attar, who grew up in a literary milieu steeped in the

poetic writings of Sanā% played a pivotal role in thirteenth-century mystical

poetry. 'Attar's works reflect his vision of the path leading to God. In this life,

one must experience mystical union, only attainable through the purification

of the heart. The via purgativa is the main theme of his writings. It is said that

1 5 Nafahāt al-uns, 599. 1 6 Tadkirat aí-awlfyď 1355Š/19762.

1 7 Nafahat al-uns 1336Š/1957. 18 On this text, see Boureau 1984; Dunn-Lardeau 1986.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 275

he exercised the profession of pharmacist, as he did not wish to depend on the

milieu of the court to support himself. It would appear that 'AtÇâr was affected

by the execution of Maģd al-DIn Bagdad! (d. 616/1219) on the order of the sov-

ereign of Khwārazm, Muhammad b. Tikiš.19 He held no illusions about his con-

temporaries in power. In the Mantiq al-tayrf probably completed in 626/1229,

he presents them as capricious and cruel individuals with whom he avoids all contact: "I have not eaten the food of any tyrant, nor have I signed any book

with my pen-name."20

'Attar's greatness as a mystical poet was only discovered after his death. His

works first circulated privately in Khorasan, before gaining greater popular-

ity in the fifteenth century. His writings then became a genre of Persian lit-

erature known as the poetry of annihilation {fana'iyyat ), parallel to poetry of

wine ( hamriyyãt ) or that of the antinomian Sufis ( qalandarî ) 21 From this time

onwards, his life became embellished with legendary characteristics, as seen in

the biographies penned by Jāmī and Dawlatšah.22

Yet we know very little about 'Attar's life; even the date of his death is a mat-

ter of much discussion. Until now, it has been generally accepted - according

to Furūzānfar's reconstruction of his biography - that he was born around 540/1145-46 in Nishapur and died around the age of 70 years, probably a victim

of the Mongols' massacre of the city in Safar 618/April 1221. Muhammad Rizā

Šaffī KadkanI revised this biography based on data from the local historiogra-

phy. He consequently proposes a new date of 1229 or 1230 for his death.23

From childhood, and without apparent cause, he showed an interest in spir-

itual masters. In the introduction of the Tadkirat al-awliyã3, he writes that "love

for this tā'ifah has welled up my soul (jãnam mawj mlzad ), and their words have always brought joy to my heart."24 'Awfï, a contemporary of 'Attar, includes

him in the Lubāb al-albāb , the first anthology of poets written in Persian dur-

ing the Seljuk period.25 He refers to him as "the wayfarer on the Path of Truth

and the dweller on the prayer carpet of the Path" ( sãlik-i jãdda-ye haqîqah va sākin-i sajjãdah-yi tarîqah). In other words, he presents him as a mystic. He also mentions his piety, his orthodoxy ( husn-i Vtiqãd ), and the high

1 9 Lewisohn 1992, 30.

20 Manfiq al-tayr, v. 4603.

21 Ernst 1999, 337. On this type of poetry, see Bruijn 1992, 75-86.

22 On 'AtÇâr, see Ritter 1975, 775-777 ; Reinert 1989, 20-25; Ritter 19792; Furūzānfar 1339Š/1960;

Šafil KadkanI 1378Š/1999; Landolt 2006, 3-26.

23 Safìl Kadkanl 1378Š/1999, 62-69.

24 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 8; Trans. Losensky 2009, 44. 25 Matin! 1989, 118.

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276 AIGLE

quality of his poetry.26 Thanks to 'Abd al-Razzāq Ibn al-Fuwat! (d. 723/1323),

we know that Naslr al-DIn TūsI met 'Attar in person in Nishapur.27 He describes

him as wan eloquent old men who had an excellent way of interpreting and understanding the discourse of the [Sufi] masters ( husn al-istinbāt wa-l- mďrifah li-kalãm al-mašďih), the gnostics ( al-'āriftn ), and spiritual guides (1 al-ďimmah al-sālikīn)."28 It is conceivable that Naslr al-DIn Tūsī alludes here

to the Tadkirat al-awliyď.

It would appear that 'Attār did not have a spiritual master in the proper sense

of the term. On the authority of JāmI, he was a murld of Maģd al-DIn Bagdad!.29

Indeed, in the introduction of the Tadkirat al-awliyã3 , 'Attār claims to have

once visited an imam by the name of Maģd al-DIn Khwārazmī.30 Muhammad Rizā Šaffī Kadkanī showed that the imam in question was Ahmad Khwārī,31 a

disciple of Maģd al-DIn Bagdad!.32 The spiritual closeness between 'Attār and the latter is perceptible in his thought. They both shared a common aversion

for philosophers, Avicenna in particular. In the Musībat-nāmah , 'Attār thus affirms: "Say [He is God the One], and that only the Islamic sciences of fiqht

tafalr and hadlt lead to salvation ( najãt ) in the Hereafter {hayat-i haqq ), no the

Cure (šija')t i.e. Avicenna's philosophy."33

In the Tadkirat al-awliyďt 'Aftār compiles speculative meditations, popular

legends, historical anecdotes, and aphorisms that are the fruit of a rich intel-

lectual and poetic tradition. The title chosen by 'Attar is meaningful in terms of

his objective. The term tazkira derives from the Arabic root <d-k-r> , signifying

"to remember," "to recollect."34 Hence, this means evoking the sacred memory

of the first spiritual masters. The Tadkirat al-awliyď is 'Attar's only work in

prose, although it is written in a poetic style.35 The spirit in which this text was

26 Landolt 2006, 8.

27 According to Furūzānfar, this meeting most certainly took place between 612-618/ 1215-1221 when Naçïr al-DIn TùsI studied philosophy and fiqh in this city.

28 Ibn al-Fuwa^I, part 4/3, 46-47.

2 g Nafahāt al-uns, 59g. His Bagdadi nisbah comes from Baģdādak, a village in Khwārazm.

30 Tadkirat al-awltyď, g; Landolt 2006, g.

3 1 Safìì Kadkanī i378š/iggg, 71; Landolt 2006, 10.

32 In this account, the lamentation of Khwāri makes an allusive reference to the recent exe-

cution of Maģd al-DIn Baģdādī, implying that the Tadkirat al-awltyď was composed in

6i6/i2ig or slightly after.

33 Landolt 2006, 10. 34 'Attar is apparently the first to have used the word with this meaning. Over the centuries,

this term was commonly used in the titles of collective biographies, especially those by

poets. On the tazkira works in Persian, see Gulchln Ma'āni i348-i350Š/ig70-ig72.

35 This is one of the main examples of early Persian prose; see Lazard ig63, 121.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 277

composed attests to the author's spiritual journey, in the same way as his versi-

fied works do. The popularity of the Tadkirat al-awliyď is evident by the great

number of manuscripts preserved in numerous libraries in addition to the six-

teenth- and seventeenth-century manuscripts that incorporate an apocryphal

cycle concluding with the biography of the fifth imam, Muhammad Bâqir.36

At the time of 'All ŠIr Navā'I in the fifteenth century in Herat, this memorial of

saints was translated into Uyghur,37 a sign that the text, like the Nafahãt al-uns ,

circulated throughout the Turkish-speaking areas of Central Asia. Nūr al-DIn fAbd al-Rahmān b. Ahmad Jam! was born in 817/1414, more than

two centuries after 'Attār. Jāml's links with the Naqshbandi brotherhood and

members of the Timurid dynasty had a decisive influence on his career. His ini-

tial contact with the order occurred at the mere age of five years, when Khvāja

Muhammad Pārsā (d. 822/1419) passed by Herat on his way to Mecca.38 This saintly man made a great impression upon him, and he recounts the story in

the Nafahãt al-uns.39 His true master was Sa'd al-DIn Kašģarī (d. 860/1456), of

whom he dreamed when he was studying in Samarkand. Believing this vision

to be a spiritual event, he henceforth returned to Herat to follow his teaching.

However, it was mostly Khvāja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār (d. 896/1490) - the successor

of Sa'd al-DIn as the head of the order - who had a major influence on Jāml's

spiritual life.40 With him, however, Jam! did not have a genuine master-disciple

relationship in the form of companionship. Despite only meeting him in per-

son on a few occasions in Samarkand, Marv, and Tashkent, Jam! maintained

a copious correspondence with him.41 He dedicated a long poem to him, the Tuhfat al-ahrãr , devoted to the great Naqshbandi shaykhs. Jam! himself was

a respected teacher and recognized spiritual master. Sultan Husayn Bãyqarã (r- 873-911/1469-1506), the great patron of scholars and artists, was his protec-

tor. He was also very close to 'All ŠIr Navā'ī (d. 906/1501), the spiritual adviser of

36 A later Shi'ite compiler may have penned these later versions; see Estelami 2004.

37 Tezkereh-i EvliL Le Mémorial des saints. Translation of the Uyghur manuscript held at the

French National Library by Abel Pavet de Courteille 1889-1890. This manuscript is the only

known translation in Uyghur. It is a shortened version of the Tadkirat al-awliyã' The later

additional part does not figure in the Uyghur manuscript dated to the fifteenth century;

see Estelami, 2004.

38 Naqshbandi shaykhs are often designated by the term khvāja, signifying "master," and col-

lectively under the title of Khvājagān.

39 Nafahãt al-uns, 392-393. 40 On Khvaja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār and the Naqshbandi order, see Gross and Urunbaev 2002,

1-22.

41 On the written correspondence of Khvāja cUbayd Allāh Ahrār, see The Letters of Khwčya

Vbayd Allah Ahrār and his Associates, 57-90.

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278 AIGLE

the sultan.42 Yet, despite his status, wealth, and influence, Jam! lived a simple

and unostentatious life just outside of Herat He died in 898/1492 when Sultan

Husayn Bäyqarä was at the height of his glory. The latter subsequently orga-

nized an extravagant funeral for his poet.

Thus, unlike 'Attar who deliberately withdrew from the world, Jam! earned

recognition as a poet in the court of Herat, all the while being one of the spiri-

tual leaders of the Naqshbandi tarîqah.43 The majority of Jāml's works on Sufism, whether in prose or verse, explicitly or implicitly aims to expound the

teachings of Ibn 'Arab! (d. 638/1240).44 His principal master, Khvāja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār, was a member of the "wahdat al-wugüd" and well versed in the

works of Šayh al- Akbar.45 Jāml's devotion to Ibn 'Arabi was also inspired by the

writings of Khvāja Muhammad Pārsā, whose son was his companion in Herat46

Jam! penned two commentaries on the Fusüs al-hikam of Ibn 'Arabi. The Naqd

al-nusüs fi šarh-i Naqš al-fusüs was written when Jāmī came under the influ-

ence of Khvāja ťUbayd Allāh Ahrār.47 Toward the end of his life, he endeavored

to write a commentary in Arabic on the entire text of the Fusüs al-hikam , this

being his final major mystical work. Jāml's role in spreading Ibn 'Arabl's ideas

throughout the Persian world is not, however, limited to these commentar- ies. His Lavā'ih comprises a series of 36 meditations on diverse mystical and metaphysical subjects, composed in both verse and prose.48 Nevertheless, his most popular work in the domain of Sufi literature is the Nafahāt al-unsy which

42 He bestowed the honorific title of "close friend of the sultan" (muqarrab-i hażrat-i sultāni)

upon him; see Hosain-[Bosworth] 1993, 92.

43 Jam! writes after the death of his first master, Sa'd al-Dīn KāšģarI, but he fails to mention

that he was his disciple in his biographical note in the Nafahāt al-uns. His position within

the order suggests that he was considered a true representative; see Mojaddedi 2001,

207, n. 3.

44 On Jāml's role as an interpreter and expounder of Ibn 'Arabl's teachings, see Chittick 1979,

135-157.

45 Khvāja 'Ubayd Allāh Ahrār shared with Ibn 'Arab! his instruction in "the spiritual being

(rühäniyyah) of Jesus"; he was 7sawī l-mašrab. See Algar 1991, 51.

46 In his short work entitled Suķanān-i Khwāģa Pārsā, Jam! utilizes many Akbarian concepts

and terms, although he does not cite the name of Ibn ťArabI. This work comprises notes

written by Khvāja Pārsā in the manuscript margins; these notes were then compiled and

arranged by Jāmī. See Algar 1991, 48.

47 This is a commentary on Šayķ al-Akbar's own abridged version of his Fuģūs al-hikam.

48 English translation by Chittick, in Murata 2000, and French translation by Richard 1982.

There exists an old translation by E.H. Whinfield and Mirza Muhammad Kazvini from

1906 with a facsimile edition of the manuscript, printed in 1928 by the Royal Asiatic

Society, London and then republished in 1978 in London with an introduction by Seyyed Hossein Nasr.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL- AWL I YÃ* AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 279

marks the culmination of this genre in Persian. After Jāmī's death, 'All Šír Navā'ī translated the Nafahãt al-uns into Chaghatay Turkish under the title of

Nasā'im al-mahabbah min šamďim al-fiituwwah , although he omitted numer-

ous biographies (e.g., all saintly women) and added others, including Indian saints. As it were, Khvāja ťUbayd Allāh Ahrār had had disciples in Mughal India.

The Naqshbandi order consolidated its position just before 1600, toward the end of Akbar's reign.

JāmI produced a great diversity of writings that attest to the variety of his knowledge and mastery of the Arabic and Persian languages. He is even more famous as a poet, notably for his seven masnavī known collectively under the title of Haft awrang. Jam! was called "the quintessential Timurid man-of-letters."49 His work is often seen to epitomize medieval Persian litera-

ture, standing at the confluence of courtly and mystical traditions, although

making the end of its golden age.50 After Jāmī's death, his writings spread throughout the entire Tersianate world."

The Motives of the Authors

Very early on, writing about the life of a saint is considered to be a pious act,

contributing to the spiritual experience of the author. It would rather seem,

however, that 'Attar was motivated by his attachment to the words of spiritual

masters. In the introduction of the Tadkirat al-awliyã' he thus writes: "leav- ing aside the Quťan and the traditions of Prophet, there are no words loftier

than those of the masters of the path."51 In support of this claim, he qualifies

their words in the following manner: "they are the outcome of experience and

inspiration (kār va hã[)t not the fruit of memorization and quotation (hiß va

qãí). They come from contemplation (tyãn), not commentary ( bayãn ), from

the innermost self (asrar), not imitation ( tikrãr )."52

'Attar criticizes here the fossilization of a tradition that favored dogmatic

emulation (taqlid) over the direct experience of the divine ( tahqlq ). This oppo-

sition to clerical dogmatism manifested quite early in Iran. According to Abū

Yazld Bistami (d. 261/875), t0 whom the poet had a special attachment,53 the

49 Bruijn 2002, 83. 50 Arberry 1958, 450. Divergent views exist with regard to his work; see Algar 2013 chapter

"Further Readings."

5 1 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 5; Trans., 40.

5 2 Tadkirat al-awliyāy, 5; Trans., 40-41.

53 'Aftār names him Bãyazld and writes a long biography about him; see below.

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280 AIGLE

transmitters of hadiths were "Dead people narrating from the dead." He in turn claimed to have visited the celestial court where he encountered no scholar of

religious sciences ( 'ãlim) or jurist (faqîh).5*

Iranian Sufism is founded on a number of exoteric (zãhir) versus esoteric (bātin) oppositions, for which numerous attestations emerge in the texts.55 The early masters observed the "rule of the heart" in reference to the spirit of

the hadith: "Seek the decree of the heart, even if the judges decree otherwise."56

However, as shown by Bruijn, anti-clericalism was more a topos of Persian Sufi literature than an anti-sectarianism.57

ťAttar considers that the words of saints "come from divine knowledge ( 'ibn-i

ladunnt ), not acquired learning (Hlm-i kasbï), from ardour ( ģūšīdān ), not effort

(kūšīdān) and from the universe of my Lord instructed me (' alam-i adabanrìi

rabbi), not the world of my father taught me (ģahān-i * alamanni abi), for these

masters are the heirs of the prophets."58

The term 7 Im-i ladunnl is of Quranic origin. In sura 18, a long passage (v. 60-82) depicts Moses with a companion whose name is never given but who

is identified as iļidr by the exegetes. This enigmatic figure, after reaching the

source of life, drinks from the fountain of youth that renders him immortal.

He hence sees his life prolonged until the end of time. According to verse 65,

Hidr is "a man [. . .] We had given knowledge of Our own (min ladunnã ť ibnã )."

'Attār adopts the idea, as expressed by Tabarī in his exegesis of the Quran, that

God rewards saints with his knowledge.59 He chooses his friends and bestows a

specific nature and sensitivity upon them, thus rendering them different from

common people. Among the early Sufi masters, attaining walãyah (sainthood) marks the

completion of a journey along the spiritual path. Dū 1-Nūn Misñ was the first to

define and teach "the classification of the mystical states ( tartīb al-ahwãt) and

the stages on the way of the master of the sanctity ( maqãmãt ahi al-walāyah)

[...]. Others authors would add or suppress particular stages, but he established

54 Lewisohn 1992, 19-20. 55 See the discussion on the conflicts between "Sufis and mullahs" in ibid., 19-24.

56 Ibid., 21; Kitāb al-Lumā'fi l-taęawwuf, 16.

57 Bruijn 1992. 5 8 Tadkirat al-awliyã* , 5; Trans., 41.

59 Explaining the expression "divinely disclosed knowledge" (7 bn al-ladunni), Tabarī quali-

fies the knowledge of Ņi<Jr as "knowledge of the unseen" (7/m al-gayb); see Talat Halman

2013, 97.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÄ* AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 281

the idea of fixed steps for the sanctifying graces."60 By emphasizing that the

masters' spiritual knowledge with regard to saintliness comes from God him-

self, 'Attar implicitly states that God chooses His awliyã'.

He thus differentiates several types of men:

The friends of God are different, some are adherents of mystical realiza-

tion ( ahl-i maYifah) and some of proper conduct ( ahl-i mu'āmalāt ); some

are adherents of love ( ahl-i mahabbah) and some of unity ( ahl-i tawhîd)', some are all of these.61

After showing the irreplaceable value of the words of spiritual masters, 'Attar

details his reasons for writing this memorial of saints. He expresses the virtues

that he accords to their teaching:

They make people's hearts cold to this world; they make the mind dwell

continually on the afterworld; they bring out the love for the Real in peo-

ple's hearts; when people hear this sort of discourse, they begin to pre-

pare provisions for the endless road ( rāh bī payãn).62

In accordance with the idea that the sacred word has a therapeutic value, 'Attar

considers that the words of saints have both a spiritual and medical effect on

whoever hears them:63 they may mend the broken heart (díl šikasta) a disci-

ple who, in turn, finds peace and strength. It is therefore important to gather

such words together, as the resultant book will raise men and make them prog-

ress: "this is a book that will turn weaklings (mukhannasãn) into men and turn

men into lions (Sir mard) and turn lions into paragons (fard-i khãss) and turn

paragons into pain itself ('ayn-i dard)?6*

'At{ār also evokes his personal motivations - associated with the inter- cession - that persuaded him to compose this memorial of saints. Through this book, he hopes that whoever finds a solution to his problem will remem-

ber him in his prayers; he will thus be delivered from Hell at the time of the

60 Massignon 1997, 145. 6 1 Tadkirat al-awlřyď, 5-6; Trans., 41.

62 Tadkirat al- awliyã3, 9; Trans., 45.

63 On the therapeutic effects of the words of saints, see 'Iyâd b. Mûsà, al-Šifď bi-ta'rtf huqüq

al-Muętąfa. This work met great success and played an important role in popular piety.

On ťIyad b. Mûsà (d. 544/1149), see Talbi 1978, 302-303.

64 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 9.

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282 AIGLE

punishment of the tomb ('adhãb al-qabr).65 He expects to obtain the divine benediction in accordance with the words of the Prophet: "Mercy descends when one recalls the pious. If someone sets a table that mercy rains (maya) down upon, perhaps he will not be turned away from it empty-handed.*66 'Attar also claims to have written the Tadkirat al-awliyã3 in response to an indi-

rect request from his religious brothers: "I saw that a group of my friends took

great delight in the words of this folk."67 Finally, he seeks to respond to the

religious needs of his time:

I have set forth their words to the best of my ability. This is an era when

this way of speaking has disappeared entirely. Pretenders have emerged

in the guise of spirit folk ( ahl-i ma'ānt ), and people of the heart (ahl-i dit)

have become rare as the philosopher's stone (> kibrītahmar ).68

Here, 'Attar criticizes the philosophers to whom he fostered a certain aver-

sion. For many Sufi masters, the philosophers had introduced the usage of reason to explain the contingency of the world ( imkān-i ' alam ). Abdol-Hosein

Zarrinkoob points out that "The true knowledge that lies beyond the reach of reason is accessible only to the heart, which is a window onto the realm of the 'unseen?69 In 'Attar's view, it is the "knowledge from the side of God"

(7 Im-i ladunnT) with which God rewards the saints.70

In his introduction, 'Attar expresses his veneration for the awliyď who received an initiation from God Himself. He narrates the spiritual epic of the

first mystics in a new language in order to attract the sympathy of a wider and

more mainstream audience. The Tadkirat al-awliyã 9 is written from a didac-

tic and homiletic perspective with the aim of exhorting and encouraging the

believer to persevere on the mystical path. This text belongs to a rich tradition

of public teaching and preaching that is characteristic of Khurasan spirituality. Almost three centuries later, Jam! explains his motivations in quite a dif-

ferent manner. Indeed, 'Attār wrote in an era prior to the organization of Sufism into spiritual paths ( turuq ), although the beginning of this codification

65 Tadkirat al-awliyā' 6; Trans., 42. The rules concerning the torment of the tomb (Í adhāb

al-qabr) are mainly found in the hadiths: death is cognizant of its final destiny. On this

notion, see Amri 2008, 47-51.

66 Tadkirat al-awliyã ' 7; Trans., 43.

67 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 6; Trans., 40-41.

68 Tadkirat al-awliyã' 8; Trans., 44. 69 Zarrinkoob 1970, 202. 70 See above.

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'ATTĀR'S TADKI RAT AL- AWL I YĀ' AND JAMÍ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 283

was already apparent. During the Mongol and Timurid periods, Sufi orders (tarîqah) developed in Iran, as did the institutions (ķānaqāh) that played a sig-

nificant educative role in society, as every social class took part in the gather-

ings of masters, listening to their sermons and public teachings. In the twelfth

century, faãnaqãh were found in every major city in Khurasan and Transoxiana,

although they emphasized the individual's relationship with God as opposed to the social entity of the venue. The socio-political dimension of this institu-

tion grew stronger at the end of the fourteenth century, becoming quite evi-

dent in the Naqshbandi order to which Jam! belonged.71

In the introduction of the Nafahāt al-uns, Jam! states his desire to write a

collection of saints' biographies modeled on the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah of ťAbd al-Rahmān SulamI (d. 412/1021).72 In his view, this text embodies the entire teaching of the masters who paved the way for mystical thought. In the hearts of the men mentioned in this text, so he writes, were summarized the sciences

relating to both the exterior (' ulüm-i zãhir) and interior doctrines (' ulüm-i bãtin). These masters were both the lights of sainthood and the effects of divine guidance ( anwãr-i walãya va āsār-i hidãya).73

The filiation between SulamI and Jam! is established through cAbd Allah Muhammad Ansārī (d. 481/1089), who translated this collection of the lives of

saints into Persian. Jam! holds the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah of the master of Herat

in high esteem. In his view, the text contributed to making known this saintly class of men:

His Holiness Šaykh al-Islām, the shelter for mankind, the protector of the

sunna, the preventer of innovation, [. . .] dictated ( imlã ) that (Sulaml's

Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah) in sessions ( maģālis ) with companions and assem- blies (maģāmi*) in which he would advise and admonish. He added to it further utterance belonging to some shaykhs ( mašā'ih ) who had not

been mentioned in that book, and also some of his own mystical experi-

ences and inspirations. One of his devotees and disciples collected them [the dictations] and compiled them into a book (yaki az muhibbãn va murīdān ān-rā ģarrimīkarda va dar qayd-i kitāba mîyâvurda ).74

71 See Paul 1991.

72 On the contribution of Sulaml's Tabaqãt al-ņūfiyyah to the formation of Sufism, see Thibon 2009, 510-519.

73 Nafahāt al-uns, 3. 74 Nąfahat al-uns , 4; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 166.

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284 AIGLE

JāmI thus seeks to pursue the approach adopted by SulamI, while adapting Ansārfs Tabaqãt to the linguistic context of his period and supplementing the biographies:

Truly that is a fine book and a noble collection, containing the truths of

the Sufi gnosis and the subtle intricacies of this community. However,

since it is written in the old language of Herat (zabãn-i haravl-yi qadwi),

which was used at that time [...], many sections are difficult to under- stand, and since it is also limited ( muqtasar ) in his mention of some early

members ( mutaqqadimãn ), and fails to mention other [early] members,

His Holiness Šhaykh al-Islām himself, his contemporaries ( mu'āsirān ) and the later members ( muta'akhkhirān ), I have many times thought about trying to redact it ( tahrlrva taqrlr), in accordance with my ability

and endurance by conveying whatever is comprehensible with a well- known contemporary expression [...]; adding to the above the explana- tion of the states (ahwal), stations ( maqãmãt ), gnosis ( mďarif ), miracles

(karãmãt), and dates of birth and death of a group who are not men- tioned in that book.75

By compiling a copious number of biographies, Jam! hopes to provide the reader with information about these great spiritual figures so that he will acquire a sound knowledge about this class of men.76 While 'Attar empha- sizes the supranatural qualities of saints, Jam! instead concentrates on their behavior and progression along the mystical path: "the aim [of this book] is to explain the morality ( akhlãq ), actions ( afāl), stages (maqãmãt), and states

(i ahwal) of the saints."77

Jam! explains that for a long time, he lacked the opportunity to undertake

this project, but in 881/1476, he began writing the Nafahãt al-uns after the request of cAlī Šír Navā'ī. His objective thus differs from that of 'Attar who had

chosen a more restricted corpus of saints from among the masters of the first

centuries of Sufism. Jam! instead expresses a real concern for exhaustiveness,

as if he dare not leave out any of these figures of excellence.78 His collection

of the lives of saints was intended for the members of the Naqshbandi broth-

erhood. It thus contains the biographies of the most eminent shaykhs of the

7 5 Nafahãt al-uns , 4; Trans., 167.

76 Nafahãt al-uns, 28. 77 Nafahãt al-uns , 635. 78 This feature is not distinctive of Jam!; in the $ifat al-safwā, Ibn al-Gawz! (d. 597/1200) lists

saints as well as anonymous female saints.

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CATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 285

order, including Khvāja ťUbayd Allāh Ahrār who was still alive at the time of the

Nafahãt al-unś composition. The inclusion of a living figure in a work of this

type is quite unusual; it should hence be understood as a sign of Jāmfs esteem

for the man whom he considered to be his true spiritual master. The Nafahãt

al-uns marked an important contribution to the history of the order, even after

Jāml's death.

In the sixteenth century, the Ottomans presented Jam! and 'All Šīr Navā'ī

as "guiding stars."79 Mahmūd Lāmi'ī (d. 938/1531-32) composed a version of the Nafahãt al-uns in Ottoman Turkish under the title of Futūh al-mu'āhidln

li-tarvīh qulüb al-mušāhidīn with numerous additions.80 His self-designated epithet, "the Jam! of Rūm," strongly suggests that the author considered himself the replica of his Persian paragon. He was likewise an important Naqshbandi shaykh who received attention from those in power.81 Mahmūd Lāmi'ī translated the biographies of Jam! using his own intellectual authority

and knowledge. According to Patricia Flemming, "investigation is needed on the transformation which Jami's lives of saints underwent at the hands of his

Turkish translator."82 Mahmūd LāmiTs translation of the Nafahãt al-uns "gave

it a value of its own as a document for the history of Anatolian mysticism."83

It attests to the importance of this text and its dissemination in Naqshbandi milieus.84 However, the posterity of Jāmfs collection of the lives of saints is not

limited to Turkish-speaking lands. The Nafahãt al-uns attracted attention in India, where it served as the model for numerous works of this type that were

compiled in the Indian Subcontinent.85

The Tadkirat al-awliyď: Sources and Organization of the Material

In the Tadkirat al-awliy a', 'Attar collected the biographies of saints - including

one woman (Rābi'ah) - chosen from among the mystics of the first centuries

of Islam.86 Among his stated sources, he fails to mention the traditional works

79 Gibb 1902, 8. 80 This translation was completed in 927/1521; see Storey 19722, 955-956.

81 Bruijn 2002, 82. 82 Flemming 1994, 63. 83 Bruijn 2002, 82. 84 On Jāml's influence in the Aq Quyunlu court, see Lingwood 2011a, 233-245; Idem 2011b,

175-191-

85 Algar 2013, 130.

86 The 25 additional biographies found in later manuscripts are by another hand.

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286 AIGLE

of Sufism. He instead refers the reader to three texts that have not been pre-

served. In his eyes, these books are the most complete resource with regard to

the sayings of the masters:

If a seeker is seeking a full commentary on the sayings of this folk, tell

him to study these books: Šarh al-qalb, Kašfal-asrār and Mďrifat al-nafa.

It is your opinion that none of the sayings of this clan will remain obscure

to him, except that God wills.87

The first cited text, the Šarh al-qalb , is one of his own poetic works that he

destroyed himself. The Kašfal-asrār and Ma'rifat al-nafe are undoubtedly two

lost works of ťA{tar. He employs other sources, not explicitly mentioned, but

related by Muhammad IstilāmI, the editor of the text88 In the introduction,

'Attar utilizes the term ģam c kardan (to collect, gather together) to describe

his composition process. He selects key passages from ancient texts to render

them accessible and appealing to a contemporary audience. The Sufi circles of Khurasan produced the three principal works used by 'Attar. Sulamfs Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah provided part of the material. There are also numerous extracts from the Persian translation of the Risãlah by £Abd al-Karīm QušayrT (d. 465/1072) and the Kašfal-mahģūb by 'All b. 'Usmān Huģvīrī

(d. between 465-469/1072-77). 'Aftār substantially transformed his sources, as

he sought to render the Arabic texts accessible to Persian speakers, although he would also paraphrase them or insert new material.89 In some cases, this particular manner of composing the Tadkirat al-awliyď renders the identifica-

tion of a precise source problematic. Indeed, 'Aftār composes a collection of edifying biographies based on his own spiritual approach.

The Tadkirat al-awliyã ' comprises 72 biographies, which is unusual for this

type of work. The tabaqãt authors usually sought to preserve the memory of all of the masters who had contributed to elaborating Sufi thought The number 72 is common in medieval Islamic writings, but it holds no quantita-

tive numerical value.90 The most famous usage of this number is found in a well-known hadith of the Prophet: "The Jews were split into seventy-one or

-two sects; and the Christians were split into seventy-one or -two sects; and my

87 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 5; Trans., 41.

88 Esteiam! established a dozen sources; see Tadkirat al-awliyã', darvāzdah-bīst va yak

(xii-xxi). On the manner of rewriting sources, see Losensky 2007, 107-119. Here, the

author examines the biography of Abū 1-Hasan ťAlI b. Sahl Içfahânï.

89 See Losensky 2009, 15-18; Idem 2007, 107-119.

90 Losensky 2009, 19.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 287

community will be split into seventy-three sects."91 The historical resonance

of this sacred number seems decisive in 'Attar's project. Indeed, each individ-

ual endowed with a biography in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' represents a spiritual

movement. This group of masters embodies the whole of Islamic spirituality,

from the moral scruple of Dāwūd al-Tāi (d. 160/775) to the visionary realiza-

tion of Abū 1-Husayn Nūrī (d. 295/907). The number of chapters seems to be a

symbolic allusion to the hadith92 that expresses 'Attar's special attachment to

the Prophet Muhammad. The biographies proceed in chronological order in accordance with the bio-

graphical section of Huģvūī's Kašf al-mahģūb. Uways QaranI (d. ca. 37/657), a contemporary of the Prophet, is the oldest figure included in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' However, his biographical note is preceded by one dedicated to ča'far Sâdiq (d. 148/765). According to the chronological order, the biography

of the latter should be in ninth or tenth position. cAttār thus explains why he

begins by honoring the memory of the Imam in the following manner:

We had said that if we were to memorialize the prophets, Muhammad's companions, and his family, it would require a separate book. This book

will consist of the biographies of the masters of this clan, who lived after

them. But as a blessing, let us begin with Çâdiq (may God pleased whit him), for he too lived after them. Since among the Prophet's descendants,

he said the most about the path and many traditions have come down from him, I shall say a few words about this esteemed man, for they are all as one. When he is remembered, it is remembrance of them all.93

Huģvlrl, as one of 'Attar's main sources, dedicates the first chapter of the bio-

graphical section of the Kašf al-mahģūb to the "Imams who were among the Companions ( sahāba )n in which the biographies of the four first caliphs are

found. The second chapter, "Their Imams who belonged to the house of the Prophet (Ahl al-bayt)n contains the biographies of the descendants of 'All and

Fātfmah, from Hasan to ča'far Sädiq. 'Attār thus combines Huģvīrī's two first

chapters into a single biography, thus placing the genealogy of the Prophet within the spiritual tradition of Islam. The saints are the legitimate heirs of Muhammad. Their relationship to the Prophet is included, not only through

9 1 Losensky 2009, 19. 92 Ibid. 93 Tadkirat al-awliyā3, 12; Trans., 46.

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288 AIGLE

the prism of spiritual heritage (virosa), but also through through "filiation." The saint is hence considered his son.94

ča'far §ādiq had been bountiful with the pious guidance offered to "proto-

Sufis" like Dāwūd al-Tā'I and Sufyän Tawrl (d. 161/776), which foretold his inte-

gration into Sufism.95 In the Tadkirat al-awUyā' Dāwūd al-Tāi makes his first

appearance as one of the representatives of ča'far Sâdiq, who also appears as the master of Bayazld Bistami. With such horizontal references, 'Attar inter-

twines the biographies and ensures the coherence of his collection of the lives

of saints.96 The figures of Uways Qaranî and ča'far Sâdiq complement each other. As a descendant of the Prophet, the Imam was socially important, but

he was also a master recognized for his knowledge.97 As to Uways QaranI, he

was but an obscure and illiterate camel keeper. He nevertheless embodies the paradigmatic figure of the uwaysc type of initiation, that is, without physical

contact. In certain hadiths, Uways QaranI is endowed with the title of "emi- nent among the successors" (hayr al-tãbi7n).9S Huģvīrī tells how Muhammad said to his Companions: "There is a man at Qaran, called Uways, who at the Resurrection will intercede for a multitude of my people, as many as the sheep

of Rabi'ah and Mudar."99 So while ča'far Sâdiq shares the prophetic tradition

through genealogical descent, Uways QaranI receives a spiritual initiation from the Prophet himself.100 Biological heritage is thus counterbalanced by spiritual affinity.

The final saint portrayed by 'Attar is Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj who, through

martyrdom, reached the summit of spirituality. If 'Attār had wanted to con-

clude his collection of the lives of saints with a representative of the classical

period of Sufism, the biography of Šibli (d. 334/946) would have been more appropriate. The latter is considered the final master in the period of consoli-

dation of Sufism as represented by SulamI, Qušayrl, and Abū Nu'aym Isfahan!.

Yet, as we have seen, 'Attar was no historian. His aim was to present a vision

of saintliness based on the prophetic model and the Ahl al-bayt , but one also founded on ecstatic divine love.

Each biography contains an introduction that briefly describes the spiritual

conduct of the saintly man and lists the names of his masters and disciples.

94 Amri 2008, 147.

95 Algar 2013, 78. 96 Losensky 2006, 77-78. 97 Ibid., 78. 98 Talat Halman 2013, 217.

99 Kašf al-mahģūb, 100. 1 00 Before his death, the Prophet tasked cUmar and 'All with putting his frirqah back on hint

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 289

This is preceded by a passage in rhythmic prose (saģ*) exalting the virtues of the individual in a panegyric manner. Muhammad Istigami remarks that "in those few rhymed phrases at the beginning of each section, 'Attar strove to

reveal the personality of the mystic of whom he is speaking."101 Then, succeed-

ing without interlude, apparent order, or transition are maxims and dialogues

of varying lengths, which often interweave anecdotes and doctrinal elements.

The dialogues are in Persian, with the exception of a few fragments in Arabic,

Quranic verses, and hadiths. 'Attar's creativity is especially apparent in the man-

ner in which he organizes the material. In earlier collections of tabaqãt, the authors use chains of transmission to authenticate the words and aphorisms of Sufis. In contrast, 'Aļtār states in the introduction his desire to omit these,

replacing them instead by the simple formulae, "it is related thať ( naql ast) and "he said" (guft). Without this continual interruption of the isnãd , the resul-

tant biographies are more cohesive. In the section dedicated to the exposition

of Sufi concepts found in Qušayrfs Risãlah and HuģvM's Kašf al-maķģūb , the

sayings of Sufis are organized thematically. Under the topic of altruism (fear),

we find, for example, the words of different masters on the subject, connected

by the commentaries of the author of the treatise. 'Attar integrates these com-

ponents in his long and complex bibliographical notes, worthy of the readers' attention.102

The Tadkirat al-awlfyď : A Mystical Epic

The Ahl al-bayt at the Source of the Mystical Path

With the exception of the tariqah naqšbandiyyah , the initiation chains of all

Sufi orders go back to the Prophet Muhammad through ťAlI, the first imam

of the Ahl al-bayt Certain masters evoke the "golden chain" (silsilat al-dahab)

linking them to the first eight imams.103 ča'far Sãdiq, the sixth imam, occu-

pies a special place in Sufism.104 A number of Sunni Sufi orders, active in Iran during the Mongol and Timurid periods, are known for their devotion to the twelve imams, regarded as a privileged line of spiritual transmission going back to the Prophet. This phenomenon is known as "Twelver Sunnism."105

The kubravī šaykh Nūr al-Dīn Isfarā'inl (d. 717/1317) wrote that ča'far Sãdiq

101 Losensky 2007, 109.

102 Losensky 2009, 17-18.

103 Algar 2008. 104 Taylor 1966, 97-113.

105 Algar 2013, 87, following Mahģūb 1984, 414.

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290 AIGLE

enjoyed a special status owing to his genealogical and prophetic spiritual ancestry, although this distinction did not imply that he was Shi'ite.106

In the second chapter of the Tďarruf li-madhab ahi al-taņawwuf, Abū Bakr

KalābādI (d. 380/990) lists the names of the first Sufis (firiģālal-sūftyyah) com-

ing after to the Companions of the Prophet He thus describes their spiritual

stations ( maqãmãt ) and states ( ahwãl) through their words and acts ( qawlan

wa-filan)}07 He first cites the imams of the Ahl al-bąyt. ča'far Sâdiq, as their

last representative, embodies Sufism in strict accordance with the Sunna, while he is also considered a hermeneutic master. HuģvM describes him as "the sword of the Sunna, the beauty of the Path, the interpreter of gnosis, and

the adornment of pure devotion" (sayf-i sunna va jamãl-i tarlqa va mu'abbir-i

maYifa va muzayyin-i safta).108

Yet the most eloquent tribute to the pre-eminence of ča'far Sâdiq in Sufi thought is that of 'Attar. He considers the sixth imam to be the most represen-

tative member of the Prophet's family: "Do you not see that the people who follow his school follow the school of the Twelve Imams? In other words, the

one is twelve, and the twelve are one."109 'Attar acknowledges his primordial

role in the emergence of the mystical path:

He was the exemplar for all masters, and everyone relied on him. He was

the perfect model, the shaykh of all the men of God, and the imam of all the followers of Muhammad. He was both the leader of the adherents of

'[direct] tasting1 of the true realities110 ( ahl-i dawq) and the guide of the

adherents of love ( ahl-i (išq). He took precedence among the believers and was honored by the ascetics as well.111

Unlike the majority of biographies, 'Attār does not stress ča'far Çâdiq's accom-

plishment of miracles, but, like Huģvīrī, he speaks of his qualities as a mystic

exegete: "He was outstanding in recording the inner truths and without peer

in the fine points of the inner mysteries of revelation and exegesis" ( latďif-i

asrār-i tanzīlva tafiīr)}12 Ča'far Sâdiq is indeed praised by spiritual masters for

his mystical exegesis of the Quran. This text reached us thanks to SulamI, who

106 Algar 2013, 87-88.

1 07 at-Tďarruf li-madhab ahi al-taęawwuf, 27.

108 Kašf al-mahģūb, 94. 1 09 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 12; Trans., 46.

1 10 I have modified Mojaddedi's translation and borrowed from that of Knysh 2007, 418.

111 Tadkirat al-awtíyď, 13; Trans., 46.

112 Tadkirat al-awliya* , 12-13; Trans., 47.

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'ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 291

partially reproduced it in his famous Quranic compilation entitled Haqďiq al~tafeīr.m ča'far Sâdiq reveals his exceptional understanding of mystical phe-

nomena. He perceives four aspects in the Quran: expression ( 'ibãrah ) for ordi-

nary people (fawāmm), allusion (ť išārah ) for the elect ( hawãss ), elements of

grace ( latâïf ) for saints (aw/rya'), and realities ( haqďiq ) for prophets ( anbiyã J).114

This structure of the sacred text leads the Imam to outline a hierarchy among

the faithful according to their degree of interior knowledge. As a consequence,

those whose reward will be proximity to God - that is, to enjoy His sight - will,

in this world, be graced with gnosis thanks to His special divine assistance.115

'Attar emphasizes that, for Ča'far Sâdiq, the culmination of the spiritual jour-

ney is the sight of the glorious face of God:

Whoever struggles against his self {naß) for the sake of his self attains wonders (karāmāt). Whoever struggles against his self for the sake for the

Lord attains the Lord [. . .].116 Love is divine madness (' išq ģunūn-i ilãhi

ast). It is to be neither condemned ( na madmüm) nor praised (na mah- müd) [...]. My innermost divine vision was confirmed when they stigma-

tized me for madness ( divãnagí ).117

By placing the biography of ča'far Sâdiq at the beginning of the Tadkirat al-awliyā' 'Attār renders homage to the members of the family of the Prophet

and designates the saints as his heirs, although he acknowledges, above all, the Imam's eminent role in the formation of Islamic spiritual thought thanks

to his exceptional knowledge of divine mysteries. It is interesting to mention

here the viewpoint of Nūr al-DIn Samhūdī (d. 911/1506), a scholar in Shafi'ite

fiqh who had also received a Sufi initiation.118 In the čawahir al-'iqdayn fî f adi

al-šarafayn , he discusses the merits of Him and prophetic nasab , and considers

the Ahl al-bayt to be "an extension of the Prophet."119

113 Nwya 19912, 158. 114 Ibid., 167. 115 Ibid., 169. 116 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 17; Trans., 52.

117 Tadkirat al-awliyď , 18; Trans., 52.

118 Morimoto 2014, 106-124.

119 This expression is taken from Morimoto 2014, 111. The "ulama1 are guided by the divine

light (al-nūr al-rabbānt), but their acquired knowledge is that of the šarVah. Samhūdī

adapts the discourse of Sufis in order to elaborate his own concept of tulamď-awliyď ; see ibid., 116.

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292 AIGLE

The Heroes of Divine Love

The names of Bayazld Bistami and Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj appear frequently

in Persian mystical poetry. Transformed into a symbol of divine love, they play

an important role throughout 'Attar's entire work, as they embody a sacrificial

conception of mystical drunkenness.

Bayazld Bistami

After the Kitãb al-nür min kalimãt Abi Tayfiir of Abū 1-Fadl Sahlaģl (d. 476/

1083) - a compilation of his sayings without chapters or thematic classifica- tion - the Tadkirat al-awliyď is major source on the spiritual life of Bayazld.

For the master of Bistām, the ideal of divine love ( fišq ) is characterized by intoxication ( sukr ) in opposition to the sobriety (sahw) extolled by Junayd Bagdadi. Yet these two schools, despite representing two different approaches

for gaining access to the divine, are not opposed. Indeed, they were mutually

recognized by their respective masters. 'Attar mentions Junayd with respect.

He dedicates a long biography to him, despite being evidently more favorable

to his native tradition of Khurasan. He presents Bayazld as the "sultan of mys-

tics" (j sultān al'cārifin ), the pole of the world (qutb al-'ālam), whose austerities

(riyãzãt) and miracles ( karāmāt ) exceed all bounds.120 According to a topos of the hagiographical literature concerning the spiritual masters' respect for

the Law, his miraculous power manifested before birth. His mother thus tells:

"Whenever I put any morsel in my mouth that was the least bit questionable,

he would squirm in my womb until I spit it out."121

Bayazld yearned with all his might to become completely liberated from all obstacles separating him from God and did so by perpetually working on himself. He says: "For twelve years, I was the blacksmith of my self ( ãhangar-i

nafe-l khüd budam). I put it in the furnace of asceticism and heated it with the

fire of austerity."122 'Attar narrates a story in which Bayazld explains how his

own conception of renunciation (zuhd) gave him access to God:

Renunciation is worthless. I was a renunciant for three days: on the first

day rejecting this world ( dunyã ); on the second, the afterworld ( ãkhira );

and on the third, whatever was not the Lord (khayr-i khudã). A voice called out: 'Bayazld, don't you have enough strength for us?' This is what

1 20 Tadkirat al-awliyã' 160.

121 Tadkirat al-awliyď , 161; Trans., 189.

122 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 165; Trans., 193.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 293

I desire/ 1 said. The words: Tou have attained it ( yãfatty You have attained

it ( yāfatī)V reached my ears.123

Bayazld considers here that zuhd may become an obstacle if it becomes the principal preoccupation of the spiritual aspirant.

For Sufis, the love between God and man is founded on the Quran: "He

(God) loves a people and they love Him."124 The verb used here derives from the root hubb . The idea that a loving relationship can exist between God and

man was criticized by some masters. The word used to express this relation- ship was often the non-Quranic term, (iSqt with its connotation of the passion-

ate love between two human beings.125 This Arabic root, cišq , is used by Bayazld when the lover and beloved are but one:

I came out of Bayazld-ness, as a snake sheds its skin. Then I looked closely:

I saw the lover and beloved as one ( rāšiq va mďšúq râyakl dīdām), for in

the world of unity one as see everything as one {dar ' ãlam-i tawhld hama

yakl tavān dīd).126

Bayazld himself is the wine, the wine drinker, and the giver of the cup (ham

šarābam, ham šarābkhvār va ham sâqî ).127 This formula is later adopted by Persian poets to praise the purifying power of divine love. Bayazld depicts his love for God through the symbolism of mystical drunkenness. He is thus

asked: "What do you say about someone who drank a cup of wine ( qadaht) and

became drunk on eternity without beginning or end ( mast-i azal va abad)T He responded: "There is a man here who drinks up the sea of eternity with- out beginning or end in a single day ( dar šābanrūz daryã-yi azal va abad ) and

cries out, 'Is there any more'."128 This strange figure of fire, Bayazld, occupies a

unique place in the early stages of Iranian spirituality.

After successfully shedding his "Me" in fanā' Bayazld expresses himself through ecstatic words (šath, plur. šatahāt). In the Tadkirat al-awliyã't 'Attār

gathers numerous šatahāt uttered by Bayazld. The most famous is thus: "Glory

123 Tadkirat al-awUyď, 197; Trans., 228. Here, there appears to be a "wordplay" on the term fata

(young valiant man). I wish to thank Yann Richard for this suggestion.

124 Quran v:54.

1 25 Pouijavady 2012, 127.

126 Tadkirat al-awuyã, 189; Trans., 218.

127 Tadkirat al-awlfyď, 188.

128 Tadkirat aí-awíiyď, 169; Trans., 198.

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294 AIGLE

be to me. How great is my majesty!" ( subhãnl ! mã ďzama šďrií J.129 The descrip-

tion of the mystical experience relating to the discourse with God, designated

by Sufis using the technical term šath, is found in ča'far Çâdiq's Tafitr in refer-

ence to Moses' meeting with God at the burning bush.130 He hears within him-

self: "Moses! I am your Lord (inni anã rabbuka )." Bâyazîd thus said, "Glory be

to me ( subhânî)' n and Hallāj, "I am the Real (anã l-haqq).n However, the subject

of the phrase is never Moses, Bayazld, or Hallāj, but rather "God who speaks in

and through human consciousness."131

The šatahāt of Bayazld provoked many debates among spiritual masters.132

For example, Muhammad Abū 'Abd Allāh Ibn Šālim (d. 297/909), and especially

his son Ahmad,133 heavily criticized Bayazld, perceiving the danger of divine

union (ittihãd) and incarnation (hulül) in his words.134 There exists an expres-

sion used by Hallāj, cayn al-gam' denoting "essential union."135Junayd uses it to

explain the šatahāt of Bayazld,136 but he nevertheless adopts a nuanced view,

as he points out that these words do not emanate from the highest level of mystical experience.137

Rūzbihān Baqll ŠIrāzI (d. 606/1209) is one of the Persian mystics who best explained the ecstatic sayings of Sufis. In his Šarh-i šathiyyat , he employs the

symbolism of birds138 to explain the words of Bayazld and Hallāj:

1 29 Tadkirat al-awlřyď, 166.

130 Quran xxm-12. On Moses as a figure of the šafh in the exegesis of öa'far Çãdiq, see Nwya

19912, 176-183. On the importance of the figure of Moses in Persian mystical literature, see

Aigle 2015, 319-348.

131 Nwya 19912, 181.

1 32 Abū Naçr Sarrāj (d. 378/988) collected his ecstatic sayings and the associated commentar- ies of masters in the Kitāb al-Lumď.

1 33 They were the disciples of Sahl b. 'Abd Allāh Tustari (d. 283/869). In Baçrah, they founded

a very orthodox and strictly ascetic school, known as Sãlimiyyah; see Massignon and Radkt 1995, 1028-1029.

134 This section of the Lwnď on the šathiyyat of Bâyazid and the commentaries of masters

was translated by Sells 1996, 214-231.

135 This expression is used by Rūzbihān Baqll to explain the šatahāt of Sufis. The concept

and tradition of ecstatic sayings are examined by Ernst 1985. On 'ayn aL-gam' see Talat

Halman 2013, 127, n. 33.

1 36 Ernst 1985, 17. Junayd collected the šafh of Bayazld in a work entided Tctfsir al-šathiyyat.

137 Sells 1996, 216.

138 The reference to birds is found in the Quran xvi 1:13: "To the neck of every human being, we attach a bird."

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JAMÍ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 295

The bird of isolation139 sang Allah, Allah, the bird of unity ( tawhid) said,

'I am the Real (anãl-haqq)' the bird of sanctification said 'Glory be to me

(subhãnt)'." When they arose from the New Year's garden of witnessing,

they flew with the wings of pre-eternities in the post-eternities of post-

eternities. Those birds of divinity brought the secret of divinity to the

palace of humanity, and spoke with the soul of divinity in the tongue of

humanity.140

Bayazld is indeed famous šatahāt for his ecstatic sayings, but also for his celes-

tial ascension, similarly to the Prophet whose mVrāģ constitutes the prototype

of the supreme experience with the divine. Sufis consider Muhammad's ascen-

sion to heaven to be a symbol for the ascent of the soul to the heights of mysti-

cal knowledge. The saint substitutes the Prophet in his face-to-face meeting with God, thus claiming a "transforming union" with Him.141

Bâyazîd's account of the mi'raģ does not figure in the collections of tabaqãt.

The principal sources reporting his ascension are not very numerous.142 Three

brief accounts appear in Sarrāj's Kitãb al-lumď , presented in the chapters on

the paradoxes of Sufis; these accounts were subsequently modified by Abū 1-Fadl Sahlaģl in the Kitãb al-nür min kalimātAbī Tąyfiir , with the addition of

two further brief accounts of the mystical ascension.143 These accounts, with-

out mentioning the prophetic mi'rāģ , seem to constitute the "core" of what is

subsequently written.144 The oldest version of this ascension is found in the

ninth chapter of the Risãlat al-qasd ilà-llãh , which was compiled in 395/1005 by

a certain Abū 1-Qāsim.145 In the Tadkirat al-awliyď , 'Attār speaks of an autono-

mous text entitled M'Craj-i šaykh Bayazld, which juxtaposes the logia of diverse

origin and scope. He probably included other sources, although their identifi-

cation proves challenging.

139 Sufis who were persecuted and killed are called the "birds of sanctity"; they return to their

nests. See Ernst 1992, 358.

140 Ibid., 358. 141 Amri 2008, 202. On the model of the prophetic rrifrāģ and its role in sainthood, see ibid.,

201-216, and on the other voyages of saints, see chap. 8.

142 Bayazld never wrote anything himself; he is only known through the traditions that were

orally transmitted for at least a century. See Deladrière 1967, 76-89.

143 On the sources of Bayazld's mVrāģ , see Lory 1996, 223-237.

144 Lory 1996, 224.

145 The text was falsely attributed to Junayd. Nicholson 1926, 403-408. Trans. Sells 1996, 244-

250. In this account, the associations with the šafh are discussed by Abū Naçr Sarrāj

wherein Bayazld describes his flight as a bird from kingdom to kingdom.

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296 AIGLE

Bâyazîd was the first to use the symbol of a bird's flight to describe his ascent

toward God through the heavens. He describes his journey in the following manner:

I flew through the air and how and thus. When I became absent from created things, I said: 'I have reached the Creator.' Then I looked out across the valley of divinity [...]. I flew through the space of his singu-

larity ( wahdãntyyah ) for thirty thousand years; for another thirty thou-

sand years I flew through godhood ( ulühiyyah ) and through uniqueness

(fardãniyyah) for thirty thousand more.146

According to 'Attar, witnesses had seen him being raised to heaven. One day,

a man said to Bayazld: "I saw you standing next to so-and-so's funeral bier in

Tabaristān holding hands with Hidr. While prayers were being said over the bier, you were seen flying through the air ( tu-rā dīdand ka dar havã rafii) " He

responded, "What you say is perfectly true."147

This account gives an initiatory dimension to Bäyazid's mfrāģ. Hidr is the model for the relationship between master and disciple.148 In sura 18 of the Quran, Moses follows Hidr on an initiatory voyage during which his patience

is tested. Hidr, considered as both a prophet ( nabt) and a saint (wait), is one of four transhistorical figures of the Muslim tradition: Idris149 and Jesus were

"raised" ( rafa'a ) and are still alive in heaven, whereas Ilyas150 and iļidr remain on earth. This account does not include a true celestial ascent, but it rather

depicts the interaction between Bayazld and Ņidr in an intermediary space belonging to the earth, although still connected to the superior world. It is in

such a place that Moses meets řjidr. In the Tadkirat al-awliyā' this mi'rāģ may

be presented as a long metaphor alluding to Bäyazid's spiritual evolution. This

is the scope of the fragments cited by 'Attar, which are analogical to the parable

of his Mantiq al-tayr. 151

146 Tadkirat aí-awlfyã' 206; Trans. Losensky 2009, 238. On the ascension of Bissami, see Sells

1996, 242-250.

147 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 177; Trans., 205.

148 On Ņidr in Sufi thought, see Talat Halman 2013.

149 In Quran xix:s6-57: "We raised him to a sublime place." Muslim tradition identifies Idris

with the biblical Enoch (Gen 5, 24).

1 50 He was raised to heaven on a chariot of fire (2 Kings 2, 5-10). In Islam, tfiçlr is sometimes

identified with Ilyas: see Talat Halman 2013, 9-11.

151 This title refers to Quran xxvi 1 :i6: "0 men! They taught us the language of birds."

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'ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 297

Husayn b. Mansur Hallāj

Hallāj is an important figure in the majority of 'Attar's poetic works. His omis-

sion from Abū Nu'aym's Hifyak and the biographical part of Qušayrfs Risālah

attests to the controversy surrounding his words. He transformed Islam into

a "religion of love."152 According to Louis Massignon, he took Sufism "to the

political plane as a social force, for he had given it an original theological and

philosophical superstructure; but this also made it vulnerable, exposed to theological charges of takfir , end even threatened by effective legal penalties."153

Certain historians of spiritual doctrines, like SulamI, begin by listing the inqui-

sitions made against Sufis ( mihan al-süfiyyah) considered to be too ecstatic by the ulemas.154

In Persian mysticism, HujvM is one of the first to have sought to exculpate

Hallāj. In his biographical note in the Kašf al-mahģūb, he writes that Hallāj "was an ecstatic ( maglüb andar hãl-i ktiüd), not firmly settled (mutamakkiń),

and a man needs to be firmly settled before his sayings can be considered authoritative ( iqtidã tavãn kard)"155 Hujvīri's opinion subsequently evolved, as

he went on to compose "a book in explanation of his sayings and demonstrated

their sublimity by proofs ( dalā'īl ) and arguments ( hujaj )."156 He clarifies that

his condemnation was due to his confusion with his contemporary, another Husayn b. Mansūr Hallāj. HujvM even says that he witnessed around Baghdad a group pretending to be his disciples and calling themselves by the name of Hallāj. Their heretic doctrine ( hujjat-i zindiqa-yi khüd) was thus falsely attrib- uted to him.157

In the Tadkirat al-awliyā' 'Attār accelerated the process of exculpating Hallāj considerably. When the master was in prison, someone had asked him:

'What is love {cišq)T Husayn said: 'You will see it today and tomorrow and the day after.' They killed him on that day and burned him on the

second day and threw his ashes to the wind on the third. In other words, this is love.158

152 Lewisohn 1992, 20.

153 Massignon 1982, vol. 1, 379-380.

1 54 Lewisohn 1992, 20, citing Massignon 1982, vol. 1, 384.

1 55 Kašf al-mahģūb, 192; Trans. Nicholson 1911, 152.

156 Kašf al-mahģūb, 192. 157 Kašf al-mahģūb, 192.

1 58 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 591; Trans., 403.

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298 AIGLE

'Attār thus reduced the tragedy of a man who had profoundly influenced Persian mystical thought to a few phrases. He was inspired by Hujvíďs bio- graphical note, but made some significant additions. He described Hallāj's rig-

orous asceticism, notably during his stay in Mecca. Hallāj apparently remained

standing for an entire year in front of the Ka'bah. Due to the heat, his skin

detached from his body and his fat poured to the ground (rūģan az'azā'-i ü bar

ãn sang mīraft).159 'Attār amasses many stories of his miracles, each one more

spectacular than the last For example, on the pilgrimage route with 400 Sufis,

Hallāj distributed food in great quantity: bread, cooked lamb heads, and so forth. His companions craved to eat fresh dates: they hence fell from his body.

He stretched his hands toward heaven to pick the figs and then presented them

on a tray.160 In another story, when imprisoned, Hallāj was invisible for the

first night. The next day, the entire prison became invisible. On the third day,

he was once again visible in his cell, declaring:

The first night I was in His presence ( dar hażra budam), so I wasn't here.

The second night His presence was here (hażra injã buvad), so both the cell and I were absent. The third night I was sent back in order to preserve

religious law (hlfz-i SarVa). Come and do your job (kār-i khüd kunīd).161

With his finger, he made the chains of 300 prisoners fall away; the prison doors

then opened to set them free.162 'Attar collects these miraculous deeds to show

that God rewarded Hallāj with grace (¡ karãmãt ), which is also evidence of his

sainthood. He is truly a wall

In the account describing the martyrdom of Hallāj, Junayd plays the role

attributed to Pontius Pilate in the Passion of Christ. Although not at the origin of Chrisťs long persecution, Pilate's tacit approval is crucial to the final outcome:

It is related that the day that the imams issued the decision that Husayn

was to be executed, Junayd was wearing the Sufi clothes ( jãma-i tasawwuf)

and did not endorse the decision. The caliph had ordered that Junayďs

signature was necessary, so Junayd put on his turban ( dastãr ) and a long

1 59 Tadkirat al-awUyď, 587; Trans., 399.

1 60 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 587; Trans., 398.

161 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 590; Trans., 402.

162 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 590; Trans., 403.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYĀ> AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 299

robe ( durrā'a ) and went to the madrasa. In response to the decision, he wrote: 'We judge on the externals ( nahnu nahkumu bi-1-zāhir).'163

The apocryphal and ahistorical character of this account, like many other anecdotes in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' should not be doubted. Indeed, this form

does not appear in the sources from which 'Attar supposedly drew his materi-

als. This account stems from the author's poetic inspiration and the concep- tion of Sufism as founded on divine love obtained through sacrifice.

On 'Attar's initiative, these narratives of Hallāj's execution contain the very

themes that are closely associated with him in later Persian poetry. Some query

why he moves - so quickly and bound by heavy chains - toward his place of torture. Hallāj responds: "Because I'm going to the sacrifice."164 Arriving at the

foot of the gallows, he says: "For the true believers, the heavenly ascension goes

to the top of gallows ( mVrāj-i mardum-i sirr dar ast)."165 With a smile on his

face, Hallāj declares after having his feet cut off: "With these feet I used to travel

the earth. I have other feet that are traversing both worlds at this moment. Cut

off those feet, if you can."166 Finally, he rubs his two cut and bleeding hands

against his face, saying:

I have lost a lot of blood. I knew that my face had grown pale. You might

imagine that the pallor of my face comes from fear. I rubbed blood on my

face so my face would look red to you. True believers wear the rouge of their own blood.167

As with Bayazld Bistami, the loving relationship between man and God is the

central theme in Hallāj's thought For him, love ( (išq ) can only be achieved through suffering. He was accused of believing that human and divine nature

could be unified, thus resulting in the doctrine of incarnation ( hulül ). At the

very beginning of his account on Hallāj, 'Attār qualifies him as thus: "Slain by

God on the path of God (qatîlAllâhfisabîl Allah)."168 These words are a sort of exordium. 169 They seek to give meaning to the entire biographical note and

163 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 585; Trans., 403.

1 64 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 592; Trans., 404.

165 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 592; Trans., 404.

1 66 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 592; Trans., 405.

1 67 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 592-593; Trans., 405.

1 68 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 583; Trans., 394.

169 The term husn al-ibtidď was used in rhetoric treatises to qualify the opening phrase of a

poem that allowed the audience to immediately identify its theme: Meisami 2003, 61.

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300 AIGLE

win over the heart of the reader. Hallāj is qattt Allah, because he revealed the

secret {¡ßff al-sirr) while divulging the intimacy of his relationship with God,

thus committing the greatest possible sin of the lover.170 This image of the rela-

tionship between the lover and the beloved becomes one of the distinctive features of Persian poetry.

The biography of the martyred master is one of the most moving in the Tadkirat al-awliyã3. It embodies 'Attar's special relationship with the mystical

thought of Hallāj, which had a great influence on his vision of saintliness. With

the immense talent of a dramatic storyteller, he describes the trials and events

leading to his martyrdom and interweaving his life and death. The eschatologi-

cal time of salvation is Hallāj's aspiration. His martyrdom transforms his finite

time on earth into the eternity of the hereafter.

In his poetic works, 'Attar depicts Hallāj in relation to his mystical states and

his dramatic end.171 He evokes his martyrdom in the Asrār-nāma by using the

metaphor of the cup that arouses mystical drunkenness:

They saw Hallāj in a dream one night, his head cut off, but with cup (Jam) in hand.

They asked, 'How is it your head is cut off? Tell - how long you have cho-

sen this cup?'

He said, 'The king of blessed name ( sultān-i nikūnām) gave this cup to the headless one.

Those who forget their own heads can drink from this spiritual cup ( jām-l

ma'na)!172

As already evoked, cAtļār did not have a true relationship of companionship with a master. Instead, the spiritual figure of Hallāj exerted a decisive influence

in his quest for the divine. He declared:

That very fire that fell into Hallāj is the same that fell in my life.

The story of that sage Hallāj at this time is gladdening the hearts of the

pious.

170 This is also the view of Ansārī, who considered Hallāj to be at fault: "One should only

speak to those capable of hearing, so that the secret of God is not debased" (my transla-

tion). In: Deladrière 1988, 75-76.

171 He is especially portrayed in Mantiq al-fayr, Ilāhī-nāma, Asrār-nāma, and Musībat-nāma.

On the hallajian themes in 'Altar's poetry, see Ernst 1999, 328-341.

172 'Açtâr, Asrār-nāma, 42; Trans. Ernst 1999, 331.

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CATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 301

Within the breast and the desert of the heart, his tale became the guide for 'Attar.173

This is an uwaysl type of initiation. In the Tadkirat al-awliyã ' 'Attar provides

one of the first definitions that confirms the presence of the Prophet in his vision of saintliness:

Know that there is a group of people who are called Uwaysl. They stand

in no need of a plr for they are looked after the bosom of Prophethood

(nubuwwah) without any intermediary, in the same way Uways had done.

Although he had not seen the Master of the Prophets, he was taught by

him, and the Prophethood looked after him, and in fact it was his com-

panion. This is the most exalted status one could hope to acquire.174

Šams al-DIn Ahmad Aflākī is the author of the Manãqib al-cãrifin wa-marãtib

al-kāšifin, a text that provides information about čalāl al-DIn Rūmi, his son

Sultan Walad, and his disciples.175 He recounts the words uttered by Rūmi, which confirm the role played by Hallāj in 'Attar's spiritual initiation: "the light

of Mansūr [. . .] after one hundred and fifty years revealed itself to the spirit of

Farid al-DIn 'Attar [. . .] and became his spiritual director."176

The spiritual journey of 'Attār ended just like Hallāj's. Fahr al-DIn 'All b. Husayn Kāšifi (d. 939/1533), writing under the pseudonym of Safï, wrote a collection of anecdotes and funny stories entided Latā'if al-tawďif( or Latďif al-zarďif).177 In this text, he collects sayings, discourses, as well as historical

and literary information. In chapter 8, Fahr al-DIn Safì tells the "words spon-

taneously pronounced by mystical poets at the moment of their death." An

account is herein provided on 'Attar's death as a "martyr" (šahīd) during the Mongol's massacre ( qatl-i cãmm) of Nishapur. When a solder led him to be beheaded, he ridiculed him and improvised a quatrain:

Beware, my soul, the beloved ( dildār ) has reached for the sword, tighten

your belt and get ready.

173 Ernst 1999, 332.

1 74 Tadkirat al-awliyď, 28-29; Trans., 63.

175 This text was composed in 718 /1318.

176 Aflākī 2002, 399 [570] . Jāmī similarly relays these words in Nafahāt al-uns, 599.

177 Rypka 1968, 317.

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302 AIGLE

Then say to yourself: 'Drink your last drink from the cup served by the loved.'178

However, these accounts are apocryphal, as we know that 'Aftār died later on.

They instead reflect the perception of Äftär's attachment to the figure who

exerted a strong influence on his spiritual thought. The long account on the martyrdom of Hallāj in the Tadkirat al-awliyã' contributed to the dissemina-

tion of these themes after the poet's death. Many works that include Hallajian

themes were subsequently attributed to him.179 In Carl Ernst's words, "That

headless destiny would certainly become an extreme form of Hallājianism!"180

'Attār did not write a memorial of saints, but rather a collection of hagio-

graphical legends as defined by André Jolies who considers such a legend to correspond to one of nine simple forms: "The hagiographical legend {Legende)

is a religious account relayed in a particular style, which should be placed on

the same level as popular legend (Sage), story (Märchen), and myth".181 In the

Tadkirat al-awliyã3, this hagiographical aspect prevails over factual biography.

In this mystical epic, the hagiographical account expresses the truth of the faith, illustrates the dogma, and depicts saintliness. The Tadkirat al-awliyã' is

thus a work with a single purpose, notably, that of the salvation of men. The

words of saints, laid down in writing, ensure the link between heaven and earth.

The orality of the masters' teaching is thus accomplished through writing.

The Nafahãt al-uns : A Scholarly Compilation Structure of the Work

The approach adopted by Jam! for his corpus of saints is "encyclopedic." As seen, he drew from Ansārl's Tabaqãt al-süßyyah , which compiled around 200 biographies classified into six generations. Jam! also added biographical notes on many individuals not figuring therein. The Nafahãt al-uns includes around 600 lives of saints ranging from the first Sufis to his own era.182 It would

seem that the author strived to be the most accomplished representative of the

tabaqãt genre. The biographies are based on the traditional model, although

178 Lafďifal-tawďif, 274. 179 Their authenticity still provokes debates among specialists; for a comprehensive review,

see Ernst 1999, 328-341.

180 Ibid., 334. 181 Jolies 1972, 217.

182 The oldest manuscript contains 585 biographies, but over time, the tendency was to

increase the number of biographies; see Mojaddedi 2001, 207, n. 11.

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«ATTĀR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 303

JāmI removed the isnãd , as it was no longer in use in his time. Numerous pas-

sages in Arabic are used when he employs texts composed in this language. Indeed, he often reproduces the words and aphorisms of Sufis in the Arabic language. Jam! incorporates numerous versified elements in both Arabic and Persian, which, paradoxically, was not the case with 'Attar, who includes rela-

tively few poems. He does not translate his material, differing in this respect

from Äftär who sought to convey a message to those of his contemporaries who did not master the Arabic language. The latter thus did not target a learned public. JāmI, in contrast, addresses a scholarly audience, notably the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. He does not hesitate in citing several sources

when the versions diverge. Regarding the date of Junayďs death, for example,

he writes in Arabic: "He passed away in the year 297, according to the Kitāb al-Tabaqãt and al-Risãlat al-Qušayriyyah , but according YãfiTs Tďrlh he died in the year [2]g8. It has also been said that this was in the year 299. God knows

best."183 The work closes with a poem in whichhe praises the virtues and quali-

ties of saints, before giving the title and date of composition of the text, simi-

larly in versified form.184

In the introductory chapter, Jam! defines the main concepts of Sufism. He

explains the meanings of sainthood (walãyah) and the saint (wait), as well as the difference between the accomplished Sufi, the one still striving on the path

(mutasawwif), the seeker of blame ( malãmatí ), the poor toward God ( faqlr ),

and so forth. He also elucidates the diverse degrees of oneness ( tawhld ), as well

as the difference between prophetic (mu'ģizāt) and saintly miracles (karāmāt).

The principal sources used by Jam! to write this introduction on Sufism are the

Kašf al-mahģūb by Hujvirī, the Risãlah by Qušayrí, and the 'Awãrif al-mďarif

by Šihāb al-Dīn Abū Hafs ťUmar SuhravardI, through its Persian translation.185

Jam! creates a synthesis of the major sources of Sufism, which may be a sign

that he aspires to be the zenith of the genre of his time.

The biographical section is divided into two parts. Jam! amassed around 570 biographies of men and 34 of women. He updates the biographies in response to the evolution of Sufi thought at the time and adds later sources like the Miťat al-ģanān of Yafi'I (d. 768/1367).186 Jam! informs us that SulamI

"composed a separate work dedicated to pious ( < ãbidãt ) and mystical ārifat )

183 Nafahāt al-wis, 80. This TaYih by Yafiì is, in fact, the Miťat al-ģanān.

1 84 On the Nafahāt al-uns, see Mojaddedi 2001, 151-176.

185 The translation was made by cIzz al-DIn Mahmūd b. 'All Kāšānī (d. 735/1334-35) under the

title of Miņbah aí-hidãyah wa-miftãh al-kißyah.

186 ťAbd Allah Yafiì, a scholar and Sufi born in Yemen, was affiliated with the farîqah qâdiriyyah, and founded a branch, the Yafi'iyyah; see Geoffroy 2005, 256.

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304 AIGLE

women and the explanation of their states (ahwat)!'1*7 The Nafahãt al-uns thus

preserves the feminine section of Sulaml's Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah. This section on women is introduced by a pertinent title: "Mention of saintly women who

reached the degrees of men ( marātib al-riģāt).nl8S Jam! explains this title by

citing the Futūhāt of Ibn 'Arabi: "It is possible that there be women among those we mention under the heading of men."189 In Sufi thought, the term al-riģāl connotes the spiritual virility of men who had achieved a high degree

of realization, the vir perfectas. The Egyptian Sufi Šuťayb ťAbd Allah Hurayfiš

(d. 801/1398) considers women to be the perfect equals of men, "experiencing

the same mystical states and being just as capable of asceticism, good, and virtue" (wa-li-1-nisď ahwãl wa-zuhd wa-hayr wa-salãh kamã fi l-riģāl).190 The

majority of these biographical notes on women are very brief. Without explana-

tion, Jawid Mojaddedi claims that the author introduced these feminine biog-

raphies under coercion. This viewpoint is indeed curious, since Jam! strived for

exhaustiveness and stated his very desire to transmit this section of Sulaml's

Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah. Nevertheless, Jāmī conforms here to the norm of the Sufi

tradition. His contempt for women is one of the numerous antagonisms found

in his life and works.191 Jawid Mojaddedi also affirms that the Nafahãt al-uns

is not a true source on women's contribution to Sufism.192 Yet this is not a par-

ticularity of Jam!. In the majority of texts representative of Muslim hagiogra-

phy, the part dedicated to women is relatively insubstantial with the exception

of the Sifat al-sajwah by Ibn al-čawz! (597/1200), who dedicates 250 of the 1,031 biographies to women.193

Jam! divides the masters into three chronological groups: the first Sufis (mutaqaddimãn), Ansārī and his contemporaries ( mu'āsirān ), and recent shaykhs ( muta'akhkhirān ).194 The group of mutaqaddimãn begins with the biography of Abū Hāshim Sùfì, the first to be considered a spiritual master. The hadith scholar, Sufyân Tawri (d. 161/777), purportedly said: "I did not know

what it was to be a Sufi before seeing Abū Hāšim Çûfî" (¡ man nadãnistam ki sūfi ča buvad tā Abū Hāšim Sūfi rā nadīdam ).195 In the introduction of the

187 Nafahãt al-uns, 615. 188 Ibid.

1 89 Ibid.; Trans., Algar 2013, 106-107.

1 90 Šiťayb ťAbd Allah Hurayfiš, al-Rawçl al-Ja'iq, 152. On female Sufis, see Amri 1992, 45-65.

191 Algar 2013, 107.

192 Mojaddedi 2001, 208, n. 12.

193 Chodkiewicz 1995, 10.

1 94 Nafahãt al-uns , 4.

195 Ibid., 31.

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ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÄ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 305

Nafahāt al-uns, Jam! includes a citation by Qušayrí, which explains that the

first recognized Sufis were the successors of the Companions of the Prophet.196

Indeed, in the collections of the lives of saints prior to the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah

of Ansārī, the first generation was supposed to forge a continuity from the Prophet through the pious forebears (al-salaf al-sālih). Jāmī's biographies are presented in more or less the same order as those of Ansārī who mostly

respects Sulaml's original arrangement The Nafahāt al-uns thus replicates the

traditional structure of the ancient collections of tabaqãt

The section on the muta'akhkhirān comprises several different collections.

First come the biographical notes on the Naqshbandi shaykhs, followed by the

biographies of one particular master and his disciples: ťAyn Qudät Hamadānī,

Abū Naģlb Suhravardī, čalāl al-Dīn Rūmi, Šihāb al-DIn SuhravardI, ťAbd al-Qādir Čllānī, and Ibn 'Arabi. Jāmī concludes the section on shaykhs with 13 biographies of mystical poets, broadly arranged in chronological order. The

first, Sana'!, is presented as a disciple of Abū Ya'qüb Yüsuf Hamadānī (d. 534/

1140), the first member of the Naqshbandi order. Jāmī thus includes the fig-

ure considered in the spiritual thought of the order to be the founder of the

Persian mystical masnavL The last biography honors Hāfiz, the greatest poet before Jāmī himself. The inclusion of poets in a tabaqãt work of Sufis is innova-

tive and certainly motivated by the author being a poet himself.

The section on the Naqshbandi shaykhs includes 19 biographies, some of which are relatively long compared with the other biographies in the Nafahāt

al-uns.197 This section begins with Yüsuf Hamadānī, presented in an exordium

in Arabic as "the imam of time" {imam fãlam) who achieved elevated states (i ahwãl ), charismata (karãmãt), and stages (maqãmãt).198 Jāmī closes this sec-

tion on the shaykhs of his order with a long laudatory note on Khvāja cUbayd

Allāh Ahrār, embellished with numerous poetic fragments.199 To conclude,

he praises this mystical movement, emphasizing its respect for the religious law and teachings of the Prophet ({itācat-i ahkām-i šarVatva itibďsunan sayyid

al-mursilīn).200 By placing this group at the beginning of the muta'akhkhirān ,

the author illustrates his support for the tarlqah naqšbandiyyaht which, in his

eyes, represents the Sufi ideal.

As seen, Jāmī sought to write a comprehensive collection of the lives of saints. Yet certain masters are omitted. For example, the Nafahāt al-uns does

1 96 Nafahāt al-uns , 28.

197 Ibid., 375-413-

198 Ibid., 375-377-

199 Ibid., 406-413. 200 Ibid., 413.

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306 AIGLE

not include the biography of Šāh Nťmat Allāh Vali Kirmānl (d. 834/1430-31) despite him being a renowned figure in Iranian Sufism. This absence can only

be explained by a doctrinal divergence, similarly to Muhammad Nūrbakhš (d. 869/1464), the eponymous founder of the Nurbakhšiyyah who claimed to be the MahdI. The fact that the descendants of Šāh Nťmat Allāh turned toward

Shiism, a doctrine to which Jam! was extremely hostile, most certainly explains

why the master of Kirmān is not mentioned.201

The existence of thematic chapters is a distinctive feature of Ançârî's Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah . In the biography of Dū 1-Nūn Miçrî, for instance, a typol-

ogy of knowledge (Him) is presented. The Egyptian saint would thus have said:

"I made three journeys and I returned with three sciences: one science accepted

by both the elite ( hãssah ) and the masses (* ãmmah ), one science rejected by

the masses and accepted by the elite, and finally one science rejected by both

the masses and the elite. I am thus banished, rejected, and isolated ( baqltu šarīdan, tarīdan, wahīdan)."202 Ançârî interprets the words of the master in

the following manner: "The first is repentance ( tawbah ). The second is love

(mahabbah), confidence in God ( tawakkul ), and good conduct ( mu'āmalāt ). The third science is the reality (haqîqah) that cannot be explained by science or reason."203 In his text, Jam! preserves Dû l-Nùn's words as well as Ançâri's

interpretation, but removes the poetic illustration in Arabic so as to preserve

the purely didactic aspect of the story.

Spiritual Portraits or Biographies? Junayd and Abū Yazîd Bistami are the two heroes of the mutaqqadimãn. They

represent the two major movements of Sufism during its formative period. Jāmī's spiritual portrait of Junayd attests to his recognized authority. In the

title of the biographical note, he is presented as "the chief of the Sufi commu-

nity" (sayyid al-tďifah).204 JāmI thus chooses the words of various masters to

emphasize his role as spiritual chief:205

He is one of the leaders ( a'immah ) and chiefs ( sãdãt ) of this group [the

Sufis]. Everyone links himself back to [Junayd] ( nisbah bi-vay durust

201 Algar 2008. 202 Nafahāt al-uns, 33. 203 Tabaqãt al-ņūfiyyah, 13.

204 Biographical note on Junayd, Nafahāt al-uns, 80-83, here, 80.

205 Jam! draws from Ançãri while including material from Yafil. On the biography of Junayd,

see the analysis of Mojaddedi 2001, 157-162.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÂ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 307

kunand), like [Abū SacId] Kharrāz, [Abū Muhammad] Ruwaym, [Abū Bakr] Šibli and others.206

Unlike 'Attardami mentions none of Junayďs miracles. In the Nafahãt al-uns ,

the master of Baghdad embodies the doctrine of sobriety and spiritual author-

ity. Jam! thus recounts the words of masters who acknowledge Junayd's dis-

tinctive intelligence. Abū l-'Abbās 'Atā' says that "Our leader [imam) in this science (7/m), and the authority to whom we refer ( marģa *) and whom we imitate (muqtada), is Junayd." Abū ča'far Haddād goes so far as to assert that

"If Intellect {eaql) were a man it would be in the form of Junayd."207 Jam! thus

emphasizes his intellectual pre-eminence (caqt) and his authority as a source of reference ( marģa *), making him a model (muqtada) to be imitated.

In Ansārfs Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah , after the biography of Junayd appears the

title, "Question on divine oneness" ( mas'alah fi l-tawhld ), designating the beginning of a thematic chapter with three parts.208 Only the middle section,

however, corresponds to the title. The first section is a maxim by Junayd on

divine oneness, whereas the third contains his biography. This thematic chap-

ter, as shown by Jawid Mojaddedi, is clearly linked to Junayďs biography.209

Jam! adapts the biography to the religious context of his time. As the theo- logical quarrels had subsided, he no longer shared the same preoccupations as Ansārī. The lengthy discussion of tawhîd is entirely removed, as are the versi- fied elements on divine oneness.

We have seen that Bayazld Bistami and Hallāj are two important figures in

'Attar's work, as two of the longest biographies of the Tazkirat al-awlfyď are

dedicated to them. A comparison of 'Attar and Jāmfs treatment of these indi-

viduals reveals that the Nafahãt al-uns remains faithful to the model of earlier

collections of tabaqãt In the biography of Bâyazîd, Jam! draws from Ansāifs Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah while considerably modifying its structure:

Šayļi al-Islām said, 'Many lies ( durūģ ) have been told about Bayazld. One

of them is that he said, I arrived and pitch my tent opposite the throne of

God ( barābar-i carš).' Šayh al-Islām said, This utterance is infidelity (kufr)

in relation with the shariah and [an indication of] remoteness (bu'd) in relation to the truth (haqîqah). Can you achieve the truth by projecting

yourself to view? What is the truth? Escaping from yourself. Achieve

206 Nafahãt al-uns, 80; Trans. Mojaddedi 2001, 163.

207 Nafahãt al-uns, 80.

208 Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah : biographical note on Junayd, 161-169; chapter on tawhîd, 169-184.

209 Mojaddedi 2001, 83-84.

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308 AIGLE

the truth by your own non-existence (nābūd)' Saying, Opposite [God's throne] about oneself is infidelity. Can you achieve divine unity ( tccwhld)

by duality ( dugānagi !)? Descent is necessary not ascent!'

Husri said, 'If I see the throne of God then I am an infidel ( kāfir ).'210 However, in the text of Ansārī, Husñ declares:

If I see the throne of God then I am an heretic211 (rnulhid), and if I were

to arrive and pitch my tent, where exactly have you arrived? Can you achieve divine unity ( tawhîd) by duality (dugānagi)! Descent is neces- sary not ascent!212

Jam! thus attributes to Ansar! a significant part of Husrī's commentary on divine oneness. The authority of the Hanbali master from Herat, acknowledged

for his orthodoxy, confirms the spiritual status of Bayazld, whose ecstatic say-

ings drew heavy criticism. It should be stressed that Jam!, like Ansārī, does not

credit him with spectacular miracles. He does not recount his šatahāty writing

uLavh-i šath nabüda" and he makes no allusion to his mir'āģ. Bayazld Bistami was venerated among the Naqshbandis. Its members accorded an important role to the initiation from a living master, but also to initiations of an uwaysl

type through the "spiritual presence" (rühäniyyat) of a deceased master. In the

proto-history of the order, Bayazld Bistami - who had been initiated by ča'far

Sädiq213 - is included in the spiritual ancestry of the Naqshbandis.214 Jam! thus

paints a spiritual portrait of Bistami in accordance with the doctrinal rigor of the order.

As to Hallāj, Ansārī devotes around 13 pages to his biography in which he adopts a nuanced view toward this controversial master.215 Jam! reiter- ates this view, stating that the shaykhs hold divergent opinions with regard

to his actions: the majority rejects him, but a few individuals disagree with his condemnation.216 Unlike 'Attar who criticized the ulemas and implicitly

210 Nafahãt al-uns, 56-57; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 155-156. Biographical note on Bayazld in

JāmI, Nafahãt al-uns , 56-57, occupying slightly more than one page; Tabaqãt al-sūftyyah,

87-95, or nine pages.

211 I translated mulhid using the term "heretical" instead of "infidel."

212 Jabaqat al-ęiifiyyah, 89; Trans., Mojaddedi 2001, 156.

213 Algar 2013, 88. The silsiíah of the Naqšabandiyyah was initially of the uwaysl type: from

ča'far Çãdiq to Bayazld and then Abū 1-Hasan Kharaqãnl; see Algar 1990, 3-56.

214 Haar 1992, 314.

215 Tabaqãt al-?üfiyyah, 315-327.

216 Nafahãt al-uns , 150.

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'ATTAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMl'S NAFAHÃT AL-UNS 309

laid blame on Junayd for Hallāj's condemnation, Jam! reproduces the words of Ansārl: "Me, I don't accept him, I don't refute the shaykhs' consent; do it

and give him to God so that his words shall be accepted."217 Jam! condenses to

slightly more than one page AnsarTs lengthy biography, which features many

poems written about Hallāj as well as verses recited by him. Jam! removes all

of these versified parts and reproduces almost word for word many passages

taken from the biographical note in the Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah. Jam! does not cite

his šathy "I am the Truth" ( anã l-haqq), instead writing that some masters had

said that Hallāj claimed to be a prophet (pąygambar ).218 He does not speak of

his spectacular miracles, as 'Attar did, and the description of his martyrdom

is extremely terse. Jam! mentions only that his feet and hands were cut off.

The author of the Nafahãt al-uns thus draws the spiritual portrait of Bâyazîd

Bistami and Hallāj, two figures of ecstatic sainthood, in a very sober manner in

accordance with his sources. While 'Attar composed a personal work, JāmI, as a

scholar preoccupied with doctrinal orthodoxy, produced a composition more in keeping with the ancient collections of tabaqãt

Conclusions

The Tadkirat al-awliyã ' and Nafahãt al-uns derive from the same tradition commemorating the lives of saints, in which speech is the preferred means of

teaching. Beyond the differences identified in these two texts, like their prede-

cessors, 'Attar and Jam! shared a common motivation.219 They both wanted to

teach their community of belief about the feats, deeds, and words of spiritual

masters, but did so using two different approaches. 'Attār chose a limited cor-

pus of saints, which, in his eyes, represented the primary movements of the

first centuries of Sufism. In contrast, Jāmī favored exhaustiveness, amassing

a great number of biographies, especially on the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. In his collection of the lives of saints, he conveys the paths to saintli-

ness in accordance with the religious orthodoxy of Ansārl, whose Tabaqãt al-süfiyyah he seeks to supplement and adapt to the religious context of his time. In contrast, 'Attar's vison of saintliness is more personal: he considers the

217 Nafahat al-uns , 151.

218 Ibid., 151.

219 In the introduction of the biographical section of the Risãlah, Qušayr! says with regard to

the cited masters: "In this chapter we shall [...], mention some of their biographies and

sayings in order to demonstrate their principles and good manners," trans. Knysh 2007, 17.

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310 AIGLE

Prophet and his family to be the source of Muslim spirituality, while revealing

his special attachment to ecstatic masters.

Every collection of the lives of saints shares the common foundation of Arabic-language works. In the tenth century, the first Sufi writings were trea-

tises that merged doctrinal elements with the sayings of masters, in addition

to the works of tabaqãt The following century witnessed the emergence of the

first texts in Persian. Huģvīrī's Kašfal-mahģūb and Ançârl's Tabaqat al-süfiyyah ensured the transition with Sufi literature written in Arabic. However, the

Tadkirat al-awliyď is the first, truly original work in Persian. It marks the culmi-

nation of this movement and creates a literary continuity via Sanai. Although

'Attar writes in prose, his poetic inspiration accords him a certain liberty in

his treatment of the hagiographical material. The accounts included in the Tadkirat al-awliyď form a sort of manual of sacred heraldry: the virtues, mira-

cles, and edifying feats form the "blazon of saintliness."220 The success of this

text derives from its apologetic nature. The believers must have considered the

Tadkirat al-awliyď - similarly to the European readers of Jacobus de Voragine's

Legenda aurea around the same time - as a book of saindy history, an account

of the acts of God.221 The mystical epic of 'Attar reflects an era marked by piety;

it is the work of a man for whom the quest for the divine consists of experi-

encing the purification of heart in this world, as only this can lead to mysti-

cal drunkenness. In contrast, the Nafahãt al-uns remains more faithful to the

early compilations. In the fifteenth century, it emerges as the climax of the

tabaqãt genre in Persian. Jam! endeavors to produce a concise work in which his choices point to the suppressions and modifications made to other texts. He deliberately omits the masters who, in his view, digress too much from Sunni orthodoxy. The two writers are thus connected differently to the same

tradition. The social function of the hagiographical account is to establish the

authority of a saintly man by showing the continuity between sacred history

and his earthly life. The Tadkirat al-awliyď and Nafahãt al-uns thus represent

two different ways of commemorating the memory of the spiritual masters

who embody the mystical thought of Islam.

220 Expression adopted from Boureau 1984, 253. 221 Boureau 1984, 253-254. On the success of this text, see Reames 1995.

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STAR'S TADKIRAT AL-AWLIYÃ' AND JĀMĪ'S NAFAHĀT AL-UNS 311

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Contents

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Issue Table of Contents

Oriente Moderno, Vol. 96, No. 2 (2016) pp. 197-459

Front Matter
Three Manuscripts of Muḥammad ibn ˓Alī al-Sanūsī in the Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino in Rome [pp. 197-210]
Training Imams of France: A Socio-Islamological Approach [pp. 211-229]
"The Other Voice": New Generation Palestinian Women's Writing as Reflected in Palestinian Anthologies [pp. 230-252]
Homosexuality in the Shadow of War [pp. 253-270]
˓Aṭṭār's "Taḏkirat al-awliyā˒" and Jāmī's "Nafaḥāt al-uns": Two Visions of Sainthood [pp. 271-315]
1771 et au-delà : comment la France est passée de la persanerie au persanisme? [pp. 316-328]
Note e Discussioni

Averroes and Hegel on Religion and Philosophy: Discussing Catarina Belo's Recent Book [pp. 329-335]
Bollettino di Islamistica [pp. 336-415]

Recensioni/Book Reviews

Review: untitled [pp. 417-419]
Review: untitled [pp. 420-422]
Review: untitled [pp. 423-424]
Review: untitled [pp. 425-427]
Review: untitled [pp. 428-430]
Review: untitled [pp. 431-432]
Review: untitled [pp. 433-439]
Review: untitled [pp. 440-444]
Review: untitled [pp. 445-449]
Review: untitled [pp. 450-451]
Review: untitled [pp. 452-454]
Review: untitled [pp. 455-456]

Back Matter