Qualitive and Quantitive Matrix
The social class worldviews of first-generation college students
Alexander J. Rice*, Alexander J. Colbow, Shane Gibbons, Charles Cederberg, Ethan Sahker, William M. Liu and Kristin Wurster
Department of Psychological and Quantitative Foundations, The University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA
(Received 4 September 2015; accepted 13 April 2016)
The social class worldviews (social class beliefs, attitudes, and values) of 14 first-generation college students were investigated with qualitative interviews. Consensual qualitative research analysis revealed first-generation students’ perspectives on the development of their social class worldviews, the effect of these worldviews on their transitions to college, and vice versa. The students’ pre-college beliefs and values promoted hard work and college attendance as a means of financial success. The transition to college created disequilibrium in the social class worldviews of the students interviewed, who in turn responded by attempting to adapt to the new culture, emphasizing their social class background, or downplaying the role of social class in their lives altogether. College professionals working with first-generation students are encouraged to facilitate dialogues with first-generation students about their social class worldview and its impact on students’ engagement with the college community.
Keywords: social class; first-generation; college students; social class worldview; qualitative
Social class worldview has been defined as the beliefs, attitudes, and values people use to interpret their economic situations and conditions (Liu et al., 2004). Liu and col- leagues (2004) state that social class worldview is important for a number of reasons. It helps people understand experiences of classism and make sense of the expectations and demands from various social groups. It also shapes the way in which classism is used to maintain a perceived social class position. For example, someone who adopts the values of a culture that favors social capital may engage in classism around social capital (e.g. by disparaging disfavored social etiquette). Social class can also have many implications for people’s physical and mental well-being (Liu, 2002). For example, health outcomes are poorer for people who perceive their social class status as lower than others, regardless of their objective socioeconomic position (Schnittker & McLeod, 2005). Given the significance of social class worldview in people’s lives, the purpose of this study is to examine social class worldview for a group that has experienced a transition to a new class culture, first-generation college students.
*Corresponding author. Email: alexander-rice@uiowa.edu
© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 2017 Vol. 30, No. 4, 415–440, https://doi.org/10.1080/09515070.2016.1179170
First-generation students
Coming from families who may be unfamiliar with collegiate culture, first-generation students may be unprepared for the changes associated with college life. Even though first-generation students often view their first-generation status as a motivator for suc- cess (Orbe, 2004), they tend to have fewer financial resources than peers, and often need additional academic and social support (Bui, 2002; Gibbons & Borders, 2010; Horn & Nunez, 2000; Warburton, Bugarin, & Nunez, 2001). They typically spend more time on extra-educational demands such as work and family obligations (Shields, 2002), work more hours, take fewer classes, and get lower grades (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004). They also have a higher likelihood of being ethnic minorities and speaking a language other than English in their home (Bui, 2002; McCarron & Inkelas, 2006).
Part of the reason that first-generation students struggle when transitioning to col- lege, is that they tend to lack cultural capital (i.e. knowledge about their new environ- ment) and social capital (i.e. relationships with college-graduates) in their new environment. In terms of cultural capital, their parents know less about college fit, do not recognize differences between types of colleges, know less about financial aid, and cannot assist them in making decisions about their college experience (Engle, 2007). Consequently, they may have less knowledge about the college process, which can lead to academic underperformance (Lehmann, 2007). Moreover, mismatch between social and cultural norms may create dissonance and negatively impact academic performance (Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, & Covarrubias, 2012).
With limited social capital, first-generation students may have difficulty connecting with peers and integrating into the university culture, which can lead to a sense of isola- tion (Lehmann, 2007; Quinn, 2004; Wentworth & Peterson, 2001). Researchers have found that first-generation students tend to feel intimidated by more affluent peers (Aries & Seider, 2005) and feel lower levels of belonging (Williams, Karahalios, & Fer- rari, 2013). Students who are navigating a social class transition may feel pressure to adapt their dress and speech to match students in the new culture, and downplay their working class background (Granfield, 1991). Although there is research on first-genera- tion students’ outcomes, such as those mentioned above, there are few studies on how the college transition shapes their identities and perceptions of social class.
Social class worldview research and theory
Comprehensive research on social class worldviews is sparse. Some researchers have, however, looked at components of social class worldview. For example, a number of experimental studies by Major and colleagues (Major, Kaiser, O’Brien, & McCoy, 2007; Major et al., 2002) found that individual beliefs about the extent to which people are generally treated fairly (also termed Just World Beliefs) have differential impacts on peoples’ perceptions of discrimination. Specifically, they found that individuals from lower status groups (i.e. African and Latino Americans) who endorse high Just World Beliefs were less likely to report having experienced personal discrimination when they encountered it (Major et al., 2002). In contrast, low status individuals with lower Just World Beliefs reported higher levels of perceived discrimination. Perceptions of dis- crimination against an in-group are in turn associated with lower self-esteem, greater
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personal vulnerability, and in-group blame for those who believe that all people are basically treated fairly (Major et al., 2002).
First-generation students may experience significant difficulties when their social class worldview is discrepant from their social class environment. Aries and Seider (2005) compared the experiences of students from lower social class backgrounds who attended Ivy League and state schools. At the Ivy League school there was presumably a bigger discrepancy between the social class worldviews of the students and the col- lege environment than at the state school. There students from lower social class back- grounds reported significantly more feelings of inadequacy, inferiority, and intimidation than at the state school.
Despite the relationship between social class worldview and psychological and physical well-being, the only theory that has attempted to provide a comprehensive framework for understanding social class worldview is the Social Class Worldview Model – Revised (SCWM-R; Liu, 2011). There is currently little direct empirical investigation of this model, but scholars have applied it to counseling psychology trai- nees’ experiences with debt stress, social class changes following unemployment, and the experiences of first-generation student veterans (Ali, Fall, & Hoffman, 2013; Olson-Garriott, Garriott, Rigali-Oiler, & Chao, 2015; Wurster, Rinaldi, Woods, & Liu, 2013). The SCWM-R posits that people develop their social class outlooks within an economic culture. There are usually smaller economic cultures (e.g. families and com- munities) housed within larger economic cultures (e.g. capitalism or socialism). Individ- uals align with others in their perceived social class group and microeconomic culture, using three forms of capital: human capital (e.g. capabilities and physical characteristic), social capital (e.g. interpersonal connections and social networks), and cultural capital (e.g. tastes and esthetics). Individuals cultivate and value these resources according to their need to maintain consistency with their perceived social class group. For many first-generation students, moving to a new economic culture (attending college) could lead to an awareness of a mismatch between the cultural capital they held in their previ- ous economic culture (prior social class upbringing) and the new economic culture. If people are not able to reduce the discrepancy between their social class identity and the economic culture through changes in possessions, social class-based behaviors (e.g. etiquette, dialect, work ethic), and lifestyle choices (e.g. preferred leisure activities and vocation), they may cope with the associated discomfort by using classism to devalue other groups (Liu, 2011).
In the SCWM-R, classism is the belief that all members of a social class group pos- sess characteristics or abilities specific to that group. It functions as a means to protect and maintain status within a social in-group through marginalizing people in social out- groups (Liu, 2011). Classism exists in four forms: downward (e.g. towards people of lower perceived status), upward (e.g. towards people of higher perceived status), lateral (e.g. towards people of similar perceived status), and internalized (e.g. towards oneself for not being able to maintain one’s perceived status). Experiences of classism have been shown to relate to increased levels of self-reported depression, anxiety, and stress, and to lower levels of wellness and self-esteem (Thompson & Subich, 2013).
When people recognize classism or experience differences between their behaviors, materials, values, or lifestyle and those of others, they may question or reflect on social class (termed disequilibrium). The Social Class and Classism Consciousness model, which is a subcomponent of the SCWM-R, suggests that people transition through
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different levels of social class awareness. People typically start with a unawareness or a basic recognition that there are people who are in higher and lower status groupings. Eventually as people accumulate experiences or encounter major events which initiate disequilibrium, they may begin to question their initial assumptions about the world (e.g. the world is fair to everyone, or if you work hard you will move into a higher social class). From here an individual may seek out more information about how social class functions and its role in people’s lives. He or she may become discouraged or angered by what they find. Some may revert back to a more simplistic understanding of social class, while others may persist in exploring the complexities of social class, its influence in their life and the lives of others.
The SCWM-R and research on aspects of social class worldviews therefore suggest that first-generation students may experience difficulties in college that relate to changes in aspects of their social class worldview. However, social class worldview is not well understood as few studies have systematically examined the ways people view social class, its role in their lives, and how this viewpoint develops, is expressed, and changes (Liu, 2011; Stewart & Ostrove, 1993). The purpose of this study is to more deeply understand (1) first-generation students’ social class worldview in the context of the college environment, and (2) how this worldview developed and changes during the transition to college. These two questions were chosen as little is known about first- generation students’ subjective perceptions of their social class background, how they see themselves in relation to the college environment, and what psychologically occurs for them when they encounter the university culture. First-generation students were asked to reflect on and share their experiences, observations, and beliefs in semi- structured interviews.
Method
Methods and analysis for this study were conducted according to consensual qualitative research (CQR) guidelines (Hill, 2012; Hill, Knox, Thompson, Williams, & Hess, 2005; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). CQR looks to combine the depth and richness of constructivist qualitative methods while remaining post-positivist in implying that one reality can be uncovered when the research team and auditors reaching consensus over core ideas from the data (Ponterotto, 2005). CQR was chosen because social class worldviews are likely to be complex and contain multiple interacting processes that might be less meaningful if isolated, but that these processes could reliably be reached through consensus.
Participants
Fourteen full-time undergraduate first-generation college students between the ages of 18 and 22 (with a mean age of 20) were recruited from a large, public Midwestern uni- versity. Eleven of the participants identified as female and three identified as male. Six described themselves as Hispanic, four as Caucasian, and four as Asian American. The criteria chosen for establishing first-generation status were that neither participants’ parents nor grandparents attended a two- or four-year college course. This criteria was established to minimize the extent to which participants and their families would have had experience with college culture. All participants were receiving financial
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scholarships to attend college. Participants were asked to describe their social class while growing up. Six labeled themselves as “middle class” (providing rationales like “I’m able to get a lot of scholarships,” “we get by,” “my parents worry about the bills,” “my parents did not attend college,” and “I’m average”), three called themselves “lower middle class” (e.g. “I have better things now than I had growing up,” “everyone in the neighborhood works low paying jobs, like laborers,” and “there wasn’t even any extra money”), two identified as “upper–lower class” (e.g. “I’m not a poor college student because I’m working, but maybe just a little bit above it”), and one identified as “lower class” (without providing a reason for this identification). Two participants stated that they could not label themselves due to fluctuations in their social class.
Research team and auditor
The research team members were five males and one female, who were European American, and one Asian American male. Three considered themselves to be first- generation college students. One was a faculty member with experience in qualitative social class research and the other team members were counseling psychology doctoral students with interviewing experience. One of the student members was an auditor for this study and did not participate in the data collection or analysis. Each team member wrote about their potential biases and expectations that might influence the research process, including knowledge of the SCWM-R, expecting participants to have limited knowledge of class issues and identities, thinking participants would endorse class stereotypes, and expecting participants would highly value education as a means of class mobility. Recognizing that the process of consensus building cannot remove bias, and that prior perspectives can enrich interpretation of the data, team members dis- cussed ways in which the data appeared to meet or depart from their expectations (Stiles, 1997).
Procedures
Recruitment of participants
Approximately 100 people responded to an initial email sent through a university wide listserv. These respondents were screened for full-time undergraduate and first-generation status. Participants were selected randomly from the pool of eligible students. During the data analysis and interview periods, the researchers reviewed the transcripts to determine whether they contained additional novel information (i.e. if saturation was reached). At 14 participants, the research team felt that saturation was reached. Participants received $20 as compensation.
Data collection
Each participant was interviewed for up to an hour using semi-structured questions developed using research and theory on the factors that influence the development of social class worldview and the experiences that might be affected by a change in social class environment. These questions were chosen from three domains relevant to the specific research questions: (a) background experiences that might influence social class worldview, (b) the form of students’ current social class worldviews, and (c) current
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experiences of social class in college that might increase student’s awareness of, and frame their perspective on, social class. Questions were developed through consensus of the research team and were reviewed by an expert in the area of social class, who sug- gested two additional questions that were included in the final survey. Examples are: “What differences or similarities have you noticed about people while transitioning to college? How does this compare to people back home?” “What did your family teach you about college?” The questions were designed to elicit social class worldviews, fac- tors that contributed to those worldviews, the impact of the transition to college on those worldviews, and social class related challenges associated with this transition. After the first interview was completed, the research team met to discuss the interview process and discussed how to respond when participants did not know the meaning of terms. The research team decided to conduct interviews without defining terms. Inter- views were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were checked for accu- racy and coded to preserve anonymity. The university’s institutional review board approved this research.
Data analysis
The data analysis occurred in three stages. In the first, three interviews were read inde- pendently by primary researchers. In accordance with suggestions on using CQR by Hill et al. (2005), each of the researchers developed a list of domains representing the most prominent themes from the data. Research team members then met to compare domains, and reach consensus before defining domains. The researchers then individu- ally extracted core ideas (shortened summaries of the specific ideas in each response) from each relevant sentence and phrase provided in the three interviews. The research team then met to resolve discrepancies between proposed core ideas. Codes for the core ideas and domains were entered into Dedoose, a qualitative analysis program, allowing comparison of code and domain assignment across transcripts.
During the second stage, team members separately coded the rest of the transcripts for core ideas. They then met to collaboratively combine the core ideas into broader categories. Constant comparison of the categories to the interview transcripts helped the team refine and collapse categories, as well as generate new categories when necessary. Analysis continued until a consensus was reached on a set of categories that were deemed to accurately, completely, and concisely reflect the data.
In the third stage, categories and domains were tabulated and further refined. Cate- gory frequencies were then labeled using terminology from Hill et al. (2005) (i.e. Gen- eral = 13–14 participants; Typical = 7–12 participants; Variant = 2–6 participants; Miscellaneous = 1 participant). All core ideas which did not fit an existing category were moved to the “other” domain. After data were collected and analyzed we com- pared and contrasted our results with existing research, and the SCWM-R, as the only comprehensive social class worldview model available.
Trustworthiness
The trustworthiness of the data was established in this study in four ways. The coding system was developed through the consensus of multiple researchers, all of whom had thought about their potential biases. An auditor (who was not a part of the data
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analysis) reviewed the domain and category structures after the initial round of coding of the transcripts. The auditor suggested a number of changes that were adopted, includ- ing the collapsing of categories that were poorly represented and rewording of category names. After the research team completed coding and created the final categories, the auditor compared the transcripts and categories to ensure that they captured the meaning of the individual responses. The researchers also conducted a deviant case analysis. Lastly, as part of a member check procedure, all fourteen participants were asked to respond to the major findings via e-mail. Of these, three replied to the researchers’ request for verification and feedback, and all affirmed that the findings closely approxi- mated their experiences.
Results
Seven overarching domains and 25 categories were derived from the interviews with participants. The domains were as follows: social class messages, social class-related events, social class affecting relationships, social class structure and permeability, social class-related values, external expressions of social class, and first-generation issues. Table 1 outlines domains and categories, and endorsement frequencies, exemplars, and definitions for each.
Messages
The participants described the messages they received from family and peers about social class. These ranged from ideas about social class mobility to the way their matriculation to college contributed to a new valued role in their family.
Social class mobility
All participants remembered hearing aspirational statements from their families, which included messages to: “be the best you can be,” and “do better in life and make more money than we did.” Describing her mother’s perspective, Christina stated “the restau- rant life was really hard, and so she doesn’t want us, my siblings and I, to have the same life that she’s having right now.” Many of the participants remembered family members communicating potential advantages to social class advancement, including gaining respect from others, and more fulfilling, better-paying, and less physically demanding jobs. Four participants reported that college was promoted as a mechanism for moving up in social class status. Similarly, two received messages that they should date individuals of similar or higher status, who might help them advance in status. The participants generally received encouragement to attend college from many sources, including family, friends, peers, and school counselors.
There were two exceptions to these aspirational messages. Mary noted that while her family would be “happy” if she found a prestigious job, she also believed that they would be content if she did not. Suzy reported that her father discouraged her from attending college, remarking that as a woman it was important for her to fulfill the role of homemaker. Her mother however, provided encouragement, stating “you can do it” and that women “can achieve what they want to achieve.”
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Table 1. Domains and categories.
Domains Categories Frequency Exemplars
Messages Social class mobility General “[Mother] doesn’t want us to have the same life that she’s having right now.”
Valued position in family
Variant “You have to do well because you know they look up to you and I want my kids to be successful.”
Attend an inexpensive school
Variant “[Parents] wanted me to go someplace cheaper.”
Social class related events
Interaction with new culture
General “In China, I’ve seen just ridiculously expensive things and then the poor people on the street begging.”
Events where financial capabilities became apparent
General “Some of these people, they don’t think that spending $300 on one weekend is a big deal.”
Social class-laden interaction
Typical “The person serving wouldn’t approach you, because they know you won’t buy.”
Formal information source
Typical “Learning about [social class] in like economics class and social studies.”
Social class affecting relationships
Social class influences how people group themselves
Typical “Some people are like, ‘I’m only going to hang out with people that are like me. That have money and can do things like me. I’m not going to hang out with people that don’t have money because they can’t do things.’”
Changes in relationships
Variant “They just treat me as if I think I’m too good for them, but in reality it’s not like that.”
No changes in relationships
Variant “I don’t think relationships have changed much.”
Social class structure and permeability
Stereotype statement/ acknowledgment
General “The rich girls … some of them talk in that stereotypical … that when you think of blondes … stupid dumb blondes …”
Perception of privilege Typical “Your parents pay for everything, and you get to party whenever, you get to study abroad, go on spring break, and a lot of people don’t get that.”
Personal sense of social class identity
Typical “My social class would probably be the typical middle class.”
Interaction with other identities
Typical “I do relate that to class. But then it’s also related sometimes to ethnicity.”
Social class differentiation – complexity
Typical “I think it’s kind of hard to come up with a universal definition for social class.”
Social class differentiation – unawareness
Typical “I just don’t think social class affects our lives too much.”
Differentiation from stereotypes
Variant “People who are poor or impoverished aren’t necessarily dumb or thieves.”
(Continued)
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Valued position in family
Four of the participants were considered role models for siblings or other family mem- bers by attending college. Glen noted,
They think of me more highly, as in I’m trying to get the education I really want and the career I want … And it encourages me to stay in school because I know that they are proud of me and they want me to succeed.
Ann was told that achieving status was important so other family members would not “look down on [her].”
Attend an inexpensive school
Two participants received messages from family members about going to an inexpen- sive school. These family members focused solely on the monetary cost, rather than other aspects of the college experience.
Table 1. (Continued).
Domains Categories Frequency Exemplars
Permeability Variant “We started off with a lot more opportunities than they had and they were able to move up, so that’s just scary, to think that potentially our generation of, like, their kids could go back to a lower class.”
Social class related values
Importance of hard work
Typical “I understand how important it is to work hard.”
Actions to project status
Typical “I have to dress a little bit better to look middle [class], or rich.”
Values about money Variant “If you make a lot of money you will just have an easier life.”
Judgment about spending
Variant “They don’t know the value of a dollar because they don’t have to work for it.”
Pride in social class transition
Variant “Now I feel like I can be a role model, I can do things that they didn’t even think they could.”
College is expected Variant “Because [college] was kind of a no brainer.”
First generation issues
Knowledge about college
General “At first it was hard to find resources. Like I didn’t know anything about anything.”
Family does not understand concerns
Typical “I try to talk to my mom about things that are going on in school, but she cannot keep up.”
Institutional Typical “I got my scholarship for being a first- generation student.”
Note: General: 13–14 participants; Typical: 7–12 participants; Variant: 2–6 participants.
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Social class related events
Social class-related events were described as interactions with new social class cultures, others’ financial capabilities, or formal information sources that made their social class identity or a social class issue more salient.
Interaction with new culture
All participants described social class-related events in the context of interacting with a new culture. For instance, Natalie recalled how she adapted to social class differences in high school: “In my freshman year in high school … all of my friends were extre- mely upper class. I struggled my freshman year because I didn’t know anything. I didn’t know the vocabulary.”
At times, these interactions included college-specific events. Two participants described the exclusivity of fraternities and sororities. For example, Li stated, “[I] have always kinda viewed them as being elite societies where … there’s high bar of entry. They expect you to be wealthier or some type of legacy.”
Other interactions were experiences with new ethnic cultures. Suzy described her experience moving to the United States and being from a low-income group:
We all moved here from Mexico when I was like four. From the very beginning I was quite different from everybody else. Just, sometimes the way people looked at you … because we were obviously very poor … We couldn’t have all the nice school supplies, like things like that.
Kaitlynn described learning about social class issues while studying abroad in another country, saying: “My time in China taught me a lot about social class and how unfair the balance can be.” She went on to describe the stark differences in wealth she observed across social class groups in China.
Events where financial capabilities became apparent
Thirteen participants stated that social class distinctions became apparent when they realized they did not have the necessary funds to participate in activities:
They [wealthier students] may go on a cruise or travel everywhere. So, I mean, those kind of things I can’t afford. So if they hang out with their friends in that way, that means that it’s kind of hard for me to hang out with them.
Some participants found these observations frustrating, while others found them motiva- tions. Li recognized a difference in social class during his own upward movement, say- ing “I always have an abundance of food, I have better clothing, I have better things now than I had growing up.”
Social class-laden interaction
Ten participants encountered family behaviors and beliefs that they felt were different from those of families from other social classes. Natalie put it succinctly, “it’s not until
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you go to their house and meet their parents that you realize they are from a different kind of world.” Six participants cited discrimination that they attributed to their style of dress, as described by Georgina:
Sometimes when you go to a store and you’re not well dressed … they think “whoa, she’s not going to buy anything, so let’s not even say hi to her.” And that’s where I think “whoa, I look poor,” so I have to dress a little bit better.
Formal information source
Eight participants learned about social class issues from formal sources such as school, religious institutions, and the media. Notably, most of these were isolated rather than ongoing instances (e.g. a single class). One exception was Christina, who reported: “I watch a lot of CNN actually, and a lot of the History Channel, where they talk about the social wealth.”
Social class affected relationships
Some participants reported that social class differences affected college students’ rela- tionships. Some also described how their transition to college affected their relationships with family and pre-college friends.
Social class influences how people group themselves
Five participants reported that social class factors influence how people relate with one another. Antonio thought that social class was important because students “look at it [social class] very strongly to adjust themselves to what kind of groups they want to be in.”
A common observation was that cost determines which activities students engage in, and students tend to associate with others who engage in the same activities. Partici- pants reported feeling more comfortable socializing with peers with similar experiences and interests. For example, Antonio noted when spending time with peers who did not attend college, “we’ll meet for dinner and stuff but when we talk it’s just kind of awk- ward because I’ll talk about my experiences and … they’ve been through different things.” Some participants remarked on the pressure they occasionally feel to act differ- ently when associating with peers from other classes. David stated “I feel comfortable approaching you because you look like me. Versus, like, I’m going to pretend to be this so I can talk to you.” Others gave examples where peers segregated due to class differ- ences. When describing her dormitory, Christina noted “you can tell who the upper level [are] even though they do talk to everybody and everybody intermingles, they stay with their own group of people.”
Changes in relationships
Six of the participants described changes in pre-college relationships after beginning college. For example, Glen noted that after matriculating into college, his friends became more aware of and humbled by their lower status in the college community.
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Three participants noted changes in their interactions with friends and family who did not attend college. Some viewed the participants with more respect for their aca- demic achievements and saw them as “more worldly.” Suzy stated: “I get to have con- versations with them about business and stuff. So they kinda talk with me about what I’ve learned and I help them out.” Three reported that other people were envious of their college experiences or thought that the participant would now consider themselves superior. Natalie lamented of friends from back home “they just treat me as if I think I’m too good for them, but in reality it’s not like that.”
No changes in relationships
Seven participants stated that their existing relationships with family and friends had not changed, despite being aware of the differences in social class among their peers. For example, Nadia noted, “with the people here that I hang out with … you see the things that they have, and I don’t think it affects our relationships”. Others were not clear if changes in relationships might be due to factors related to class as opposed to other changes, such as the increased physical distance from home to college.
Social class structure and permeability
The “social class structure and permeability” domain includes participants’ perceptions of the social class structure, social class identity, its relationship to other identities, the advantages afforded to people of higher classes, and beliefs about the degree to which transitioning between classes is possible.
Stereotype statement and acknowledgment
All participants acknowledged or endorsed social class stereotypes. Two stereotypes unique to college students were that wealthier students do not work hard and do not value their education. Glen commented, “other kids who have their parents pay are just like ‘pfft whatever, my parents are paying for it. If it doesn’t go as well, it’s not my money … money changes people’s attitudes towards school.” Several others echoed this belief, “they [more affluent students] just don’t care about school,” and “[students from higher social class backgrounds] are not actually there for schooling, they’re there because their parents made them go.”
Six participants characterized students of higher social class backgrounds as con- ceited. Christina remarked on how her experiences with higher social class students have diminished her interest in befriending them, “It’s hard when they think they’re bet- ter than you.”
Participants generally held more favorable opinions of less affluent students. One belief, stated by six of the students, was that lower social class students value education more than wealthier students:
I feel like if you come from a lower socioeconomic social class, you want to get an educa- tion … so you don’t have to work as hard. So people that come from where I come from, I feel like that’s what we’re here to do. (Suzy)
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Glen noted, “[lower social class students] seem to work a lot harder at school, because they know that ‘I’m paying for this.’”
Perception of privilege
Twelve participants perceived either themselves or others as holding social class-related privilege. Some expressed frustration over their perception that students from higher social class backgrounds experienced fewer consequences for their actions, and often took their advantages for granted. Nadia commented: “Your [students of higher social class] parents pay for everything, and you get to party whenever, you get to study abroad, go on spring break … they just take it for granted.”
Suzy similarly stated that a higher social class friend did not understand her need to work. “He’s like, ‘why are you always working, why can’t you come out and do things …’ I was like, ‘this is how I was brought up; this is how I lead my life pretty much because I have to.’”.
Christina suggested wealthier peers lack compassion for people with less money. “They are rich, they could go to summer camps, they could afford to go to different areas, to travel for vacation and stuff. [Some of them] didn’t have a sense of compas- sion for the people who didn’t have as much money.”
Ann expressed guilt for her advantages as a first-generation student. “I’m guilty of taking advantage of the scholarships and opportunities … I got a lot of first gen schol- arships because they’re like ‘oh, we need to increase our diversity quota.’”
Personal social class identity
Participants showed variability in their identification with a particular socioeconomic group. Four participants were unsure of how to label themselves, saying “should I say middle-class? I don’t know,” and “I don’t know what I consider myself.” Other partici- pants made fine distinctions, “upper-lower-class” and “I’m in the middle class but I want to say upper-middle because I don’t share some of the stereotypes of them.” Two participants reported not fitting into a single social class identity, saying “I feel like I don’t have a category. Because I interact with a lot of people all the time, through my job and school and everything.”
Interaction with other identities
Eight participants noted the intersection of a social class identity with other salient iden- tities (gender, racial, ethnic, and religious). Some participants described experiences in both classed and racial or ethnic terms, and did not specify the extent to which they attributed their experiences to each. Nadia noted the interaction between her Hispanic ethnic identity and social class:
[My hometown is] very diverse so the Hispanic population was low income and the kids’ parents worked at [business name], which is a meat packing factory. Most of my friends were in the middle, white class, because of all the activities that we did. And not a lot of Hispanic people did sports and clubs.
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David commented, “I notice that African Americans tend to be viewed as low social class.” Georgina reported feeling excluded from a religious community due to social class.
When they have these conferences for church, most of the people that go are ones that have titles or money … I feel like they didn’t invite us because they think we’re going to be talking while the person’s talking or think that we’re going to take babies in there and they’re going to be crying and walking around. And also because they collect money, and what can we give?
Social class differentiation – complexity
Nine participants’ statements reflected a more nuanced perspective of social class. Angela commented on the difficulty of developing a standard definition of social class. “Everyone has different definitions. Some define social class based on their salary or their status position in the society. So, I think it’s kind of hard to come up with a gen- eral definition.” Participants who recognized the complexity of social class nonetheless had difficulty articulating the impact of class on their identity and relationships.
Social class differentiation – unawareness
Eleven participants made statements which denied or downplayed the importance of social class. Glen commented, “Really we’re all like the same people. We just make different amounts of money and you have different hobbies and do different things.” Four participants acknowledged social class differences but minimized their importance within the college environment. Ann noted:
I think it’s really blended in college. It’s hard to see any kind of difference. I think a lot of students are in an in-between phase in their life where their parents are slowly cutting off their support. So we’re all poor.
Differentiation from stereotypes
Five participants commented on people who do not fit into social class stereotypes. Natalie stated, “social class is a label, but it doesn’t necessarily mean … that person has to live up to those stereotypes of their labels.” One student challenged negative stereotypes of wealthier students, saying “I do know some rich people whose parents aren’t materialistic and they still have flip phones” and “I mean they perceive them [higher social class students] as acting snobby and all that kind of stuff, but really it’s not true.”
Other participants noted how they themselves differ from stereotypes. Suzy stated, “People look at me and they don’t really think I come from a lower social class because I have like assimilated and carry myself like I do have money.” However, she later acknowledged the difficulty in breaking stereotypes, saying “I didn’t care about what I looked like … as long as I worked and had everything taken care of. And I think they [upper class people] do really believe that your appearance is what sells everything.”
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Permeability
Four participants noticed variability in permeability across generations and within fami- lies. Nadia feared falling back to a lower social class:
We [younger generations] started off with a lot more opportunities than they [previous gen- erations] had and they were able to move up. So that’s just scary, to think that potentially our generation of their kids could go back to a lower class.
Nicole observed that her beliefs about the effort required to maintain a social class status were influenced by her siblings’ attainment.
I have four siblings and two of them are doing really good and two … are doing really bad, so it kinda motivates me to do like two of my siblings instead of falling back like my other two.
Social class-related values
Thirteen participants described social class values pertaining to money, education, and employment.
Importance of hard work
Nine participants articulated the importance of hard work as a means of achieving suc- cess. Suzy described the importance of hard work as a lower social class value: “If you’re from a lower social class you tend to work more to try and get some of what the higher social classes have.”
Actions to project status
Nine participants described social class-related pressure to improve their style of dress. Suzy noted, “I think most people [decide] what social class you are by how you’re dressed.”
Some participants noted that style of dress became increasingly important upon entering college as a mechanism for projecting social class.
We’re all girls in the group that I live with … it’s kind of this competition … everybody is trying to be the best looking one, have the best outfit, and that … influences a lot what I buy, what I talk about.
Suzy explained, “if they see someone with a brand they’re like ‘oh, she’s definitely in a higher social class than I am because I can’t afford to buy something like that.’” How- ever, Nadia believed the importance of appearance and dress decreased during college. “In high school [it was] always a stress to dress up and go nice to school and you had to look nice, and here … nobody cares.”
Three participants described changing their manner of speaking or the topics they talk about to connect better with family or peers. All of the participants described social class displays made by others, such as engaging in and posting pictures of expensive activities.
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Values about money
Three participants expressed values about money they or their family endorsed. Georgina downplayed the importance of money, explaining, “money doesn’t matter to me.” However, Kaitlynn believed that “if you make a lot of money you will just have an easier life.”
Judgment about spending
Six participants made negative appraisals about others who spend money on expensive items. Two participants criticized the spending of wealthier peers, making statements such as, “I’ve got a friend that wears like $140 pair of jeans and c’mon. You don’t need a $140 pair of jeans.” Other participants judged wealthier peers who showed little aware- ness for the value of money. Kaitlynn stated, “They learn to squander their money. They don’t really know the value of a dollar because they don’t really have to work for it.”
Pride in social class transition
Seven participants expressed pride in their current social class standing, and their improved standing in their family. Glen noted:
It’s kind of cool, because I know that I’m the one in my family that’s trying to go out there … I feel kind of excited to [say] “yeah, I went to college. My parents might not have, but I went to college and was able to get through college.”
Other participants expressed pride that they may be serving as a role model for younger members of their family.
I can be a role model, I can do things that [my sisters] didn’t even think they could, like going to study in a different country. Being a first-generation student is paving the way for them and I am modelling … what success could be.
College is expected
Three participants considered higher education to be inevitable given their values and those of their parents. They made comments such as, “it was kind of a no brainer … I knew that [college] was something that I should do,” “going to college is more socially acceptable” and “[my parents] see [college] as something you need to in order to be successful.”
Two participants noted that college is a vital step towards a high paying, or less physically demanding, job. Natalie explained, “I’d rather go to college, so I didn’t have to get a minimum wage job,” and Georgina stated, “[college is] an important thing to do so that I won’t have to work like a dog.”
First-generation issues
Participants discussed unique challenges and advantages for first-generation college stu- dents. Challenges included their lack of knowledge about the university environment. Advantages included institutional support and assistance.
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Knowledge about college
All participants indicated that they lacked knowledge required to meet the demands of college life. The advice they received from their family regarding college was limited. Glen stated:
I don’t have my parents to fall back on. Like, “I have to write this paper, how can I write it?” Well, Mom doesn’t know. So I’m more on my own … then I would be if my family did go to college.
Mary described her difficulty navigating assistance programs without the help of her family:
[My roommate’s parents] both went to college and they help her a lot with filling out financial aid forms and with scholarships and, you know, getting help with classes. Whereas … I feel like I have to teach [my parents] about college.
Family does not understand concerns
Seven participants believed that their family does not understand the college experience. Georgina described her frustration with not being able to share concerns with her mom, “I try to talk with [my mom] about things that are going on in school but she cannot keep up …” Nadia described similar difficulties experienced by her brother, also a first- generation student, “my brother graduated from [university] … he had it really rough because they didn’t know what he was going through.”
Institutional
Twelve of the fourteen participants described institutional advantages of being a first- generation college student, including improved access to scholarships and specialized first-generation programming. For example, Antonio described multiple supports that serve as an advantage: “There’s a lot of resources the [university] offers … like meeting new people and I think that’s the whole deal with the orientation groups and stuff.”
Discussion
This study focused on the social class experiences of first-generation college students. The SCWM-R and existing research on social class is used to frame some of the fol- lowing discussion, although there are instances where the findings of this study extended beyond this model. Generally, as suggested by the SCWM-R, the extent to which the students were aware of social class in their lives varied depending on their social class background and the messages they received growing up. The transition to college was a factor that created disequilibrium in the social class worldview of many of the participants. Many types of responses by students accompanied this disequilib- rium, ranging from attempts to adapt to the new culture, to increased pride and connec- tion with their background.
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Social class consciousness
Prior to college, many of the participants had some limited awareness of social class through experiences that revealed differences between their environments and resources and those of peers. A few of the participants articulated a more nuanced social class perspective, and some denied social class differences. Consistent with past research (e.g. Aries & Seider, 2005; Lehmann, 2009), all participants had at least some difficulty articulating their understanding of social class issues. Participants noted feelings of dis- comfort around class in certain instances (e.g. feelings of being “looked down on”), but when asked directly, few could provide specific examples of classism they had experi- enced. Participants who interacted with wealthier peers prior to attending college had a better ability to articulate the effects of social class, due to increased exposure to class differences. Despite difficulties articulating social class and classism issues, the fact that these issues were evident in participants’ responses suggests that social class is a salient concern for first-generation students, even those attending a state school, where social class differences may not be as obvious as at private schools (Aries & Seider, 2005).
Social class worldview generally manifested in informal ways among the students. Indicators of income, occupation, and education were largely absent from participants’ descriptions of their social class identity. Further, when applying formal social class labels (e.g. middle class, lower class), participants gave idiosyncratic explanations for their use of these labels. More meaningful to them were experiences of differences in their social and cultural capital compared with peers. The focus on informal experiences rather than formal indicators and labels supports the idea that social class worldview is more useful than formal indicators for understanding the role of social class (Liu et al., 2004).
The intersection of social class with other identities was frequently mentioned and may obfuscate understandings of social class. Examples of difficult experiences by stu- dents from non-white groups included reflections on the possible influence of their race and/or ethnicity. For some individuals who have multiple minority statuses (e.g. racial minority and poor), being in a collegiate environment highlighted their many identities and statuses. Some may not have considered the meaningfulness of these identities until these identities and statuses were highlighted in interactions with other college students. Not only did these students then need to confront each of these singular identities but also the intersections of these identities.
Disequilibrium
No matter what their level of social class consciousness beforehand, upon entering col- lege the students’ social class worldviews were disrupted. Increasing awareness of their limited finances and opportunities relative to peers led to a number of challenges. They experienced discomfort associating with assumed higher social class peers and concerns about returning to a lower social class status after college. In accordance with SCWM- R, the participants also felt pressure to adapt to a new economic culture at college. For example, several of them felt pressure to mirror other college students’ dress, and the activities in which they engage. These experiences are similar to those explored in the research and theory on racial identity development, where a person typically has some type of interaction or experience with a counterculture that elicits dissonance and
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reflection upon their previously held beliefs (Helms, 1990, 1995). Liu (2011) frames some of these experiences as internalized classism, or the feelings and negative thoughts one may have because one cannot fulfill the expectations of a new economic culture and environment. In this case, the collegiate environment provides not only new economic demands to buy similar material objects as others, but also pressure to assimi- late to a particular collegian worldview.
The participants’ families were generally unable to provide them with knowledge, resources, and empathy needed to meet these demands. Participants simultaneously viewed their families as both a source of encouragement and pressure to succeed in col- lege. Messages participants received from family were geared toward helping them per- severe in college, emphasizing hard work as a foundation for success and social mobility. However they did not provide specificity; the messages were largely encourag- ing and ideological but sparse on what the individual could do in the new environment.
Some of this disequilibrium may contribute to first-generation students’ academic struggles, work pressures, and need for support (Bui, 2002; Gibbons & Borders, 2010; Horn & Nunez, 2000; Pascarella et al., 2004; Warburton et al., 2001). However, previ- ous experiences with other social class cultures may buffer some forms of disequilib- rium. For example, some participants integrated well with peers from different social class backgrounds, particularly if they had financial means or there were fewer discrep- ancies between their life experiences and those of people from other social classes.
Factors accompanying disequilibrium
Participants cited various mechanisms that occurred in conjunction with the disequilib- rium associated with their transition to college. Some affirmed their commitment to their family and social class. These participants expressed pride in their status as the first in their family to attend college. As found by Wentworth and Peterson (2001) the value of hard work was central to the social class worldview of many of the partici- pants. This value may help first-generation students persist in college despite difficulties adjusting.
In support of the SCWM-R, social class values influenced how the first-generation students made sense of the demands of different social groups. Valuing of hard work is part of a social class identity that is held as being virtuous in contrast to students from higher social class backgrounds (Lehmann, 2009). When these contrasts occurred they were sometimes accompanied by classist stereotypes of students from higher back- ground. The value of hard work is also prominent in Just World Beliefs, which enhance motivation for long-term goals, needed to complete a four-year degree (Hafer, 2000; Hafer, Bègue, Choma, & Dempsey, 2005).
Another strategy for coping with disequilibrium may be minimization of social class. For example, some participants described social class in peripheral terms, denying that it is a part of their identity and that it does not influence their perception of others. While this minimization may protect self-esteem in the short-term, research on Just World Beliefs suggests that it may have negative consequences. Individuals who believe that the world is fair, and that working hard will result in equivalent gains, are generally more motivated at work, achieve more at work, and have greater self-efficacy (Furnham, 2003; Lerner, 1980). However, individuals from lower status groups who endorse just world beliefs experience lower self-esteem and wellbeing, as they will
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internalize feelings of failure (Dalbert, Lipkus, Sallay, & Goch, 2001; Foster & Tsarfati, 2005; O’Brien & Major, 2005; Quinn & Crocker, 1999). Due to minimization of social class, some first-generation students may be less likely to perceive institutional or inter- personal classism. They might then internalize failures due to factors related to social class and struggle to persist in college.
How first-generation students conceptualize the groups to which they belong may affect their class identity and subsequent interactions. For example, a number of partici- pants noted that they see students as belonging to a single social class grouping. By perceiving themselves to be part of a larger in-group, the extent to which they feel alienated or isolated could be reduced. The extent of identification with social class groupings was flexible for these students and identifying with a larger “student” identity may have helped them develop a sense of “fitting in.”
Limitations
Although the current study provides a meaningful perspective of first-generation college students’ social class worldview, there were some limitations. Targeted sampling from one university may be limiting in terms of generalization of the findings. Participant responses may be couched in socially constructed interpretations of their social class worldview. This social class worldview may vary based on the student’s cultural back- ground, the culture of the community in which the university is situated, and the unique culture of the institution (Aries & Seider, 2007; Stephens et al., 2012). For example, our sample was drawn from a large public university in a predominantly white, rural community with a higher representation of white Hispanic and Asian students compared with other racial/ethnic groups.
Further, the use of open-ended questions may have had limitations. Participants occasionally asked for clarification of questions, which suggests a lack of explicit awareness of social class. On occasion, open-ended questions might also have failed to elicit information about social class not readily available in participants’ memory. How- ever, given the complexity of social class and the diverse ways people think about it, this approach may have more authentically uncovered the ways people represent class than if class-related terms were predefined or participants were unnecessarily prompted. Nonetheless, other methods could add greater nuance to our understanding of social class worldview. For example, one might employ a longitudinal research design that asks first-generation students to describe social class-related experiences at different time points. This might highlight issues salient at different times and decrease students’ reliance on memory. Furthermore, the integration of subjective social class scales such as the MacArthur Scale (MacArthur Foundation, 2007) could provide an additional data point from which to compare participants’ experiences and responses to questions. This measure may offer insight into why certain participants responded in the manner that they did (e.g. student from a subjectively high position minimizing differences because they have the financial means to do so).
Participants’ difficulties in articulating class issues extended to describing the inter- section of different cultural identities. As noted, participants from non-white, European backgrounds sometimes used terms of race or ethnicity and social class interchangeably when describing situations. This is not surprising given the close relationship between these constructs. Yet the decision to not restrict sampling on racial or ethnic grounds
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was deliberate, and allowed examination of the extent to which individuals were able to distinguish between class and race or ethnicity, both in their descriptions of their own identities and their perceptions of external events. Studies that comprehensively address the intersection of race/ethnicity and class continue to be important to fully understand these factors without artificially minimizing the focus on either.
Finally, the response to our member check procedure (three out of fourteen participants) was lower than we would have liked. This procedure was initiated after all of the analyses were complete to determine if our interpretation reflected the totality of participants’ experiences. However, the six month timeframe between interviews and re-contact following data analysis likely contributed to the response rate. Future research would likely benefit from better tracking of first-generation students for follow-up.
Implications for research and practice
Despite these limitations, this study supports a number of applications and research inquiries. First-generation students may be struggling to fit in, develop a sense of belong- ing, develop friendships, share in experiences, and adapt to the college culture. They may believe that all college students are the same and wonder why they are having diffi- culty adapting. They may internalize this struggle, attributing it to a personal deficiency or inability to “work hard.” Additionally, their parents who have not attended college may be unsure of how to adequately support them. Therapists in college counseling cen- ters could help students explore their values and experiences to make social class more salient, and to illuminate potential causes of distress, struggle, or discomfort. For exam- ple, if a first-generation student came into a college counseling center with symptoms of depression and difficulty connecting with others, the therapist may want to explore issues of social class. These might include parental messages and support around college, the student feeling disconnected from his or her class background, experiences of marginal- ization, pressure from peers to obtain material possessions, financial difficulties, or the pressure to succeed and be a role model to family members (Liu, 2011).
First-generation students with limited experiences interacting with peers from differ- ent backgrounds might be helped to connect socially with other first-generation students who may share values and experiences. Such students might also be encouraged to con- nect with students from different backgrounds, as this may enhance their understanding of class issues, and facilitate their connection with college as a whole. Promoting points of commonality among students from different backgrounds might be beneficial in some cases. To achieve some of these goals, college counselors might facilitate cross-cultural dialogues in many forms (e.g. university counseling center groups, student organiza- tions, coursework). This approach has shown success in improving the achievement of students, but may also improve their social functioning and psychological health (Harackiewicz et al., 2014). In addition, faculty may want to incorporate coursework more congruent with working class values, such as work that emphasizes interdepen- dence and group participation. Faculty may also encourage students to consider their own attitudes and beliefs, knowledge, and skills in working with first-generation college students. As the data suggest, the lived experiences of first-generation college students provide momentary thought-provoking experiences. First-generation college students may benefit from a direct and concerted effort to reflect on their cultural experiences and identity.
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Due to the difficulty in parsing social class and race/ethnicity in participants’ responses, in the future researchers might specifically use sampling procedures that enable them to more closely identify the unique influence of age, gender, race/ethnicity and other cultural factors on the development and expression of social class world- views. Further research could also be conducted on the differences and similarities in values between first-generation students who are from wealthier backgrounds versus less wealthier backgrounds. This might lead to greater insights about the differences which exist among first-generation students beyond economic factors. Researchers might determine how first-generation students navigate relationships with friends (old and new), and choose college majors or activities that fit their values. Researchers could also look at why some students downplay the significance of social class, the impact of financial discrepancies with peers on college outcomes, or the impact of family expecta- tions on first-generation students’ outcomes.
Conclusion
The findings of this study largely align with previous research on social class and the SCWM-R. The findings suggest that first-generation college students’ pre-college eco- nomic cultures are likely to influence their transition to college and their ability to cope with associated challenges. Their interactions in college likewise influence their social class worldview and the extent to which social class is salient to them. This study con- tributes to our understanding of social class worldview by systematically describing it’s facets in one population, the factors that mold it, and the dynamic way it is adapted by first-generation students in response to new social class experiences. Despite some first- generation students’ difficulty in articulating social class issues, given the apparent importance of social class issues in their lives, it is incumbent on colleges and those who work with students to elucidate the role of social class and help first-generation students cope with social class-related disequilibrium.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Funding
This work was supported by the University of Iowa College of Education.
Notes on contributors Alexander J. Rice, MS, is currently completing a PhD in Counseling Psychology at the Univer- sity of Iowa. He received his master’s degree in Forensic Psychology from the University of Leicester and his research interests include social class, and grief and loss.
Alexander J. Colbow, MA, is currently completing a PhD in Counseling Psychology at the University of Iowa. He received his master’s in Counseling Psychology from Boston College and his research interests included social class, telepsychology, and gender.
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Shane Gibbons, MA, is currently completing a PhD in Counseling Psychology at the University of Iowa. He received his master’s degree in Counseling Psychology from Boston College.
Charles Cederberg, MA, is currently completing a PhD in Counseling Psychology at the Univer- sity of Iowa. He received his master’s degree in Counseling Psychology from Boston College.
Ethan Sahker is a counseling psychology PhD student in the Department of Psychological and Quantitative Foundations at the University of Iowa. He works as a graduate research assistant at the Iowa Consortium for Substance Abuse Research and Evaluation. His research in addictions treatment is focused on underprivileged groups, youth through emerging adults, and outcomes related to referral source. He is also interested in masculinity and religion, atheist relationships, and secular identity development and measurement.
William M. Liu, PhD, is Professor of Counseling Psychology at the University of Iowa. He received his doctorate in counseling psychology from the University of Maryland. His research interests are in social class and classism, men and masculinity, and multicultural competencies. In recent research reviews, he has been identified as one of the most frequent producers of research in the Psychology of Men and Masculinity and among the most cited in multicultural competency research. He received the Emerging Leader award from the Committee on Socioeconomic Status (APA), Emerging Young Professional Award (Division 45, APA), and the Researcher of the Year Award (Division 51, APA). He is also a licensed psychologist and supervises the psychological clinic at a transitional shelter for individuals and families who are homeless.
Kristin Wurster, MA, is a Counseling Psychology doctoral student at the University of Iowa. She is interested in issues related to social class and classism, power and privilege, and the experi- ences of underrepresented and first-generation college students. Prior to returning to school, she received her master’s in Student Development in Postsecondary Education and worked for several years as an academic advisor.
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Appendix 1.
Interview questions
(1) Did anyone encourage you to attend college? (2) What do most people think about/how do they understand social class? (3) What is your understanding of social class? (4) How would you describe your social class? (5) Given what you have said, how have you seen social class enacted during your
time in college? (6) Tell me about the peer group you associate with in college, how does social
class influence your interactions with them? (7) What differences/similarities have you noticed about people while transitioning
to college? How does this compare to people back home? (8) In what ways have your view on social class changed since coming to college? (9) Have interactions with old friends or family changed since coming to college?
If so, how? (10) What did your family teach you about upward mobility? (11) What did your family teach you about what college is? (12) What kind of classism or discrimination if any, have you experienced because
you are a first-generation student? (13) In what ways is it difficult for you as a first-generation student? (14) In what ways is it easy or good to be a first-generation student?
440 A.J. Rice et al.
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- Abstract
- First-generation students
- Social class worldview research and theory
- Method
- Participants
- Research team and auditor
- Procedures
- Recruitment of participants
- Data collection
- Data analysis
- Trustworthiness
- Results
- Messages
- Social class mobility
- Valued position in family
- Attend an inexpensive school
- Social class related events
- Interaction with new culture
- Events where financial capabilities became apparent
- Social class-laden interaction
- Formal information source
- Social class affected relationships
- Social class influences how people group themselves
- Changes in relationships
- No changes in relationships
- Social class structure and permeability
- Stereotype statement and acknowledgment
- Perception of privilege
- Personal social class identity
- Interaction with other identities
- Social class differentiation - complexity
- Social class differentiation - unawareness
- Differentiation from stereotypes
- Permeability
- Social class-related values
- Importance of hard work
- Actions to project status
- Values about money
- Judgment about spending
- Pride in social class transition
- College is expected
- First-generation issues
- Knowledge about college
- Family does not understand concerns
- Institutional
- Discussion
- Social class consciousness
- Disequilibrium
- Factors accompanying disequilibrium
- Limitations
- Implications for research and practice
- Conclusion
- Disclosure statement
- Funding
- Notes on con�trib�u�tors
- References
- Appendix 1.
- Interview questions