Research Paper needs to be done asap by Friday! I needs to be 5-7 pages.

J Abnorm Child Psychol (2007) 35:405–416 DOI 10.1007/s10802-007-9099-2

O R I G I N A L PA P E R

Social Anxiety and Peer Relations in Early Adolescence: Behavioral and Cognitive Factors Stephen A. Erath · Kelly S. Flanagan · Karen L. Bierman

Received: 23 June 2006 / Accepted: 5 January 2007 / Published online: 31 January 2007 C© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007

Abstract This study investigated factors associated with social anxiety during early adolescence using multiple in- formants, including self and peer perspectives, teacher rat- ings, and direct observations. Negative social performance expectations, maladaptive coping strategies, and social skill deficits were examined as correlates of social anxiety and me- diators linking social anxiety with poor peer relations. Par- ticipants were 84 middle school students (47 girls, 37 boys) over-sampled for elevated social anxiety. Analyses revealed correlations linking social anxiety with decreased peer ac- ceptance and increased peer victimization. Path analysis in- dicated that negative social performance expectations and social withdrawal-disengagement accounted for the associa- tion between social anxiety and decreased peer acceptance. Social anxiety, self-directed coping strategies, and social withdrawal-disengagement were each directly linked with increased peer victimization for boys. The results replicate findings based on clinical samples, extend understanding of cognitive, social, and behavioral factors associated with social anxiety in middle school, and provide new informa- tion regarding gender differences in the correlates of social anxiety.

S. A. Erath · K. L. Bierman Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, USA

K. S. Flanagan Department of Psychology, Wheaton College, Wheaton, IL, USA

S. A. Erath (�) Human Development and Family Studies, Auburn University, 203 Spidle Hall, Auburn, AL 36849, USA e-mail: sae0001@auburn.edu

Keywords Social anxiety . Peer relations . Social skills .

Performance expectations . Coping strategies . Middle school

Social anxiety involves an excessive fear of interpersonal scrutiny and the associated potential for embarrassment or humiliation (Mancini, van Ameringen, Bennett, Patterson, & Watson, 2005). Rates of social anxiety begin to climb sig- nificantly in the preadolescent and early adolescent years, fueling increases in the onset of social phobia, which peaks around age 15 (Mancini et al., 2005). Spontaneous recovery is rare, and many youth diagnosed with social phobia ex- perience chronic and severe adjustment problems, including educational underachievement, underemployment, relation- ships difficulties, and concurrent mood disorder (Beidel & Turner, 1998; Morris, 2001). Early identification and treat- ment may significantly reduce the negative consequences, making research on factors contributing to the early adoles- cent escalation of social anxiety particularly critical.

This study focused on factors associated with social anx- iety following the transition into middle school, when the challenges of an increasingly complex peer context, social skill demands, and social-cognitive capacities contribute to interpersonal concerns. Associations between social anxiety and negative social performance expectations, social with- drawal-disengagement, poor conversation skills, maladap- tive coping strategies, and poor peer relations are explored. In addition, we test a model in which the relation between so- cial anxiety and peer maladjustment is mediated by negative performance expectations, maladaptive coping, and social skill deficits.

Challenges of the early adolescent social context

In early adolescence, transitions in school structure and peer network dynamics provoke distress even in the absence of

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negative social experiences. Furthermore, many young ado- lescents experience some victimization, with as many as one- quarter of middle school students reporting more extreme forms of peer harassment (Borg, 1999; Nansel et al., 2001). Perhaps in part a reaction to this large and less protective social context, friendships become particularly important as youth enter adolescence, where they experience strong de- sires for personal validation through interpersonal intimacy (Parker, Rubin, Erath, Wojslawowicz, & Buskirk, 2006).

Children and early adolescents who meet criteria for social phobia have fewer friends and receive fewer positive responses from peers than non-phobic control children (Beidel, Turner, & Morris, 1999; Spence, Donovan, & Brechman-Toussaint, 1999). Furthermore, even among normative child and adolescent samples, elevated reports of social anxiety are associated with poor peer relations, including peer rejection and neglect, fewer and lower-quality friendships, and higher rates of peer victimization (Inderb- itzen, Walters, & Bukowski, 1997; La Greca & Lopez, 1998; La Greca & Stone, 1993; Morris, 2001; Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Warner, 2003; Storch & Masia-Warner, 2004; Vernberg, Abwender, Ewell, & Beery, 1992). The rela- tionship appears reciprocal (Rubin & Burgess, 2001). Low levels of social support and exposure to peer victimization increase psychological distress, including anxiety and de- pressed mood (Boivin, Hymel, & Bukowski, 1995; Vernberg et al., 1992). Conversely, high levels of anxiety and social insecurity increase risk for low-quality friendship and peer maltreatment (Hodges & Perry, 1999; Vernberg et al., 1992). It is possible that the increased exposure to victimization and increasing importance of friendship support that occur in early adolescence contribute to rising levels of social anxiety following the transition to middle school.

Increasing social skill demands

Socially anxious youth are often withdrawn, and they find it particularly difficult to sustain conversations with peers. For example, observing 7–14 year-old youth with social phobia at school, Spence et al. (1999) recorded low levels of so- cial initiation and peer interaction, as well as short response length during conversational role-plays. When they did in- teract, socially phobic youth were less likely than their non- anxious classmates to obtain positive responses from peers (Spence et al., 1999). Similarly, observers in two other stud- ies rated socially phobic youth (7–16 years of age) as less socially skilled than their non-anxious peers in read-aloud and social interaction tasks, and recorded longer response latencies for the anxious children during social interaction with peers (Alfano, Beidel, & Turner, 2006; Beidel et al., 1999). Socially phobic youth report that socially distressful events occur on most days, elicit high levels of anxiety, and result in subsequent social avoidance about 35% of the time

(Beidel et al., 1999). The socially phobic youth in that study also reported generally high levels of social disengagement − 50% were not involved in any extracurricular or peer ac- tivities, and 75% reported no or few friends.

The skills needed to maintain conversations, such as sensitive verbal responding, may become particularly im- portant for establishing and maintaining friendships during the early adolescent years, when friendships increasingly involve reciprocated self-disclosure and intimacy (Parker et al., 2006). These skills require a high level of self and social regulation, including the capacity to sustain interpersonal attention, regulate negative affect, and maintain positive interpersonal interest and orientation. Social anxiety may be particularly detrimental to this type of social interaction, as anxious feelings and intrusive thoughts can interfere with task-focused attention, and thereby disrupt task performance (Rapee & Heimberg, 1997). For example, socially anxious youth may allocate attention to threat cues (e.g., physio- logical hyperarousal, perceived signs of disapproval) at the expense of attending to the ongoing social interaction (Vasey & Daleiden, 1996). A school-based study of heterosocial anxiety showed that shy/anxious adolescent boys and boys who reported fewer confederate- and task-focused thoughts exhibited more pauses, made more unelaborated responses, and asked fewer on-topic questions than boys who were able to maintain focus on their partner during a conversation (Johnson & Glass, 1989). High levels of anxiety may also re- duce positive affect in social settings, reducing positive peer responding (Cartwright-Hatton, Hodges, & Porter, 2003).

Social performance expectations and coping strategies

Parallel to changes in peer relations and social demands, normative changes occur in social cognitions during early adolescence. As youth develop the capacity for more abstract reasoning, they increasingly evaluate themselves in compari- son with their peers rather than to absolute standards. Related advancements in perspective taking and recursive reasoning allow early adolescents to recognize that other youth are also evaluating them, prompting concern with the content and valence of these evaluations (Parker et al., 2006).

The capacity to worry in more complex ways about an increasing array of social issues may fuel social cognitions associated with social anxiety. It is hypothesized that, among anxious youth, social cues activate negative schema, which result in selective processing of threat cues in contemporary social situations, negatively skewing evaluations of those events (Vasey & Daleiden, 1996). Likewise, socially phobic youth report more negative performance expectations than non-anxious youth prior to social-evaluative tasks (Alfano et al., 2006; Morgan & Banerjee, 2006; Spence et al., 1999). Socially anxious children and early adolescents in normative samples are also more likely to attribute threat in ambiguous

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social situations (Muris, Merckelbach, & Damsma, 2000), and to make negative appraisals following social perfor- mance (Cartwright-Hatton et al., 2003; Rheingold, Herbert, & Franklin, 2003). At a more global level, Chansky and Kendall (1997) found that social anxiety was correlated with expectations of dislike and rejection by unfamiliar peers among youth (9–15 years-old) with and without anxiety disorders.

Coping skills have also received attention. Several studies indicate that youth with anxiety disorders show a poor un- derstanding of coping strategies and use ineffective coping strategies (e.g., Southam-Gerow & Kendall, 2000; Suveg & Zeman, 2004), and prefer avoidant and non-assertive strate- gies for dealing with distressing social situations (Beidel, 1991; Beidel et al., 1999). Paradoxically, youth with social anxiety may prefer coping strategies that provide immediate emotional relief (e.g., avoidance), even though these strate- gies can undermine social effectiveness (Vasey & Daleiden, 1996). Indeed, emotion-focused and escape-avoidant cop- ing strategies appear to be associated with increased inter- nalizing problems, whereas problem-focused coping strate- gies are more often associated with decreased internalizing problems (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001). Although self-directed coping strategies such as distraction and relaxation may serve the purpose of reducing anxiety (Compas et al., 2001), we hypothesize that their use during social interaction may distract attention from the social partners and disrupt sensitive interpersonal responding. In contrast, problem-directed coping strategies, such as focusing on the interaction partner or generating pos- itive appraisals of the situation, might be more effective in supporting competent social behavior and eliciting positive responding.

Gender differences and gendered social cultures in early adolescence

Gender differences in internalizing symptoms begin to emerge in early adolescence (Ge, Lorenz, Conger, Elder, & Simmons, 1994), and several studies report higher levels of social anxiety among middle and high school girls rela- tive to boys (La Greca & Lopez, 1998; Nishina, Juvonen, & Witkow, 2005; Storch, Masia-Warner, Dent, Roberti, & Fisher, 2004). Some research suggests that girls also display stronger increases in negative affect in response to stress during these years (Seiffge-Krenke & Schulman, 1993), and may be more likely than boys to discuss their worries exten- sively with their friends, revisiting problems and focusing on negative feelings in a pattern of co-rumination that may increase distress (Rose & Rudolph, 2006). Conversely, boys’ peer relations may be more negatively affected by internal- izing problems than girls’, particularly when boys engage in socially withdrawn and passive behavior. Indeed, social

withdrawal serves as an indicator of psychological risk pri- marily for boys, for whom it is associated with low social and cognitive competence, moodiness, and low self esteem (Caspi, Elder, & Bem, 1988; Morrison & Masten, 1991). Given these gender differences, it is possible that the factors associated with increased social anxiety in middle school differ for boys and girls.

The present study

We hypothesized that low levels of peer acceptance (as- sessed via friendship nominations) and increased exposure to victimization by peers (assessed by both self-report and peer-report) would be associated with social anxiety. Given the increasing importance of social interaction skills, we further hypothesized that social withdrawal-disengagement (assessed by teacher ratings) and deficits in conversation skills (assessed by direct observation) would be linked with social anxiety. Finally, we hypothesized that negative social performance expectations and self-directed (as op- posed to problem-directed) coping strategies during social interaction (assessed via youth interview and self-ratings) would be associated with social anxiety. We also anticipated that socially-anxious girls might be characterized more by maladaptive performance expectations and coping, whereas socially-anxious boys might be characterized more by ex- posure to peer victimization and corresponding social with- drawal.

In general, we anticipated that poor peer relations, social skill deficits, negative social performance expectations, and self-focused (rather than problem-focused) coping would be inter-related, and characterized by reciprocal relations. That is, we posit that social anxiety disturbs peer relations primar- ily by its impact on social interactions, and that problematic peer relations fuel social disengagement, negative expecta- tions, and social anxiety. In a mediation model, we hypoth- esized that maladaptive performance expectations, coping strategies, and social skills would account for the link be- tween social anxiety and poor peer relations.

Methods

Participants

Participants were sixth and seventh grade students at two middle schools in central Pennsylvania. A description of all facets of the study and consent forms were sent home with all sixth and seventh grade students and also mailed directly to their parents. Students were given a small monetary gift certificate to a local mall for returning consent forms, re- gardless of whether consent to participate was given. Four hundred and twelve students (60%) agreed to participate in

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the study, and questionnaire and peer nomination data were collected from 397 of these students, who were present on days of data collection. Participants in the present study were 84 early adolescents selected from the larger sample, with an over-sampling of early adolescents reporting elevated scores on the Social Anxiety Scale for Adolescents (SAS-A; La Greca & Lopez, 1998). More specifically, 42 early adoles- cents (23 girls, 19 boys) in this sample reported elevated levels of social anxiety on the SAS-A (one standard devia- tion above the mean of the larger sample or greater than the 90th percentile, with separate selection within school, grade, and gender). An additional 42 early adolescents reporting normative levels of social anxiety were randomly selected to provide a full range of social anxiety scores and serve as a comparison group, matched by school, grade, and gender. The mean SAS-A scores for early adolescents classified as “normative” and “socially anxious” were 32.95 (SD = 8.16) and 55.05 (SD = 10.28), respectively. SAS-A scores among “socially anxious” participants are consistent with criteria for elevated scores in community and clinical samples (Epkins, 2002; Storch et al., 2004).

The sample included 47 females (56%) and 37 males (44%), and 30 sixth graders (36%) and 54 seventh graders (64%). The racial composition of the sample reflected the de- mographics of central Pennsylvania. The sample included 79 European American participants (94%), four African Amer- ican participants (5%), and one Hispanic participant (1%).

Procedure

During the initial school survey, self-report measures and peer nominations were administered during a single class period. Teachers were also asked to complete a question- naire describing the social behavior of each participating student. All 18 teachers consented to participate and divided the ratings among themselves, such that they completed rat- ings for students with whom they were most familiar. Teach- ers were compensated for their time according to school district standards. Following questionnaire administration, the subsample of “normative” and “socially anxious” early adolescents participated in a video-taped social interaction task (Talk Show Activity) and pre- and post-task interviews with a research assistant. The Talk Show Activity (TSA) and interviews took place in available space at schools (e.g., con- ference room) one to several weeks following questionnaire administration. Consent to participate in the TSA was es- tablished as part of the initial written consent form given to all students and established again, verbally, with participants before the TSA. None of the students selected for the TSA and interview declined to participate.

Immediately before and after the TSA, participants were asked about their social performance expectations and their use of coping strategies. For the TSA (adapted from

Guevremont, 1990), participants were asked to begin and maintain a conversation with a trained undergraduate or post-graduate research assistant for a few minutes by telling about themselves and finding out about the other person. They were instructed to pretend the research assistant was another middle school student whom they hoped to get to know better. Prompts (2 questions and 1 self-statement) were provided on a sheet of paper to help participants begin the conversation. To promote standardization across interviews and ensure that participants led conversations, trained research assistants responded to questions with self-statements, and responded to self-statements with only one follow-up question. Research assistants ended the conversation after three minutes. Research assistants were unaware of participants’ level of social anxiety.

Measures

Social anxiety

Social anxiety was assessed with the Social Anxiety Scale for Adolescents (SAS-A; La Greca & Lopez, 1998), an 18-item self-report measure, with items rated on a 5-point scale (1 = not at all, 5 = all the time). The SAS-A has demonstrated strong reliability and validity in several studies (Inderbitzen- Nolan & Walters, 2000; La Greca & Lopez, 1998; Storch et al., 2004). In the present sample, Cronbach’s α for the full scale was .91, consistent with the reliability reported for a community sample of adolescents (α = .93; Storch et al., 2004).

Social performance expectations

Social performance expectations were assessed in two ways. First, after the research assistant described the TSA, but before it began, participants were asked two questions about their social performance expectations (“How well do you think you’ll do?”; “How certain are you that you can do as good a job as other kids?”). Participants responded to the questions using a 5-point scale (e.g., 1 = very poorly, 5 = very well). A total score was computed by averaging the scores for the two items.

Second, participants provided self-ratings of their social performance expectations in response to hypothetical vi- gnettes of social situations likely to occur in middle school, adapted from previous studies (Bogels & Zigterman, 2000; Muris et al., 2000). In response to each vignette (e.g., “You see a group of students from another class playing a great game. You walk over and want to join in. As you get closer, you hear them laughing.”), participants provided ratings as- sessing their social performance expectations (You’d be able to get along with them; You’d know what to do) on 4-point scales (1 = Not at all; 4 = Very much). Three hypothetical

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vignettes were administered, each with two items assessing social performance expectations. A total score was computed by averaging scores from the six items. A composite score was computed by averaging the z-scores for the TSA and hypothetical vignettes. The inter-item consistency of items comprising the composite score was adequate (α = .79).

Coping strategies

Coping strategies were assessed using open-ended questions regarding the social interaction task. Specifically, after the TSA, participants were asked, “What strategies did you use when you felt nervous? What did you do to make yourself feel less nervous?” Their responses were coded as “problem- directed,” “self-directed,” or “not applicable” coping strate- gies. Problem-directed coping strategies were defined as those that (1) directed immediate action or attention toward the interaction (e.g., attempts to influence the conversation; “just asked you questions”), or (2) involved appraisals about the interaction (e.g., non-threatening appraisals of the inter- action; “thought of you as a friend”). Self-directed coping strategies were defined as those that (1) directed immedi- ate action or attention toward the self or away from the in- teraction (e.g., relaxation, motor fidgeting or self-soothing, positive statements about the self), or (2) involved thoughts about the self or something other than the specified situation (e.g., thoughts about extraneous matters; “thought about my dog at home”). When participants indicated they did not feel nervous, or they forgot to use a strategy, their response was coded “not applicable.”

On average, participants identified 2.37 (SD = 1.10) cop- ing strategies. Altogether, a total of 67 participants identified 130 problem-directed strategies; 37 participants identified 56 self-directed strategies; and 12 participants identified 13 not applicable strategies. Two graduate student raters who were unaware of participants’ other data coded transcripts of the responses independently. All responses were double-coded, and inter-rater reliability was high (κ = .90).

Conversational skills

Conversational skills were assessed using observational rat- ings developed for the present study. Participants were rated on their displays of positive affective expression (e.g., smil- ing, laughing), confidence/comfort (e.g., body language, voice animation), sensitive interpersonal responding (e.g., eye contact, follow-up questions, validating remarks), and global conversation skill during the TSA. Each item was rated on a 5-point scale (0 = not at all; 5 = very much) by trained undergraduate and post-graduate coders who were unaware of participants’ social anxiety level. Coders were trained on practice tapes until they achieved an inter-rater reliability of .70 on each item. For each coder, a minimum of

25% of tapes were also rated by a master coder to assess re- liability. Fifty-five percent of the interactions were reviewed by the master coder, and discrepant ratings were resolved by consensus. Ratings on each item were averaged to create a composite score representing conversational skills. Internal consistency (α = .87) and inter-rater reliability (ICC = .72) of the composite score were adequate.

Social withdrawal-disengagement

Teachers rated each student on items describing socially withdrawn behaviors (3 items; “This child avoids peers or keeps peers at a distance”) and positive interactive behaviors (7 items; “This child is friendly”) selected from the Child Behavior Scale (Ladd & Profilet, 1996) and Social Health Profile (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, CPPRG, 1992). Each item was rated on a 5-point scale (1 = almost never, 5 = all the time). The reliability and pre- dictive validity of the Social Health Profile and the Child Behavior Scale have been established (CPPRG, 1997; Ladd & Profilet, 1996). In the present study, the positive interac- tion items were reverse-scored and summed with the with- drawn items to create a composite score representing social withdrawal-disengagement at school (α = .90).

Peer acceptance

Peer acceptance was assessed with the Peer Social Network Diagram (Lansford & Parker, 1999). All students participat- ing in the larger study (N = 397) were asked to identify their very best friends, their good friends, and their remaining friends within three concentric circles. All of the “friend” nominations received by each student were summed and standardized within grade-level and school to obtain a score for peer acceptance.

Peer-reported victimization

Peer victimization was assessed with peer nominations for two items: “Students who get picked on all the time by other students” and “Students who get made fun of by other students.” Nominations that early adolescents received for both items were summed and standardized within grade- level and school to obtain a score for peer victimization.

Self-reported victimization

Students self-reported peer victimization using an adapted version of the Victimization Questionnaire (Craig, Pepler, Connolly, & Henderson, 2001). Five items, rated on a 4-point scale, assessed both overt (e.g., teasing or insulting) and covert (e.g., telling rumors or lies about you) forms of victimization. Items were summed to create a peer

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Table 1 Correlations linking social anxiety with peer relations, behavioral, and cognitive factors

Social anxiety Boys (n = 37) Girls (n = 47) Sample (N = 84)

Peer relationships Peer acceptance −.37∗∗ −.16 −.25∗∗ Peer-reported victimization .36∗∗ .12 .24∗∗

Self-reported victimization .79∗∗∗ .52∗∗∗ .60∗∗∗

Behavioral factors Conversation skills −.17 −.17 −.16 Social withdrawal-disengagement .20 .24 .22∗∗

Cognitive factors Social performance expectations −.27 −.28∗ −.27∗∗ Problem-directed coping .05 −.12 −.04 Self-directed coping .13 .05 .08

Note: ∗p < .10. ∗∗p < .05. ∗∗∗p < .01.

victimization score (α = .84). The self-report measure reflecting both overt and covert victimization was included to corroborate peer nominations of overt victimization. Self-reported victimization was used only for correlation analyses.

Results

Factors associated with social anxiety

As expected, social anxiety was significantly associated with decreased peer acceptance and increased peer- and self-reported victimization (see Table 1). In addition, so- cial anxiety was significantly associated with negative so- cial performance expectations and with high levels of social withdrawal-disengagement. In contrast, social anxiety was not significantly associated with coping strategies or conver- sation skills.

Overall, boys were more intensely victimized than girls as indicated by significant correlations between gender (girls coded as “1” and boys coded as “2”) and peer-reported vic- timization, r(82) = .22, p < .05, and self-reported victimiza- tion, r(82) = .32, p < .01. In addition, gender moderated rela- tions between social anxiety and both peer- and self-reported victimization, according to the procedures recommended by Baron and Kenny (1986). Specifically, social anxiety and gender were entered on the first step of two separate hier-

archical regression equations with peer- and self-reported victimization as the dependent variables; the product of social anxiety and gender was entered on the second step of each analysis to represent their interaction. The interaction term emerged as a significant predictor of peer-reported vic- timization, β = .31, t(80) = 2.28, p < .05, and self-reported victimization, β = .35, t(80) = 3.40, p < .01. As anticipated, correlations between social anxiety and peer victimization were stronger for boys than for girls. More specifically, social anxiety was moderately associated with peer-reported victimization and strongly associated with self-reported victimization for boys, but not significantly associated with peer-reported victimization and only moderately associated with self-reported victimization for girls (see Table 1).

Correlations among cognitive and behavioral factors

As anticipated, problem- and self-directed coping strategies were negatively correlated, r(82) = − .37, p < .01, but cop- ing strategies and performance expectations were not cor- related. Positive social performance expectations were sig- nificantly associated with conversation skills, r(82) = .25, p < .05. Problem-directed coping strategies were corre- lated with conversation skills, r(82) = .23, p < .05, and neg- atively correlated with social withdrawal-disengagement, r(82) = − .24, p < .05. In contrast, self-directed coping strategies were negatively associated with conversation skills at the non-significant trend level, r(82) = − .18, p < .10.

Table 2 Correlations linking peer relationships with behavioral and cognitive factors (N = 84)

Peer relationships Peer acceptance Peer-reported victimization

Behavioral factors Conversation skills .27∗∗ −.24∗∗(−.33∗∗/ − .02) Withdrawal-disengagement −.40∗∗∗ .27∗∗(.39∗∗/.13)

Cognitive factors Social performance expectations .28∗∗ −.01 Problem-directed coping .18∗ −.17 Self-directed coping −.18 .37∗∗∗(.42∗∗/.37∗∗)

Note: Correlations also shown as (boys/girls) for gender interactions. ∗p = . 10.∗∗p < .05. ∗∗∗p < .01.

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Correlations linking peer relations with cognitive and behavioral factors

As shown in Table 2, conversation skills were significantly associated with increased peer acceptance and decreased peer-reported victimization. Given gender differences in the relation between social anxiety and peer victimization, gender interactions were also examined, and significant gender interactions are noted. Conversation skills were not associated with gender, but the association between conversation skills and peer-reported victimization was moderated by gender, β = − .31, t(80) = − 2.17, p < .05. Specifically, conversation skills and peer-reported vic- timization were moderately correlated for boys but not significantly correlated for girls.

Teacher reports of social withdrawal-disengagement at school were significantly associated with decreased peer acceptance and increased peer-reported victimization. Social-withdrawal disengagement was not associated with gender, but again, the association between social withdrawal-disengagement and peer-reported victimization was moderated by gender, β = .33, t(80) = 2.41, p < .05. Social withdrawal-disengagement and peer-reported vic- timization were moderately correlated for boys but not significantly correlated for girls (see Table 2).

As shown in Table 2, positive social performance expec- tations were significantly associated with peer acceptance, and problem-directed coping strategies were associated with peer acceptance at the non-significant trend level (p < .10). In contrast, self-directed coping was significantly associated with increased peer-reported victimization. Gender mod- erated the association between self-directed coping strate- gies and peer-reported victimization, β = .28, t(80) = 2.03,

p < .05. However, self-directed coping strategies and peer- reported victimization were moderately correlated for both boys and girls (see Table 2). An interaction is possible despite similar correlations in separate groups when the range of the dependent variable differs between the groups. In the present study, the range of victimization nominations was greater for boys than for girls. A nearly equal number of girls and boys received at least one peer victimization nomination (15 girls and 14 boys). However, the number of nominations ranged from 0–6 for girls and from 0–38 for boys. As such, gender differences in the distribution of peer victimization nomina- tions may have contributed to discrepant findings between girls and boys.

Path models linking social anxiety with peer adjustment

Path analyses were conducted with the AMOS statistical program (Arbuckle & Wothke, 1999) using maximum like- lihood estimation of model parameters, to explore direct and indirect pathways linking social anxiety with peer malad- justment. For each path analysis, a just-identified model was first analyzed, including all direct and indirect pathways from social anxiety, to performance expectations and coping, to social skills, to peer adjustment. A trimmed model was then analyzed including significant and marginal (p < .10) path- ways from the initial saturated model, to preserve power. Trimmed path models are presented below. Model compar- isons were not conducted due to the small sample size relative to the number of parameters estimated.

Path analysis revealed an indirect pathway linking social anxiety with decreased peer acceptance (see Fig. 1). That is, social anxiety was no longer significantly associated with peer acceptance when cognitive and behavioral factors were

.25* .23* –.27*

R2 = .21** .18+

–.37**

–.20 +

–.19 +

.22*

–.37**

Social Anxiety

Performance Expectations

Problem-Directed Coping

Withdrawn -Disengaged

Conversation Skills

Peer Acceptance

Self-Directed Coping

Fig. 1 Trimmed path model linking early adolescent social anxiety with peer acceptance (N = 84). Note: Model χ 2(12) = 6.39, p > .10. Values are standardized path coefficients. +p < .10. ∗p < .05. ∗∗p < .01

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–.27 +

.32* .17 R 2 = .35**

–.26+ .26+

–.28+

.21

.37**

–.22

Social Anxiety

Performance Expectations

Problem-Directed Coping

Withdrawn -Disengaged

Conversation Skills

Peer Victimization

Self-Directed Coping

Fig. 2 Trimmed path model linking early adolescent social anxiety with peer victimization for boys (n = 37). Note: Model χ 2(12) = 7.96, p > .10. Values are standardized path coefficients. +p < .10 ∗p < .05. ∗∗p < .01

also included in the model. Social anxiety was significantly linked with decreased social performance expectations, B = − .27, SE = .11, and marginally linked with increased social withdrawal-disengagement, B = .16, SE = .09. In turn, social performance expectations, B = .29, SE = .12, and so- cial withdrawal-disengagement, B = − .52, SE = .14, were each significantly linked with peer acceptance. Performance expectations and withdrawal-disengagement accounted for 21% of the variance in peer acceptance.

The path model predicting peer-reported victimization was conducted only for boys (n = 37) due to the non- significant relations between peer-reported victimization and all other study variables aside from self-directed coping for girls. Due to the small sample size for this path analysis, non- significant paths with at least small effects sizes (β > .20; Cohen & Cohen, 1983) in the saturated model were retained for the trimmed model. As illustrated in Fig. 2, path analysis revealed a marginal direct path linking social anxiety with in- creased peer victimization, B = .38, SE = .20, and significant direct paths linking self-directed coping, B = .43, SE = .16, and social withdrawal-disengagement, B = .52, SE = .23, with increased peer-reported victimization, accounting for 38% of the variance in peer victimization.

Discussion

Early adolescence is an important developmental period for the study of social anxiety, due to the increase in the disorder that occurs during these years (Mancini et al., 2005), and the significant, long-term maladjustment as- sociated with it (Beidel & Turner, 1998; Morris, 2001). Although this study focused on early adolescents with sub- clinical (though elevated) levels of social anxiety, it had the advantage of examining multiple aspects of social func-

tioning in the middle school context using multiple infor- mantsand a developmentally-equivalent, non-anxious com- parison group. Results replicate findings based on clinical samples, extend the understanding of cognitive, social, and behavioral factors associated with social anxiety in middle school, and provide new information regarding gender dif- ferences in correlates of social anxiety.

Social anxiety and poor peer relations

In this study, socially anxious early adolescents were less well-accepted and more victimized by peers than their non- anxious classmates, according to both self and peer report. These findings reinforce the existing research literature, in which associations between social anxiety and peer malad- justment have emerged across developmental periods (mid- dle childhood through adolescence), in population-based and clinical samples (e.g., Beidel et al., 1999; Inderbitzen et al., 1997; La Greca & Stone, 1993; Storch & Masia-Warner, 2004).

Social anxiety and social skills

According to teachers, the socially anxious youth in this study displayed less prosocial behavior and more social with- drawal than their non-anxious classmates. These deficits in friendly and cooperative behaviors may help explain why socially phobic youth obtain fewer positive peer responses during peer interaction than their non-anxious peers (Spence et al., 1999). These results are also consistent with prior studies that document lower rates of peer interaction among socially phobic youth (e.g., Beidel et al., 1999; Spence et al., 1999). Social withdrawal may be especially prob- lematic developmentally as it limits peer socialization

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opportunities, and thereby impedes the acquisition of im- portant social and coping skills (Rubin & Burgess, 2001). As demands for sophisticated peer interaction increase in middle school, withdrawn children may experience greater social difficulties, fueling increased social anxiety.

In contrast, the correlation between social anxiety and conversation skills did not reach significance in the present study. Two recent studies (Cartwright-Hatton et al., 2003; Cartwright-Hatton, Tschernitz, & Gomershall, 2005) also found non-significant correlations between youth social anx- iety and social interaction skills, when interaction skills were assessed during social analogue tasks. These prior studies also employed subclinical samples and adult confederates as interaction partners. It may be that socially anxious youth have a repertoire of conversation skills that allows them to function effectively in a “staged” conversation setting with an adult research assistant who is providing standard, neutral or positive responses. In contrast, the deficits documented here in positive social interaction at school may reflect the added complexity of social interaction in the naturalistic peer con- text. That is, at school, social interactions are complicated by social histories and peer group dynamics, which may contribute to less open and less supportive peer responses (Bierman, 2004). Under these naturalistic circumstances, the social behavior of anxious youth may be more susceptible to the cognitive and affective interference associated with negative performance expectations. Indeed, across studies, social skill deficits are more likely to appear when social interaction is observed in peer contexts (e.g., Alfano et al., 2006; Beidel et al., 1999) than in interactions with adults (e.g., Cartwright-Hatton et al., 2005). These findings under- score the critical importance of including peer contexts in assessment and intervention protocols for socially anxious youth (Beidel et al., 1999).

Social anxiety, social performance expectations, and coping strategies

Social-cognitive factors emerged as critical vulnerabilities associated with social anxiety and linked with social behav- ior and peer relations. Specifically, we examined social per- formance expectations – how early adolescents anticipated they would perform during staged conversation tasks, and how effectively they felt they could handle different peer in- teraction scenarios. Social anxiety was associated with more negative social performance expectations, a finding similar to those reported by other investigators (Alfano et al., 2006; Cartwright-Hatton et al., 2005; Morgan & Banerjee, 2006; Spence et al., 1999). Furthermore, negative social perfor- mance expectations predicted skill deficits in the conver- sation task, consistent with other research indicating that negatively-biased social appraisals can disrupt behavioral adaptation (e.g., Crick & Dodge, 1994). In the social con-

text, expectations of social failure may generate negative af- fect and preoccupation with negative outcomes, and thereby interfere with sensitive verbal responding during social in- teraction and contribute to less positive affective displays, reducing social effectiveness. This relation is likely recipro- cal, such that conversational difficulties of socially anxious youth also contribute to their negative social performance expectations.

In contrast to expectations, correlations between social anxiety and coping strategies were non-significant. The two types of coping did emerge as predictors of effective social interaction in the expected direction. That is, problem- directed coping strategies were negatively associated with social withdrawal-disengagement at school and positively associated with conversation skills. In contrast, self-directed coping strategies were negatively associated with conversa- tion skills at the non-significant trend level. These findings are compatible with the perspective that coping strategies may either distract or facilitate attention to the task at hand, and thereby affect competent social behavior (Vasey & Daleiden, 1996). Indeed, on-line coping with interpersonal stress fits well within a conceptualization of social compe- tence designating emotion regulation and cognitive control as mediators of flexible and responsive social behavior (Bierman, 2004).

These findings echo the recent calls by child coping researchers to conceptualize coping effectiveness as context- dependent (Compas et al., 2001). Presumably, in the face of social challenge, problem-directed coping responses allow youth to preserve sufficient attention to social interaction, facilitating contingent and enjoyable interaction. In contrast, whereas previous research has shown that some self-directed coping strategies promote psychological adjustment (Compas et al., 2001), the present study suggests that ongo- ing social interaction may not be the appropriate context for such coping. These results suggest that self-directed coping strategies (e.g., distraction) during social interaction may disrupt social skills and invite peer victimization.

Until these findings are replicated, however, they must be interpreted with caution given the unique classification of coping strategies and the small magnitude of correlations. Indeed, alternative interpretations are viable. For example, it is possible that self-directed coping can be effective even during social interaction when used in a subtle and efficient manner. In addition, self-directed coping may actually prevent avoidance, which could lead to more negative peer responses than mildly insensitive or awkward behavior during conversation. These findings are nonetheless notable due to their coverage of gaps in the current child coping literature, including the examination of coping in a particular context and multi-method links with observational and teacher-reported social behavior and peer-reported social adjustment.

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Path models linking social anxiety with peer acceptance and peer victimization

Consistent with hypotheses, path analysis revealed an in- direct pathway linking social anxiety with decreased peer acceptance. Social anxiety was significantly linked with neg- ative performance expectations and marginally linked with social withdrawal-disengagement at school which, in turn, were significantly linked with decreased peer acceptance. Although these analyses cannot establish directionality, these findings suggest that early adolescents with elevated social anxiety may experience decreased peer acceptance – at least in part – due to reduced rates of positive social engagement (Beidel et al., 1999; Rubin & Burgess, 2001; Spence et al., 1999).

Social performance expectations also help explain the link between social anxiety and peer acceptance. Although nega- tive performance expectations are not accessible to peers, they may reduce positive affect and foster awkward so- cial interaction in subtle ways that decrease peer accep- tance (Cartwright-Hatton et al., 2005). The nature of this relation is likely reciprocal, such that lower peer accep- tance (which is associated with lower positive peer respon- sivity) also makes socially anxious youth feel ineffective socially.

A second path model examined direct and indirect path- ways linking social anxiety with peer-reported victimization. Only boys were included, given the non-significant correla- tion between social anxiety and peer-reported victimization among girls. In contrast to the model predicting peer ac- ceptance, a direct pathway emerged linking social anxiety with peer victimization at the non-significant trend level, but no indirect pathways were found. Instead, two other direct pathways linked self-directed coping strategies and social withdrawal-disengagement with peer victimization. Differ- ences between the path models may be understood, in part, by contrasting the ways in which social anxiety interferes with gaining peer acceptance as compared to avoiding peer victimization. For example, one potential explanation for the divergences between models is that social anxiety dis- rupts peer acceptance (i.e., peer liking) to the extent that it impedes mutually enjoyable social interaction, which is facilitated by prosocial interaction and sensitive respond- ing. Peer victimization, on the other hand, involves being singled out for attack and hostile treatment by peers, and thus may be viewed as a less interactive phenomenon. That is, aggressive youth may choose to victimize peers (espe- cially boys) on the basis of their apparent vulnerability, in- cluding awkward isolation and atypical self-directed cop- ing. The pathways are likely reciprocal, such that vulner- able and victimized boys become more socially anxious, more self-focused, and more isolated in reaction to peer hostility.

Gender differences and gendered social cultures in early adolescence

Gender differences in peer victimization may have also con- tributed to differences in the path models for peer acceptance versus peer victimization. The present study is among the first to explore gender differences in the association between social anxiety and peer maladjustment. No gender differ- ences emerged in levels of social anxiety reported by early adolescents; however, boys were more intensively victim- ized than girls, and social anxiety was more strongly linked with peer victimization for boys than for girls.

These findings stand in some contrast to those reported by La Greca and Lopez (1998), in which social anxiety was more strongly linked with fewer and poorer quality friend- ships for adolescent girls, as compared to boys. The present findings suggest that social anxiety interferes with peer re- lationships differently for girls and boys, perhaps reflect- ing gender differences in the middle school peer culture. For example, girls appear more oriented toward dyadic re- lationships and small groups than do boys (Maccoby, 1998; Markovits, Benenson, & Dolenszky, 2001), and this factor along with the tendency to use friendships to review and discuss social problems may account for the stronger link between social anxiety and friendship quality for girls. In contrast, boys are more often oriented toward the larger peer group (Maccoby, 1998; Markovits et al., 2001). Boys who are passive, withdrawn, and disengaged from the peer group ap- pear more negatively affected than withdrawn girls. Indeed, social withdrawal serves as an indicator of psychological risk primarily for boys (Caspi et al., 1988; Morrison & Masten, 1991).

Several researchers have speculated on the differential role that bullying plays in boy versus girl peer groups (Maccoby, 1998; Pellegrini & Bartini, 2001). For example, from an ethological perspective, research suggests that boys at first employ aggression as a means to establish domi- nance hierarchies within new peer groups, a phenomenon that would be activated by the transition to middle school (Hawley, 1999; Pellegrini & Bartini, 2001). Aggressive boys seeking dominance may target “easy” victims on the basis of perceived affective and behavioral vulnerabilities (Hodges & Perry, 1999), as reflected in social anxiety, visible self- directed coping strategies (e.g., motor self-soothing, taking deep breaths), and social withdrawal-disengagement. That is, among boys in particular, vulnerabilities to victimization may include spending time alone and displaying anxious or fearful affect, despite opposing socialization pressures for peer group involvement, toughness, and assertiveness (Maccoby, 1998). Indeed, Boulton (1999) found that spend- ing time alone early in the school year predicted increased peer victimization later in the school year for middle school boys but not for girls. In addition, Waas and Graczyk (1999)

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found that elementary-age boys, as compared to girls, re- ported more negative perceptions of internalizing behaviors such as worrying, crying, and not playing during recess.

Thus, whereas socially anxious girls may experience con- siderable distress and a loss of friendship support, socially anxious boys may be more vulnerable to peer attack and po- tentially suffer more long-term negative life consequences. It is important to note, however, that gender differences in overt peer victimization, which is most readily captured by nomination procedures, may have influenced the pattern of gender differences found in this study. Certainly, gender dif- ferences in the dynamics and consequences of social anxiety require further study.

Limitations of the present study and directions for future research

All analyses conducted in the present study were cross- sectional, precluding conclusions about causality and di- rection of pathways. The relatively small sample size and limited diversity of the present study were additional limita- tions. In particular, the sample was relatively homogenous in terms of race, limiting the extent to which these findings may generalize to the broader population of middle school youth. Interestingly, however, rural schools like those in the present study may provide a fertile context for the development of so- cial anxiety due to their small and stable student populations. In such contexts, reputational biases may be difficult to over- come, and early adolescents with peer problems may find themselves feeling “stuck,” with few alternatives for gaining acceptance, and thereby face heightened risk for social anx- iety. In addition, results from this school-based sample may not generalize to early adolescents with clinical social pho- bia. Future research that examines similar social-behavioral and social-cognitive factors among socially phobic youth would be informative. These findings also draw attention to several potential implications for intervention that could be evaluated experimentally. For example, the timing and context of particular coping strategies and affective dimen- sions of social competence may be warranted targets for intervention.

Acknowledgements We would like to express appreciation to the parents, students, counselors, and teachers at Bellefonte and Tyrone Middle Schools for their cooperation and participation. We also thank Jason Baker, Kelly M. Flanagan, George Lauck, Erin Plute, and Rebecca Wysong for their assistance with data collection and cod- ing, and Jeffrey Parker for his insightful comments on a previous draft of this manuscript.

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