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In  the  case  of  Shell  Oil  in  Nigeria,  written  John  Boatright,  the  three  moral  

agents,  whose  actions  need  ethical  evaluation  are:  Ken  Saro-­‐Wiwa,  the  Nigerian  

government,  and  the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation.  Possibly  the  one  fundamental  

issue  that  both  bothers,  and  ensures  the  continuation  of  ethical  and  moral  debate  is  

that  they  are  largely  ambiguous  and  seldom  agreed  upon.  However,  I  believe  the  

most  effective  approach  to  the  Shell  Oil  in  Nigeria  case  is  both  a  deontological,  and  

consequential  evaluation.  I  will  evaluate  the  consequences  that  resulted  from  our  

three  moral  agents  actions,  and  will  speculate  on  how  these  consequences  could  

have  been  otherwise  had  they  acted  differently.  Deontologically,  I  will  evaluate  to  

whom,  and  what  these  three  moral  agents  were  responsible  and  how  they  either  

honored  or  neglected  these  responsibilities.  The  ethical  evaluation  these  two  moral  

theories,  or  better  put,  approaches  to  ethically  evaluating  morality,  conclude:  Ken  

Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  actions  are  not  completely  known,  and  therefore  a  judgment  cannot  be  

made.  The  Nigerian  government’s  actions,  regarding  Saro-­‐Wiwa,  because  of  their  

inconclusive  nature,  cannot  be  judged,  however,  their  military  actions  against  their  

citizens  are  condemnable  as  are  their  actions  of  intercepting,  diverting  and  hording  

governmental  funds.  The  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation’s  actions  regarding  both  

their  reluctance  to  take  action  in  the  Saro-­‐Wiwa  case,  and  in  their  interactions  with  

the  government  may  not  be  condonable,  however,  they  are  not,  judging  from  the  

information  given,  condemnable.      

Ken  Saro-­‐Wiwa  was  arrested  for,  and  found  guilty  of  ordering  the  murder  of  

several  Ogoni  chiefs  who  were  suspected  of  collaborating  with  the  military  

government  of  Nigeria.  Though  our  author  Boatright  depicts  Saro-­‐Wiwa,  as  an  

advocate  of  both  peace  and  nonviolence  he  did  reject  MOSOP’s  proposed  strategy  to  

cooperate  with  the  federal  government  to  reduce  violence  in  return  for  concessions.  

It  is  this  detail  that,  I  believe,  must  be  given  more  emphasis  than  our  author  grants.  

Just  prior  to  the  murders  for  which  Saro-­‐Wiwa  was  eventually  hanged  there  was  

division  amongst  MOSOP  leadership  and,  I  think,  it  must  assumed,  at  least  according  

to  the  case  study,  that  one  of  the  principle  issues  causing  the  disagreement  and  

division  amongst  leadership  must  have  been  whether  or  not  to  cooperate  with  the  

government  to  reduce  violence  in  return  for  concession;  an  issue  that  Saro-­‐Wiwa  

was  opposed  to.  We  do  not,  from  the  case  study,  have  enough  information  necessary  

to  make  a  concrete  judgment  of  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  guilt  or  innocence.  For  example  the  

concessions  the  government  was  offering  MOSOP  may  have  been  hollow;  however,  

Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  noncompliance  with  the  government,  even  in  the  face  of  MOSOP  

compliance,  would  be  reason  enough  to  believe  that  he  may  have  been  associated  

with  the  organizing  of  the  murders  for  which  he  was  executed.  I  am  in  no  position  to  

make  a  determination  on  whether  or  not  Saro-­‐Wiwa  did  in  fact  order  the  murders  of  

the  eight  men,  however,  I  can  determine  that,  with  the  information  given  me,  it  is  

too  inconclusive  for  me  to  assume  that  he  did  not  order  their  murders.  I  believe  that  

the  assumption  that  he  did  not  order  the  murders  informed  the  actions  of  world  

leaders,  human  rights  activist,  journalistic  critics,  and  the  author  of  this  case  study.  

Therefore,  depending  on  your  position  on  capital  punishment,  the  Nigerian  

government’s  hanging  of  Saro-­‐Wiwa  is  an  action  that  can  neither  be  condemned  nor  

condoned  because  it  was  an  action  taken  for  reasons  that  have  not  been  made  clear.    

The  Nigerian  government’s  action  in  relation  to  the  execution  of  Saro-­‐Wiwa  

cannot  necessarily  be  condemned;  however,  their  general  treatment  of  their  citizens  

is  condemnable.  In  this  case  we  are  primarily  concerned  with  the  Nigerian  

government’s  action  involving  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  execution  and  their  relationship  with  

the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation.  Through  a  deontological  lens  we  see  that  the  

Nigerian  government  has  a  responsibility  to  look  after  and  protect  the  citizens  that  

constitute  it’s  country.  The  Nigerian  government  honored  its  responsibility  to  

protect  the  employees  working  for  the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation,  many  of  

which  I  would  assume  were  also  citizens.  Although  the  vigilante  attacks  against  the  

Royal  Dutch/Shell  workers  may  have  been  an  ill  advise  and  isolated  instance  among  

a  larger  more  ethical  effort  there  were  people  harmed,  people  who  were  not  in  

positions  of  power  and  were  therefore  not  directly  responsible  for  the  action  of  

their  employer.  As  a  result  it  was  duteous  of  the  Nigerian  government  to  respond  

with  armed  protection  for  the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  employees.  However,  if  the  

government  did,  in  fact,  take  these  efforts  beyond  the  threatened  confines  to  repress  

local  population  these  latter  actions,  unlike  the  former,  would  be  ethically  

condemnable.    

An  assertion  that  can  be  made  with  much  more  certainty  is  the  condemning  

of  the  Nigeria  government’s  intercepting  and  hording  of  funding  that  was  intended  

for  governmental  reinvestment.  The  staggering  gap  between  Nigeria’s  elite  and  the  

poor  whom,  according  to  1994  estimates,  live  off  approximately  $300  a  year  

definitely  makes  explicit  a  responsibility  the  Nigerian  government  was  neglecting,  

neglect  that  is  worth  condemning.  Lastly,  and  concerning  this  case  most  pressing,  is  

the  Nigerian  government’s  execution  of  Saro-­‐Wiwa.  As  I  have  mentioned  earlier,  

capital  punishment  agendas  aside,  this  action  cannot  be  condemned  or  condoned  

without  first  evaluating  and  determining  whether  or  not  Saro-­‐Wiwa  was  or  was  not  

instrumental  in  the  ordering  of  the  murders  he  was  executed  for.  Making  this  

determination  has  been  made  impossible  both  by  the  unrest  that  occurred  around  

his  sentence,  a  sentence  that  would  not  typically  be  disputed  if  it  were  believed  to  be  

rooted  in  truth,  and  by  Boatright’s  description  of  the  jury  as  a  “kangaroo  court”.  

Another  consideration  highlighting  the  inconclusiveness  of  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  

involvement  in  the  murders,  which  may  actually  suggest  that  he  was  indeed  

involved,  which  is  contrary  to  the  apparent  popular  position,  is  that  he  was  very  

strongly  opposed  to  any  sort  of  compliance  with  the  Nigerian  government.  The  

extremity  of  his  opposition  was  evident  from  his  disagreement  with  MOSOP’s  

proposed  cooperation  with  the  Nigerian  government;  an  issue  that  created  division  

amongst  the  leadership  of  MOSOP,  an  organization  of  which  Saro-­‐Wiwa  was  a  

founder.  As  a  result  of  this  last  consideration  I  do  not  think,  even  considering  his  

previous  nonviolent  position,  that  he  can  be  ruled  out  of  involvement,  in  fact,  I  

would  go  as  far  as  to  suggest  that  the  position  he  was  in  during  the  murders  would  

make  him  a  very  likely  suspect.  Deontologically,  the  Nigerian  government’s  action,  

regarding  their  handling  of  the  murders,  were,  depending  of  course  on  the  validity  

of  their  judiciary  conviction,  condonable,  in  so  far  as  criminal  punishment  is  one  of  

the  primary  responsibilities  of  a  government.  However,  because  of  the  inconclusive  

nature  of  the  crime  I  believe  the  Nigerian  government’s  action  of  executing  Saro-­‐

Wiwa  is  neither  condonable  nor  condemnable.  

In  our  ethical  evaluation  we  must  approach  the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  

Corporation  differently  than  the  moral  agents  previously  considered  because  they  

are  primary  being  evaluated  for  the  moral  worth  of  their  inaction.  We  must  ethically  

evaluate  their  intentions  and  motivations  for  inaction  and  can  only  speculate  on  

what  influence  their  action  may  have  had.  The  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation,  

which,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  I  will  refer  to  as  “Shell”  in  this  paragraph,  had  

responsibilities  to  both  the  safety  of  their  employees,  and  the  company’s  overall  

well  being.  As  a  result  of  their  responsibility  to  their  employees  Shell  enlisted  the  

protection  offered  by  the  Nigerian  government  following  vigilante  attacks  that  were  

tied  to  the  MOSOP  organization.  Although  Shell  purchased  arms  to  aid  the  Nigerian  

government’s  protection  of  their  employees,  they  were,  allegedly,  not  involved  in,  or  

aware  of  the  oppressive  efforts  the  Nigerian  government  thereafter  used  the  arms  to  

conduct.  Therefore,  Shell’s  providing  the  Nigerian  government  with  guns  is  not  a  

condemnable  act  because  it  was  action  taken  to  honor  the  responsibility  of  ensuring  

the  safety  of  their  employees  and  the  oppressive  consequences  that  came  from  the  

Nigerian  governments  use  of  these  guns  cannot  be  attributed  to  the  Shell  

Corporation.    

Shell  was  also  responsible  for  guaranteeing  the  general  well  being  of  their  

corporation.  Resulting  from  this  responsibility  Shell  was  reluctant  to  implement  

their  influence  on  the  Nigerian  government,  even  though  they  were  responsible  for  

almost  40%  of  the  government’s  income.  Shell  was  reluctant  to  intervene  with  the  

governmental  affairs  concerning  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  execution  both  because  the  Nigerian  

government  was  a  55%  stakeholder,  and  because,  though  it  sounds  a  bit  morbid,  

Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  execution  was,  if  at  all,  only  loosely  related  to  the  Shell  Corporation.  By  

definition  stakeholders  are,  “those  groups  without  whose  support  the  organization  

would  cease  to  exist.”  This  definition  would  seem  to  hold  doubly  true  considering  

that  the  Nigerian  government  was  the  majority  stakeholder.  Though  it  is  arguable  

that  Shell  would  most  definitely  have  been  able  to  influence  the  Nigerian  

government,  it  could  have  been  a  self-­‐sacrificial  act  for  a  cause  that  was  too  external  

to  the  Shell  Corporation  or  any  conduct  that  they  had  been  involved  in.    

Our  deontological  and  consequential  ethical  evaluation  of  Shell  Oil  in  Nigeria  

exposes  the  extreme  complexities  inherent  to  multinational  corporations  such  as  

the  Royal  Dutch/Shell  Corporation.  Unfortunately  these  complexities  are  often  

missing  from  the  majority  of  journalism  and  are  replaced  with  that  author’s  implicit  

judgment.  In  fact,  Boatright  offers  an  example  in  his  Shell  Oil  in  Nigeria.  In  the  

second  sentence  of  the  case  study  Boatright  writes,  “The  Nigerian  junta,  headed  at  

the  time  by  General  Sani  Abacha,  was  criticized  worldwide  for  bringing  trumped-­‐up  

charges  against  Saro-­‐Wiwa  and  fourteen  co-­‐defendants  in  order  to  suppress  a  

resistance  movement  that  had  criticized  the  operations  of  Shell  Oil  Company  in  the  

oil-­‐rich  Ogoniland  regian  of  Nigeria.”  Whether  or  not  this  sentence  was  intended  to  

influence  the  reader  is  debatable,  however  it  does  draw  a  misleading  tie  between  

the  Shell  Corporation  and  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  arrest.  An  arrest  which  was  for  his  alleged  

involvement  in  the  murdering  of  Ogoni  chiefs.  Without  this  strange,  and  rather  

forced  connection  made,  Shell’s  actual  relation  to  the  Saro-­‐Wiwa  case,  which  was  

minimal  if  existent  at  all,  would  have  been  much  more  apparent.  However,  with  this  

connection  as  his  first  premises,  Boatright  goes  on  to  construct  an  implicit  argument  

against  Shell,  often  quoting  sources  that  were  critical  of  Shell’s  inaction  and  Shell  

officials  who  were  ill  advised  to  comment.  It  is  also  a  bit  curious  to  ponder  why  

Boatright  never  cites  the  Shell  sources  he  quotes,  while  he  makes  sure  to,  on  two  

occasions,  cite  critical  sources  from  the  New  York  Times.  Boatright  concludes  his  

case  study,  which  in  actuality  is  more  of  an  implicit  and  subtle  argument,  by  noting  

that,  “Within  a  week  of  Ken  Saro-­‐Wiwa’s  death,  Shell  announced  plans  for  a  $4  

billion  liquefied  natural  gas  plant  in  a  partnership  with  the  Nigerian  government.”  

An  obvious  implication  to  depict  Shell  as  insensitive  and  to  put  the  finishing  touches  

on  his  condemnation  of  Shell.  The  primary  reason  that  I  raise  such  a  point  is  that  

journalism  and  reporting  done  in  such  a  manner  allows  people  sitting  at  home  in  

their  armchairs  to  make  quick  and  uninformed  judgments  about  world  affairs.  

Journalism  created  in  this  fashion  fallaciously  turns  the  reporting  of  facts  into  

didactic  propaganda  and  compromises  the  ethical  worth  of  journalism  as  a  whole.    

 

Work Cited:

Santoro, Michael A.. “Case Study: Chrysler and Gao Feng: Corporate Responsibility for

Religious and Political Freedom in China.” 227-229.

O’Brien, Thomas and Scott Paeth. Religious Perspectives on Business Ethics. Lanham,

Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc., 2007.

"Stakeholder (corporate)." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stakeholder_(corporate)

(accessed 07/09/2009).