research paper

Exploring the Stress-Support-Distress Process Among Black Women Author(s): Claire M. Norris and Flint D. Mitchell Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 45, No. 1 (JANUARY 2014), pp. 3-18 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24573582 Accessed: 25-09-2018 00:04 UTC

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Article

Exploring the Stress Support-Distress Process Among Black Women

Journal of Black Studies

2014, Vol. 45(1) 3-18 © The Author(s) 2013

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DOI: 10.1177/0021934713517898

jbs.sagepub.com

dSAGE

i) The Author(s) 2013

Claire M. Norris1 and Flint D. Mitchell2

Abstract

Research on mental health inequalities typically focuses on variations in individuals' stress exposure and coping strategies (i.e., perceptions of support adequacy). This study extends prior research by asking how the stress-support-distress process operates among Black w2omen. Data come from a 2003 survey by the Center for the Study of Public Health Impacts of Hurricanes at Louisiana State University (LSU). Our findings challenge the prototypic stress-health models that fail to acknowledge social group differences in the stress-support-distress process. More importantly, our research points to the need for health professionals to consider how formal

support systems (i.e., health promotion programs) and internal resources (i.e., health education) can positively impact Black women's mental health.

Keywords mental health, social support, Black women, stress

Stress research investigates the link between stress and psychological distress (Aneshensel, 2009; Kemeny, 2003; Thoits, 2010). Stress is activated by nega tive environmental, social, or internal demands that indicate that the individual

should readjust his or her usual activities (Holmes & Rahe, 1967; Thoits, 2010;

Umberson & Montez, 2010). Cannon (1932) conducted extensive research on

'Xavier University of Louisiana, New Orleans, LA, USA

2Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Corresponding Author: Claire M. Norris, Xavier University of Louisiana, I Drexel Dr. Box 32, New Orleans, LA 70125, USA.

Email: cnorris@xula.edu

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Journal of Black Studies 45(1)

the relationship between stress and the "fight-or-flight" response in humans. The

adaptive flight or flight reaction allows individuals to respond to threatening—or

stressful situations. However, when the reaction to the "fight-or-flight" response

is inadequate, exposure to continuous, negative stress can induce physiological

effects and, in turn, produce poor mental health outcomes such as psychologi cal distress. Although positive life events (i.e., birth of a child or starting a new

job) also require individuals to readjust their usual activities, research suggests that exposure to undesirable or negative events (i.e., death, financial trouble,

family problems) was more strongly correlated with poor health outcomes than

desirable, positive events (Aneshensel, 2009; Pearlin, 1999; Thoits, 2010; Umberson & Montez, 2010). Therefore, throughout this study the terms stress

or stressors refer to negative demands that create behavioral readjustments and,

in turn, negatively impact psychological health.

Canon's flight-or-flight framework is a prototypic model adopted by many

health researchers to explain the human body's responses to stress (Greenberg,

Carr, & Summers, 2002). However, the majority of stress-health studies have

been conducted on White males, despite the fact that women are more likely to

report higher levels of psychological distress (Bauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001; Roxburgh, 2009). Scholars called for researchers to consider whether the flight-or-flight model adequately accounts for behavioral and cultural responses to stress for women (Bird & Harris, 1990). Taylor and her colleagues (2000) responded to that call by proposing that "tend and befriend" or the creation and maintenance of social relationships is a better suited model to explain women's response to stress. Although contemporary studies point to gender differences in how men and women respond to stress,

social support theorists have long understood how supportive relationships can buffer the impact of stress on psychological distress (Thoits, 2010). However, the

majority of studies focus on middle-class White women and men and fail to con

sider how the stress-support-distress process operates among less structurally

empowered women (e.g., poor women, women of color, and single mothers)—

even though studies consistently show a link between psychological distress

symptoms and minority groups (Greer, Laseter, & Asiamah, 2009; Vega & Rumbaut, 1999; Walsemann, Gee, & Geronimus, 2009). Moreover, few studies

empirically examined the stress-support-distress process for Black women. This research addresses that gap by asking how the stress-support-distress pro

cess functions among Black women.

Background Literature

Community studies in the 1950s and 1960s drew attention to how one's social

location in the social system is not extraneous to individuals' stressful

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Norris and Mitchell

experiences, but rather the social structure has an influence on individuals' stressful experiences and, in turn, mental health outcomes (Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958; Srole, Langner, Opler, & Rennie, 1960). From this line of work, Pearlin, Lieberman, Menaghan, and Mullan (1981) called researchers to understand stress as a "process" by emphasizing the interplay between (a) the source and the type of stress exposure (e.g., life events, chronic stress, and

daily hassles); (b) the mediators of stress (e.g., social support); and (c) the manifestation of stress (e.g., psychological distress). For Pearlin (1989), then,

it is critical to consider how systems of stratification influence social groups' stress process. He argues that

... the most encompassing of these structures are the various systems of stratification that cut across societies, such as those based on socio-economic

class, race and ethnicity, gender, and age. To the extent that these systems embody the unequal distributions of resources, opportunities ... may itself be

a source of stressful life conditions" (p. 242)

Our research responds to Pearlin's call by systematically and empirically

investigating the stress-support-distress process for Black women.

Stress and Health for Black Women

Two competing perspectives emerge as stress theorists explain mental health

disparities: the exposure perspective and vulnerability perspective. The expo sure perspective suggests that lower status groups (i.e., poor, women, minori

ties) are exposed to greater levels of stress because of their marginal position in the social structure (Bronder, Speight, Witherspoon, & Thomas, 2013; Lincoln, Chatters, & Taylor, 2003; Wilson, 1987, 1992). Although the expo sure perspective can account for some group differences in the stress-health relationship, researchers note that while holding stress at equal levels, some groups (e.g., women, the poor, and racially underrepresented groups) still report higher levels of psychological distress (McLeod & Kessler, 1990; Thoits, 1984, 2010). Conversely, the vulnerability perspective begins with the assumption that stress alone cannot account for social group differences

in psychological distress, but rather it is the mediators (e.g., mastery, self esteem, and social support) that govern the effects of stressors (Kessler, 1979;

Pieterse, Carter, & Ray, 2013; Thoits, 2010). Because our research is guided by Pearlin's stress-support-distress framework, our conceptual model (see Figure 1) accounts for exposure to stress (i.e., the quantity and source of stress), vulnerability to stress (i.e., perceptions of social support adequacy), and the manifestation of stress (i.e., psychological distress).

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Journal of Black Studies 45( I)

Source & Type of Stress Exposure:

- Chronic Stress

- Life Events

- Exposure Perspective -

-Vulnerability Perspective - I

Mediators of Stress:

- Perceived Instrumental Support - Perceived Expressive Support

Manifestation of Stress:

- Psychological Distress

Source & Type of Stress Exposure:

- Chronic Stress

- Life Events

- Exposure Perspective -

-Vulnerability Perspective - |

Mediators of Stress:

- Perceived Instrumental Support - Perceived Expressive Support

Manifestation of Stress:

- Psychological Distress

Figure I. Conceptual model of the stress-support-distress process among Black Women.

Starting with the exposure hypothesis, studies consistently link economic

hardship to stress exposure (Aneshensel, 1992; Everett, Hall, & Hamilton Mason, 2010; Liem & Liem, 1978). That is, groups that are under economic strain tend to report greater exposure to stress. The stress-health literature

recognizes three types of stress (or stressors): life events, chronic stressors, and hassles. Life events are negative events that require major behavioral readjustments within a relatively short period of time (e.g., death). Chronic stressors are the negative events that are reoccurring and require change over long periods of time (e.g., poverty). Life events and chronic stress require greater levels of adaptation. In contrast, hassles are harmful mini-events (e.g., traffic jam) that require small behavioral readjustments during the course of a day (Thoits, 1995). Because stress-health research primarily focuses on the relationships between chronic stressors and life events on mental health, we concentrate on these stressors.

Applying the exposure argument to women, recent data show that women,

regardless of race, bear a disproportionate burden of the world's poverty (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2012). In addition, because of women's marginal position in the social structure, they bear a considerable amount of

exposure to acute and chronic stressors compared with their male counter parts (Mullings, 2005). For Black women, however, they are twice as likely to live in poverty compared with their White counterparts (Dunlop, Song, Lyons, Manheim, & Chang, 2003; Mullings, 2005).

Therefore, it is important to consider the psychological implications of socio

economic status for Black women. Wilson's (1987,1992) depiction of the "Black

underclass" highlights the intersections of race and class on stress exposure. Wilson (1987,1992) contends that the social conditions facing poor urban Blacks

have deteriorated to the extent that rates of unemployment, out-of-wedlock

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Norris and Mitchell

births, households headed by females, and dependency on welfare have dramati

cally increased. The consequences of poverty for Black women increase their

exposure to chronic stressors (i.e., work problems, family problems, and finan

cial problems) and life events (e.g., poverty, joblessness, welfare dependency, and poor health), which subsequently make the day-to-day negotiations of life a

demoralizing experience. As previously noted, studies show that exposure alone cannot explain

social group variation in psychological distress (Everett et al., 2010; Kessler & McLeod, 1984). Thus, the vulnerability perspective shifts attention from stress exposure to stress reactivity. Social support theorists see one stress reactivity mechanism as activating one's social support systems during times of adversity. Thus, groups that have coping resource deficits (i.e., inadequate

social support systems) are more inclined to report higher levels of psycho logical distress. Although researchers have not reached a consensus on the conceptual definition of social support, they tend to emphasize its "social" dimension as a critical link in understanding its mediating effects on stress

(Almedom, 2005). Thus, social support is defined as "a social network's pro vision of psychological and material resources intended to benefit an indi vidual's ability to cope with stress" (Cohen, 2004). Social support theorists maintain that social support can serve as a "buffer" against the adverse psy chological effects of stressors.

Research points to women-centered networks as instrumental in Black women's day-to-day survival and as a vital element when faced with life's stressors (Bauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007; Lincoln, Chatters, & Taylor, 2005; Stack, 1974). Because of Black women's marginalized position in the social structure, they are exposed to many structural factors such as poverty, low education, racism, and violence (Bauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007; Pieterse et al., 2013; Terhune, 2008). Consequently, they often lack the economic and politi cal personal resources that can mitigate many of the negative psychological effects of stress (Hine, 2007; Lincoln et al., 2005). Thus for Black women, one might expect informal networks to offer psychosocial resources that buf fer the negative psychological impact of life's stressors (Lincoln et al., 2003;

McAdoo, 1982; Sherman, 2006, 2009; Stack, 1974). In fact, Stack (1974) described an elaborate system of supportive kinship transactions for Black families in lieu of personal coping resources. However, while these strong, homogeneous networks function as conduits for social resources to flow, these network structures are resource-poor and often do not offset the harm

ful consequences of stress exposure for Black women (Mullings, 2005). In addition, the high level of reciprocity within these network structures might

nullify the positive effects of social support on psychological distress.

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Journal of Black Studies 45(1)

Data and Method

Hypotheses

Our primary research asks how the stress (i.e., stress exposure), support (i.e.,

stress vulnerability), and psychological distress (e.g., sadness) process oper ate for Black women. We expect for Black women increased exposure to negative life events, and chronic stressors will have a positive, direct relation

ship with psychological distress. We also expect women who report lower incomes to have higher levels of psychological distress than Black women with higher incomes.

Moving to stress vulnerability, research suggests that Black women are embedded in complex, informal network structures that are conducive for supportive transactions to flow. However, these structures have psychologi cal and material demands that are burdened by obligations and high levels of

reciprocity (Lincoln et al., 2005; McAdoo, 1982; Stack, 1974). Thus, we expect that perceptions of social support adequacy [instrumental support (e.g., tangible aid such as goods, services, and money) and expressive sup port (e.g., affective aid such as having someone to talk to) will have minimal

or no effect on psychological distress for Black women.

Finally, we acknowledge that the stress-support-distress model does not operate as a stagnate process for Black women. Variables such as marital status and age can have an effect on Black women's mental health. Thus, we control for age, income, and marital status in our analyses. Drawing on previ ous health literature, we expect age and marital status to have an impact on Black women's psychological health (Mirowsky & Ross, 1992). We also expect married Black women to report lower levels of psychological distress than their unmarried counterparts. We also expect that as Black women age, they will have more social and economic stability, thereby decreasing their exposure and vulnerability to psychological distress (Mirowsky & Ross, 1992).

Data

The data used in this research paper come from a 2003 study by the Center

for the Study of Public Health Impacts of Hurricanes at Louisiana State University (LSU). The data were collected through telephone interviews using random-digit-dialing. Interviews were conducted in February, March,

and April of 2003. These data provide baseline measures for stress, percep tions of social support adequacy, and psychological distress levels of resi dents in the city of New Orleans, Orleans Parish, Louisiana. Researchers may

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Norris and Mitchell

access the entire data set by contacting the Center for the Study of Public Health Impacts of Hurricanes, located at the Department of Sociology at LSU.

Mental Health

Psychological distress. Psychological distress was constructed by using a modi fied seven-item version of the Center for Epidemiological Studies' scale of Depression (CES-D; Ross & Mirowsky, 2002). Respondents were asked, "How many days during the past week have you (a) felt that you just could not get going, (b) felt sad, (c) had trouble getting to sleep or staying asleep, (d) felt that everything was an effort, (e) felt lonely, (f) felt that you could not

shake the blues, and(g) had trouble keeping your mind on what you were doing." To construct a psychological distress measure (scale), respondents' answers were summed. This value reflects the number of psychologically distressing symptoms per week. Values ranged from 0 to 49, with higher val ues indexing higher levels of psychological distress. The a reliability of this

scale is estimated at .83, indicating that it is internally consistent.

Stress

Stress indexes. To measure stress, we used a five-item index to assess respon dent's stressors. Chronic stressors are measured as the sum of responses (coded [1] yes and no [0]) to whether a respondent reports "had problems at work," "had family problems," and "had financial problems." Values of this measure ranged from 0 to 3. Stressful life events are measured as the sum of

responses (coded yes [1] and no [0]) to whether respondents report having "had serious injury" and/or "had a close friend or relative die." Values of this

measure ranged from 0 to 2. Because Cronbach's a values are quite sensitive to short indexes or scales, it is more appropriate to report the mean inter-item correlation for both indexes. The mean inter-item correlation for chronic

stressors (.32) and life events (.17) indicates that both indexes are internally consistent.

Social Support Adequacy

Perceived adequacy of social support Because social support studies continu ously demonstrate that perceived support is more effective in buffering the

effects of stress than actual support received, this research project focuses on

perceived support adequacy (Haines & Hurlbert, 1992; Thoits, 1995), rather than actual support transactions. We used two items to construct perceptions

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10 Journal of Black Studies 45( I)

of expressive and instrumental support. The first item, which measured per ceived expressive support, asked respondents "About how much of the time

would you say you have enough people to talk to?" Responses ranged from (1) never to (4) a lot of time. The second item, which measured perceived instrumental support, asked respondents "About how much of the time would

you say you have enough people to help you?" Responses ranged from (1) never to (4) a lot of time.

Control Variables

Individual characteristics. Because characteristics such as age, marital status,

and income have shown to have effects on the stress-support-distress process (Pearlin, 1989; Thoits, 1995), this study accounted for the effects of these variables. We measured age in the number of a respondent's years of life. Marital status was coded one (1) for married and zero (0) for unmarried. Family income is measured in thousands of U.S. dollars.1

Analyses

This research paper utilizes ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to under stand how the stress-support-distress process operates among Black women. To ensure that none of the independent variables were sufficiently correlated to cause problems in the estimation of regression coefficients, we performed multicollinearity tests with tolerance diagnostics. All computed tolerance values were above 0.4. These values are sufficient to exclude multicollinear

ity (O'Brien, 2007).

Results

Table 1 displays the means and standard deviations for the variables used in

our analyses. One hundred sixty-nine respondents identified themselves as Black women. The average age of Black women in the sample was 44 years (M= 44.937; SD = 15.779) and the annual average income range was between US$24,999 and US$34,999 (SD = 2.065). Approximately 58% of the sample reported that they are employed, part-time or full-time. Thirty-seven percent

of the respondents reported that they are married (M = 0.378; SD = 0.486). Results also showed that Black women consider themselves to have reason

able access to instrumental and expressive social support (M= 3.029; SD = 0.944; M= 3.449; SD = 0.811), but that they experienced chronic stressors and stressful events (M = 1.112; SD = 1.076; M = 0.745; SD = 0.690),

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Noms and Mitchell 11

Table I. Demographic characteristics of the sample (N = 169).

Variable Respondents mean SD n

Social support adequacy Instrumental support 3.029 0.944 168

Expressive support 3.449 0.811 167 Stress

Chronic stress I.I 12 1.076 169

Life events 0.745 0.900 150

Mental health

Distress 10.721 11.825 169

Individual characteristics

Age 44.937 15.779 160 Income US$24,999-US$34,999 2.065 150

Marital status (married) 37% 0.486 169

respectively. The reported distress levels for all of the respondents averaged 10 symptoms a week (M= 10.721; SD = 11.825).

Understanding the Stress-Support-Distress Process for Black Women

Table 2 shows stepwise OLS regression estimates of three multivariate mod els. In this analysis, we will only discuss the saturated models for Black women (see Model 3) for substantive interpretations and conclusions. Consistent with our expectations, Black women (see Model 3) who reported greater exposure to life events (i.e., death in the family and/or illness) also reported higher levels of psychological distress. Interestingly, however, we found that chronic stressors (i.e., work problems, family problems, and finan cial problems) had no effect on psychological distress for Black women.

Our findings show that perceptions of instrumental support adequacy (i.e., enough people to help you) and expressive support adequacy (i.e., enough people to talk to) did not affect Black women's psychological dis tress. But, consistent with the health literature, Black women who report lower levels of income tend to have significantly higher levels of psycho logical distress (Williams & Collins, 1995). Also, younger Black women tend to report higher levels of psychological distress than their older Black counterparts.

Variable Respondents mean SD n

Social support adequacy Instrumental support 3.029 0.944 168 Expressive support 3.449 0.811 167

Stress

Chronic stress 1. 112 1.076 169

Life events 0.745 0.900 150 Mental health

Distress 10.721 11.825 169 Individual characteristics

Age 44.937 15.779 160 Income US$24,999-US$34,999 2.065 150

Marital status (married) 37% 0.486 169

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12 Journal of Black Studies 45(1)

Table 2. Stepwise and Saturated Model Estimates of the Effects Perceptions of Social Support Adequacy, Stress, and Individual Characteristics on Psychological Distress for Black Women.

Black women

Variable

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

ß ß ß

(SE) (SE) (SE)

Stress

Chronic stress 1.244 1.584* 1.246

(0.895) (0.782) (0.825) Life events 2.114 3.243** 3.996**

(1.397) (1.232) (1.327) Social support adequacy

Instrumental support — -1.227 -0.884 — (0.914) (0.959)

Expressive support — -1.255 -0.769 — (1.066) (1.188)

Individual characteristics

Married (yes) — — 2.551 — — (1.855)

Age — — -0.102*

— — (0.055) Income — — -1.401***

— — (0.445) Intercept 7.761*** 13.973*** 21.955***

(2.088) (3.767) (4.524) R2 .038 .113 .230

n 169 167 144

* p < .05. **p <.01. ***p < .001 (two-tailed test).

Discussion and Conclusion

This study investigated the stress process for Black women by creating a stress-support-distress model that examined the interplay among (a) source and type of stress exposure, (b) perceived social support, and (c) the resulting

manifestation of psychological distress. Social support theory suggests that social support acts as a buffer to the adverse psychological effects of stress for individuals. Our analysis revealed that for Black women chronic stressors

Black women

Variable

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

B B B

(SE) (SE) (SE)

Stress

Chronic stress 1.244 1.584* 1.246

(0.895) (0.782) (0.825) Life events 2.114 3.243** 3.996**

(1.397) (1.232) (1.327) Social support adequacy

Instrumental support — -1.227 -0.884 — (0.914) (0.959)

Expressive support — -1.255 -0.769 — (1.066) (1.188)

Individual characteristics

Married (yes) — — 2.551 — — (1.855)

Age — — -0.102*

— — (0.055) Income — — -1.401***

— — (0.445) Intercept 7.761*** 13.973*** 21.955***

(2.088) (3.767) (4.524) R2 .038 .113 .230

n 169 167 144

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Noms and Mitchell 13

(i.e., family problems, work-related problems, and financial troubles) had no significant effect on their levels of psychological distress, whereas life events

(i.e., illness or death in the family) significantly affected their levels of dis

tress. Surprisingly, we also found that instrumental and expressive support had no effect on Black women's psychological distress. As previously mentioned, our findings revealed that chronic stressors had

no psychological effects on Black women. Although this finding may seem counterintuitive, Geronimus's (2001) weathering hypothesis suggests that repeated exposures to stressful encounters can have long-term pernicious physiological effects for Black women. In fact, Geronimus reports that Blacks tend to have higher mean allostatic load scores (or biological responses

of stress-mediated wear and tear on the body), compared with their White counterparts. This raises important questions in regard to how psychological

distress is conceptualized for Black women. Should depressive measures include items such as body mass index (BMI) scores, cholesterol levels, and eating habits? Future research should incorporate physiological along with psychological measures, to better understand the effects of stress on Black women.

Furthermore, although social support theorists argue that informal support

systems (e.g., expressive and instrumental support) are critical mediators in buffering the deleterious effects of stress, we found that perceived instrumen

tal and expressive support adequacy did not have an effect on psychological

distress for Black women. One plausible explanation for these findings is that

because Black women occupy lower positions in the social structure they are embedded in social circles that have inadequate informal resources (e.g., expressive and instrumental support) that do not effectively counterbalance

their exposure to stress. Furthermore, mobilized social support systems, which serve as problem-focused coping mechanisms to buffer the impact of stress, may work best when we actually have the capacity to shield individu als against stressful encounters. However for Black women who tend to be embedded in tight-knit, homophilous social circles, their resource pool may only temporarily buffer their stressful experiences—which may have mini

mal or no effects on psychological distress.

Considering our suppositions, we propose that health promoters target two

areas to decrease stress exposure and vulnerability to stress for Black women:

strengthen personal coping skills and highlight formalized sources of support

that are accessible and can be activated during times of need. We contend that

if Black women mobilize their personal and social coping strategies in tan dem, they will decrease their exposure and vulnerability to stress and, in turn,

produce better mental health outcomes.

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14 Journal of Black Studies 45(1)

Starting with personal coping skills, our findings indicate that attention needs to be given to the development of culture- and gender-appropriate health promotion and disease prevention interventions aimed at improving self-efficacy (e.g., teaching emotion-focused strategies such as acceptance, increasing self-esteem, and mediation) for the purpose of reducing stress and,

in turn, psychological distress for Black women. Hall, Everett, and Hamilton Mason (2012) argued, for Black women, that emotion-focused strategies may

be more culturally appropriate when stressful circumstances are likely unal

terable. Although much of the network literature points to women-centered networks serving to alleviate stress exposure and lessen vulnerability to stress

for Black women, scholars also note that these network systems also serve as

sources of stress. Thus, the "cost of caring" in Black women-centered net work structures often outweighs the perceived benefits. Thus, promoting those populations that are embedded in resource-poor informal networks to

draw on internal factors, such as self-efficacy, is essential. Individuals with

high levels of self-efficacy in times of distress are more likely to remain more

problem-focused and be more persistent over time. Although personal coping strategies are essential in times of adversity,

social resources are also critical during times of adversity. However, as previ

ously mentioned, our findings suggest that informal support systems that offer expressive and instrumental support have no effect on Black women's psychological distress. Thus, we argue that more formalized social support systems offer resources that are more permanent and consistent, which may be more effective than drawing on one's immediate social circles. Thus, com prehensive, coordinated, community-based health promotion programs that utilize health education and mobilize community leaders can have an effect on social systems by influencing cultural norms within a community. These approaches can be more successful in achieving long-term behavioral changes

because they affect the culture in which people live, work, and socialize. We

acknowledge that for racially underrepresented groups, trusting and relying on medical or governmental agencies for formalized support may be chal lenging. Furthermore, if health professionals are culturally insensitive and unaware of certain social groups' needs, their practices may further marginal

ize groups of lower statuses. Thus, we encourage usage of community-based health centers that tend to be more aware of community members needs and,

in tum, promote culturally effective health strategies that can reduce poor mental health outcomes for Black women.

While this study contributes to the existing stress-health literature, it is not

without limitations. This research utilizes a secondary data set, which limited

this study in three significant ways: (a) control of what the data set contains,

(b) breadth of research questions the researchers could ask, and (c) data were

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Norris and Mitchell 15

not collected in the most desirable years—those prior to Hurricane Katrina. Moreover, the data used in this study pertain to the population of Orleans Parish, Louisiana, which has a distinct interracial history that is, in many ways, radically different from that of many other U.S. populations. As such, the findings of this study could only be generalized to areas and social groups of similar socioeconomic and cultural histories.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,

authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica tion of this article.

Note

1. To measure income, respondents were asked to report which category best fits their family income. The increments were listed as (a) under 5,000; (b) under 10,000; (c) under 15,000; (d) under 25,000; (e) under 35,000; (f) under 50,000; (g) under 75,000; and (h) 75,000 or more. Each category was taken at its mid points. Respondents who reported having an income above 75,000 were coded at 75,000. A prediction equation was created for the 62 respondents who did not

report their income. The following regression equation was created to predict

income. Ti(income) -^(instrumental support adequacy) -^(expressive support adequacy) -^4(sex of

respondent) -^5(age of respondent) -^(perception of health) * -^(assistance) -^8 (education). ^e drew

on the works of Beggs, Haines, and Hurlbert (1996) to create the equation. This

equation was used only for prediction purposes; therefore, we attempted to maxi mize the R2 as criterion to develop family income.

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Author Biographies

Claire M. Norris, PhD is an Assistant Professor at Xavier University. Her research interests include mental health, social support, and depression.

Flint D. Mitchell, PhD is an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the undergraduate studies

program at Tulane University in the School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine. His research interests include health education and exercise psychology.

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