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Does housework lower wages? Evidence for Britain
By Mark L Bryan* and Almudena Sevilla-Sanzy
*Institute for Social and Economic Research (ISER), University of Essex,
Colchester CO4 3SQ; e-mail: markb@essex.ac.uk
yDepartment of Economics, University of Oxford, Oxford OX1 3UQ;
e-mail: almudena.sevilla@economics.ox.ac.uk
This paper uses the British Household Panel Survey to present the first estimates of the
housework-wage relationship in Britain. Controlling for permanent unobserved het-
erogeneity, we find that housework has a negative impact on the wages of men and
women, both married and single, who work full-time. Among women working part-
time, only single women suffer a housework penalty. The housework penalty is uni-
form across occupations within full-time jobs but some part-time jobs appear to be
more compatible with housework than others. We find tentative evidence that the
housework penalty is larger when there are children present.
JEL classifications: J12, J16, J31.
1. Introduction There is a growing empirical literature that investigates housework as a factor
affecting wages in addition to conventional human capital and job characteristics
(for a recent survey see Maani and Cruickshank, 2009). This paper contributes to
this literature by documenting the effect of housework on wages for Britain, a
country that has never been analysed before in this context. Using panel data to
control for unobserved individual heterogeneity, we estimate the effect of house-
work on wages for single and married men and women. We find that housework
lowers the wages of both men and women, especially those who are full-time
workers, married, and have children.
Various theories have been put forward to explain why housework might affect
wages. Becker (1985) first described a model in which a fixed amount of energy or
effort has to be allocated amongst different activities. Housework activities are
tiring and so reduce the amount of effort available for market work, resulting in
lower productivity and wages. Bonke et al. (2005) presented a similar model but
! Oxford University Press 2010 All rights reserved
Oxford Economic Papers 63 (2011), 187–210 187 doi:10.1093/oep/gpq011
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focussed on the timing and flexibility of housework. If housework has to be done at
times of the day that interfere with market work (for instance by limiting the ability
to stay for late meetings, for training courses, for travelling to and from work, or
networking after work), overall productivity will be lower. Other theories focus
more explicitly on labour market structure and job characteristics. Workers with
high housework burdens may select into jobs with convenient hours or lighter
working conditions, and these jobs may carry a negative compensating differential
(see for example Hersch, 1991b, and 2009), or pay less because monopsonistic
employers take account of workers’ preferences for these jobs (Sigle-Rushton and
Waldfogel, 2007).
In view of these different theories, we follow the traditional approach in the
literature and estimate standard wage equations augmented by measures of house-
work. Our analysis is based on panel data from the British Household Panel Survey
(1992–2004). The panel nature of the survey allows us to take into account in-
dividual permanent unobserved heterogeneity which may cause a spurious negative
correlation between housework and wages. For example, individuals with more
housework responsibilities may be less career oriented and thus earn lower wages
because either they put less effort into their work (the so-called ‘lack of interest’
argument; Hersch, 2009), or because they are discriminated against by their em-
ployer. We perform an analysis that allows for the role of job characteristics and
estimates separate effects by gender and marital status. This distinction is important
given the gendered nature of housework and the fact that marriage is characterized
by the presence of specialization and economies of scale that affect how much time
individuals spend doing housework and also what housework activities they engage
in (Gupta, 1999; Hersch and Stratton, 2002).1 Because work time and other time-
use arrangements are different between part-time and full-time workers, we also
look at these groups in a separate way.
After controlling for permanent unobserved heterogeneity and for the usual wage
determinants such as age and education, we find a negative housework effect on
wages for all groups considered, except for married women working part-time. The
wages of full-time workers decrease by about 0.25% per hour of weekly housework,
implying that an extra ten hours of housework per week would lower wages by
2.5%. We cannot reject that the effects are the same across marital status and
gender, and the impact appears to be linear in housework. Our findings confirm
the negative effects of housework on women’s wages generally found in US studies
(Coverman, 1983; Hersch, 1985; Shelton and Firestone, 1988; Hersch, 1991a,b;
Hersch and Stratton, 1994, 1997; Hundley, 2000, 2001; Noonan, 2001; Stratton,
2001; Hersch and Stratton, 2002; Shirley and Wallace, 2004; Keith and Malone,
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 1 Some have attributed the positive relationship between marriage and men’s wages (Ribar, 2004) to
specialization within the household (see Bardasi and Taylor, 2008, for recent UK evidence), although
Hersch and Stratton (2000) find no support for this hypothesis using US data.
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2005; Hersch, 2009). A similar relationship has been found in Australia (McAllister,
1990), in Canada (Phipps et al., 2001), and in Denmark (Bonke et al., 2005). To our
knowledge there is only one previous study that has analysed housework and wages
by marital status, as we do (Hersch and Stratton, 2002). The authors also find a
negative effect for both married and single individuals working full-time, with
stronger effects among married women. In line with the small number of studies
that have examined part-time workers separately (e.g., McAllister, 1990), we find
the effect for married part-time workers is lower.
Consistent with previous literature (Hersch, 2009) we also find that the effect of
housework is constant within occupations for full-time workers, suggesting that the
negative effect of housework on wages cannot be explained by differing levels of
required effort or other work conditions that make housework difficult to combine
with certain jobs. We also fail to find differential effects for workers with flexible
work schedules. Occupation seems to play a role for single women working part
time, however, suggesting that these women may end up in jobs with less conveni-
ent schedules. The negative housework-wage relation appears whether or not there
are children in the household, although we do find some evidence that housework
has a larger effect on the wages of married women with children, so having children
seems to worsen the trade-off between housework and market work for this group
of women.
The paper is organized as follows: Section 2 describes the empirical strategy,
Section 3 describes the BHPS, Section 4 shows that housework has a negative
effect on wages for most groups, and especially for married women working full
time. Section 5 presents some robustness checks and Section 6 concludes.
2. Empirical strategy 2.1 General specification: housework and wages
Following the standard approach in the literature, our analysis is based on the
following wage equation augmented by measures of housework:
wit¼xit 0�þ�0ptitþ�1hitþ�2ptit�hitþ�iþ"it ð1Þ
where wit is the log of the real gross hourly wage of individual i measured at time t,
xit is a vector of characteristics assumed to affect wages, ptit is an indicator variable
for part-time work (30 hours or less per week), and hit is the number of hours of
housework per week. The error term consists of an individual effect �i representing
unmeasured characteristics that do not vary over time and a transitory component
"it. The parameters of interest are �1, which is the marginal effect of housework on
wages for full-time workers holding constant other relevant characteristics; and �2,
the additional effect for part-timers. Because part and full-time workers have very
different time allocations we include the part-time interaction to allow for different
mechanisms in the housework-wage relationship.
To allow for permanent unobserved heterogeneity, we present results from fixed
effects (FE) models. Controlling for permanent unobserved heterogeneity is
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important in this context because the permanent error in eq. (1) is likely to be
correlated with housework, resulting in biased coefficients if OLS is used. For
example, more career-oriented individuals are likely to earn more (have a high
individual effect �i in the wage equation) and also do less housework. In this case,
�i will be negatively correlated with housework, and the OLS estimate of �1 will be
negatively biased.
We perform the analysis by gender and marital status throughout.2 This distinc-
tion is important given the gendered nature of housework and the fact that mar-
riage is associated with specialization in housework tasks (Gupta, 1999; Hersch and
Stratton, 2002). We define married as being married or cohabiting in the current
period, thus individuals switch between the married and single samples when they
change status (about 20% change status at some point in the panel).
The controls in eq. (1) include human capital variables (educational qualifica-
tions and quadratics in age and job tenure), the number of children in the house-
hold, job characteristics such as trade union coverage and temporary contract
status, and firm characteristics such as establishment size and industry.
3. Data and sample We use data from the BHPS, which has followed a nationally representative sample
of about 5,500 private households (containing about 10,000 individuals) since
1991. The survey aims to interview all adults (over 16 years old) from the original
sample every year, as well as all other adult members of their current households
(including newly formed households). Children in sample households become full
sample members when they reach age 16. The BHPS contains rich information
on household structure, socio-demographic characteristics, individuals’ labour
market experience and job characteristics. Since wave 2 it has asked respondents
how long on average they spend on housework per week. Our sample comprises
waves 2–14, corresponding to 1992 to 2004, and we restrict estimation to employ-
ees of working age (16–59 years for women and 16–64 years for men) who
completed the full interview and gave valid information on all variables of interest.
Our final sample contains 4533 men (observed over 5.8 waves on average) and
4592 women (5.7 waves).
As well as using age to proxy labour market experience, we also experiment with
a measure of actual experience (total time spent in employment, including self-
employment) based on the retrospective BHPS data (see Maré, 2006). Using actual
experience allows us to control for the effects of past career interruptions, but
unfortunately we lose observations for about 30% of the sample who do not give
full information about their employment histories (irrespective of whether their
true work histories are continuous or not). In the main regressions we use age as a
control but test the robustness of the results to using actual experience.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 2Chow tests reject equal coefficients across marital status in all the specifications estimated.
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In particular, we estimate the equation using the main sample and an indicator for
missing values of experience. Results do not vary greatly between the two
specifications.
The housework variable is the response to the question ‘About how many hours
do you spend on housework in an average week, such as time spent cooking,
cleaning, and doing the laundry?’ The hourly wage is derived from respondents’
usual gross pay per month and their usual weekly working hours, and is indexed to
2004 prices.3 Part-time status is constructed from the total number of usual weekly
hours reported by workers, and defined as 30 hours or less. We also restrict the
sample to those working more than five hours per week to alleviate problems of
extreme measurement error.
Table 1 presents summary statistics for housework and hourly wages for full- and
part-time workers, broken down by gender and marital status. The means of the
remaining variables used in the analysis are reported in Appendix Table A1.
Columns 1 and 2 in Table 1 show that there are considerable differences between
men and women. Women undertake about 13 hours of housework per week
compared to under five hours for men. The high level of housework among
women is partly driven by the large amounts done by part-timers (18 hours per
week), but even full-time working women put in ten hours per week of housework.
The gap between men and women’s housework is even larger among couples: full-
time married women do nearly 12 hours a week and part-time married women do
over 19 hours, compared to only five hours for (full-time) married men (columns
5–6). While part-time married men do a little more housework (6.7 hours), part-
time work is very uncommon among men (only 3.3% of the sample). There is
hardly any increase in men’s housework associated with marriage, while women’s
housework almost doubles (from eight to 15 hours). Overall, the figures in Table 1
underline the high share of housework done by women and the large increases in
female housework associated with marriage, consistent with other studies such as
Gupta (1999) and Hersch and Stratton (2002).
Table 1 also shows that the overall gender wage gap is about 25% (columns 1
and 2), falling to about 16% for full-timers. The gap is nearly 38% (0.32 log points)
among married workers (columns 5 and 6), mirroring the large difference in
housework between married men and women. In general, Table 1 shows that
those earning lower wages do more housework. While these raw figures are sug-
gestive of a negative relationship between housework and wages, we now turn to a
multivariate analysis in order to control for the other determinants of wages, in-
cluding permanent unobserved heterogeneity.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 3The wage is calculated as hourly wage = (usual gross pay per month)/[(usual standard weekly
hours) + 1.5*(usual paid overtime weekly hours)] *(12/52). This assumes that paid overtime is paid
at time and a half (the results are robust to other premia, e.g. assuming that all hours are paid at the
same rate). Unpaid overtime is not included. Wages are indexed to 2004 levels using the CHAWRPI
non-seasonally adjusted retail price index from the Office for National Statistics.
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4. Main results: the effect of housework on wages Table 2 reports the estimates of the FE model given by eq. (1). The main coeffi-
cients of interest are those on housework and its interaction with part-time work.
The housework coefficient shown in the first row of Columns 3 and 4 clearly shows
that housework has a negative effect on the wages of married men and women
working full time. All else equal, an extra hour of housework lowers a full-time
married woman’s wage by 0.28% and a married man’s by 0.19%. Although the
coefficients are less significant for single individuals working full time, the estimates
have the same sign and order of magnitude as for married full-time workers, and
the differences between the two groups are only significant at 10% or greater.4 It is
possible that the larger standard errors on the coefficients for single workers may in
part be due to less variation over time in housework (the within-person variance is
smaller for single than for married workers, especially for single women who have a
within variance of 14.0 compared to 29.1 for married women).
Our FE results are consistent with studies in other countries for women, which
find an average effect of housework on wages of –0.19% (Maani and Cruickshank,
2009). We are only aware of one study, Hersch and Stratton (2002) for the US,
Table 1 Summary statistics for housework and wages
Variable Women Men Single Single Married Married women men women men
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
All Log wage 1.95 2.19 1.90 1.95 1.97 2.29
(0.54) (0.56) (0.56) (0.57) (0.53) (0.53) Housework (hrs/wk) 13.08 4.75 8.18 4.44 14.95 4.86
(9.13) (4.53) (7.43) (4.65) (9.02) (4.48) Observations 26031 26094 7180 7081 18851 19013 Full-time Log wage 2.04 2.20 1.96 1.96 2.09 2.29
(0.53) (0.55) (0.56) (0.56) (0.51) (0.52) Housework (hrs/wk) 10.21 4.71 6.86 4.43 11.92 4.81
(7.41) (4.48) (6.19) (4.63) (7.40) (4.42) Observations 16753 25232 5656 6720 11097 18512 Part-time Log wage 1.78 1.97 1.70 1.79 1.80 2.10
(0.51) (0.71) (0.53) (0.67) (0.51) (0.72) Housework (hrs/wk) 18.25 5.89 13.06 4.75 19.27 6.70
(9.64) (5.76) (9.36) (5.15) (9.37) (6.04) Observations 9278 862 1524 361 7754 501
Note: Standard deviations in parentheses.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 4Tests of equality of the housework coefficients for full-time workers yield t-statistics of 0.3 for single
versus married men, and 1.8 for single versus married women.
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which has specifically analysed single women. They also find that housework has a
negative effect on single women’s wages in an OLS specification (they were not able
to obtain reliable FE estimates using their short panel). For men the balance of
evidence from other countries is less clear. The effects of housework on men’s
Table 2 The effect of housework on wages (FE model)
Single women Single men Married women Married men (1) (2) (3) (4)
Housework (hours/wk) �0.0008 �0.0023* �0.0028*** �0.0019*** (�0.81) (�1.90) (�5.61) (�3.10)
Housework * part-time �0.0023* �0.0071* 0.0024*** �0.0009 (�1.71) (�1.71) (3.90) (�0.38)
No. of children in hhold �0.0299** 0.0640 �0.0354*** 0.0083** (�2.17) (1.38) (�7.69) (2.24)
Part-time 0.0761*** 0.2621*** 0.0033 0.0288 (3.98) (8.52) (0.27) (1.28)
Age 0.0402** 0.1051*** 0.0568*** 0.0703*** (2.39) (6.07) (5.59) (7.16)
Age squared �0.0011*** �0.0015*** �0.0006*** �0.0010*** (�17.75) (�22.94) (�14.63) (�27.03)
Job tenure �0.0060** 0.0067*** 0.0033*** 0.0052*** (�2.49) (2.76) (3.25) (5.67)
Job tenure squared 0.0001 �0.0002** �0.0001** �0.0001*** (1.10) (�2.17) (�2.39) (�2.85)
Degree 0.2166*** 0.2137*** 0.1509*** 0.0910** (2.84) (2.90) (3.97) (2.46)
Further education 0.1349** 0.0837 0.0424* �0.0293 (2.05) (1.31) (1.81) (�1.30)
A-level 0.0718 0.0712 0.0105 �0.0219 (1.04) (1.08) (0.38) (�0.83)
O-level or equivalent 0.0838 0.0059 �0.0006 �0.0265 (1.25) (0.09) (�0.02) (�1.03)
Other qualifications 0.1653** �0.0823 0.0505 �0.0159 (2.16) (�1.11) (1.51) (�0.48)
Trade union covered 0.0531*** 0.0319** 0.0445*** 0.0474*** (3.85) (2.37) (5.53) (6.62)
Public sector 0.1053*** 0.0278 0.0510*** 0.0367*** (5.58) (1.24) (4.61) (2.95)
Temporary contract �0.0168 �0.1218*** �0.0500*** �0.1252*** (�0.77) (�5.42) (�3.29) (�5.93)
Fixed-term contract �0.0708*** �0.0621*** �0.0146 �0.0322* (�3.06) (�2.76) (�0.93) (�1.95)
Constant 1.2782*** �0.2991 0.5076 0.8169** (2.83) (�0.71) (1.55) (2.49)
Observations 7180 7081 18851 19013 R2 0.29 0.33 0.13 0.17
Notes: (i) Controls also included are: dummy variables for region and year, one-digit industry, and
establishment size; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of the real gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in
parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%
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wages is typically smaller than the effect on women’s wages (Maani and
Cruickshank, 2009), and for single men Hersch and Stratton (2002) find a mar-
ginally significant negative housework penalty using OLS. FE estimates of the
housework coefficient for men are usually found to be negative but insignificant
(Hersch and Stratton, 1997; Noonan, 2001). Our estimate for married men
(Table 2) is significant and smaller than the effect for married women, though
the two are not significantly different.
Returning to the main estimates, the second row of Table 2 shows the interaction
term between housework and part-time status. Columns 2 and 4 show an addition-
al negative effect of housework on the wages of men working part-time, although
the coefficients are not significant at 5% (possibly due to small cell sizes, since very
few men work part-time). For women working part-time, whereas there seems to
be no effect of housework on the wages of part-time married women, there is an
extra negative effect of housework among part-time single women. Column 3
shows that the interaction of housework and part-time status carries a positive
and highly significant coefficient for married women (+0.24%), which cancels
out the negative main effect (the total effect is –0.04%, t = 1.0).5 However the
interaction coefficient for single women presented in Column 1 shows a negative
effect of housework on wages that reinforces the main effect, so that the total effect
for single women working part-time is –0.31%, t = 2.7. The difference between the
interaction coefficients is indeed highly significant (t = 3.2).
Our results for married women working part-time are in line with the small
number of studies that have examined part-time workers separately (e.g.
McAllister, 1990). There are various possibilities for why the housework penalty
may be smaller in part-time jobs. One reason may be that part-time workers have
more time to rest and recuperate after doing the housework, even if they do more
housework overall. (Table 1 shows indeed that part-timers also do much more
housework: 19 hours per week for part-time married women compared to
12 hours for full-time married women.) Another possibility is that part time work-
ers may have some choice over their hours and can choose work schedules that do
not clash with their housework commitments, as suggested by McAllister (1990).
Neither hypothesis alone can however explain why there is a negative housework
effect in part-time jobs done by single women and not by married women.
The BHPS data do not contain any information on when housework is per-
formed (neither during the week, nor during the day), or the type of housework
activities. The data are, however, very rich in other contextual information that can
offer some indirect evidence in regards to the different magnitudes of the house-
work coefficient between single and married women working part-time. Table 3
lists selected characteristics of the jobs held by married and single part-time
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 5 The insignificant overall effect for married women working part-time does not appear to arise from
insufficient variation over time in housework. The within-person variance in housework is 33.2 for part-
time married women, compared to 18.2 for full-time married women.
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women. Here we see that married women working part-time are in higher quality
jobs and are happier with their working hours. Compared to single women, mar-
ried women working part-time are paid more, are less likely to be on a temporary
contract, and are more likely to be unionized. They are also more likely to be in
clerical occupations rather than in personal services or in the retail sector, where
hours and work schedules may be more variable and unpredictable (see Presser,
2005). Significantly, married women who work part-time are more satisfied with
their jobs than single women and are much less likely to want longer hours of work
(only 12% want more hours compared to 27% of single women). It is thus plausible
that married part-timers select their jobs to fit in with housework commitments
(and can perhaps be more choosy because there is a second income in the house-
hold), while single workers may have to take a part-time job out of necessity, filling
Table 3 Job characteristics of single and married part-time women
Single Married Difference (t stat) (1) (2) (1) – (2)
Log wage 1.699 1.798 �0.099 (6.9) Housework 13.059 19.273 �6.214 (23.7) Manager 0.023 0.039 �0.016 (3.0) Profesional 0.060 0.060 0.000 (0.1) Technician 0.073 0.097 �0.024 (3.0) Clerical 0.224 0.277 �0.053 (4.3) Craft 0.018 0.013 0.005 (1.5) Personal 0.249 0.198 0.052 (4.6) Sales 0.190 0.157 0.033 (3.2) Operative 0.018 0.023 �0.005 (1.2) Unskilled 0.144 0.136 0.007 (0.8) Trade Union covered 0.375 0.463 �0.087 (6.3) Public sector 0.280 0.344 �0.064 (4.9) Agriculture 0.001 0.007 �0.006 (3.0) Mining 0.002 0.003 �0.001 (0.5) Manufacture 0.068 0.069 �0.001 (0.2) Construction 0.007 0.012 �0.006 (1.9) Retail & hotels 0.357 0.287 0.070 (5.5) Communications 0.035 0.025 0.011 (2.4) Finance & property 0.072 0.114 �0.042 (4.9) Other industries 0.249 0.262 �0.013 (1.1) Social & health 0.210 0.221 �0.011 (1.0) Temporary contract 0.077 0.042 0.036 (6.0) Fixed-term contract 0.039 0.033 0.006 (1.2) Flexitime 0.155 0.155 0.000 (0.0) Job tenure 3.812 4.992 �1.180 (7.7) Job satisfaction (1–7) 5.513 5.715 �0.202 (45.2*) Want to work more hours 0.274 0.122 0.152 (15.5) Want to work fewer hours 0.108 0.138 �0.030 (3.1) Want to work same hours 0.618 0.740 �0.122 (9.8)
*Pearson chi-squared test of independence, distributed as �2(6)
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in undesirable hours that are less compatible with housework activities. We come
back to the association between work flexibility and housework below.
The coefficients on the control variables in Table 2 generally have the expected
signs. Wages follow an inverse-U shaped profile in age, there are positive returns to
education, a positive premium to union coverage and a wage penalty associated
with temporary work. Consistent with the family gap literature (see for example
Waldfogel, 1998), having children has a negative effect on a woman’s wage (either
single or married), and a positive effect on a man’s wage. However, the negative
effect of housework on wages still remains. Given that the association between
having children and getting married has weakened in recent years, we explore
the relationship between housework and wages according to parental status (in
addition to marital status) in more depth below.
The part-time coefficients are positive, suggesting there is a premium rather than
a penalty attached to part-time work. While a large body of work has found a part-
time penalty using cross-sectional methods, some studies have reported positive
coefficients on part-time work in longitudinal analysis (for example, see Manning
and Petrongolo, 2005). These authors note that a plausible explanation for the
opposite sign in FE estimates is measurement error in the hours variable. To
take an example, if a full-time worker just above the 30 hour threshold understates
her working time by even a small amount, she will be misclassified as a part-timer.
At the same time, her hourly wage will be overestimated (because reported hours
are in the denominator), resulting in an upward bias to the part-time coefficient.
FE results are particularly susceptible to this type of misclassification because the
part-time coefficient is identified from transitions between full-time and part-time
status, which are relatively infrequent (in our data, only 9% of women and 2% of
men change between full-time and part-time from year to year). Cross-sectional
methods should thus yield smaller (and probably negative) coefficients. We also
estimate a pooled (OLS) version of the model and results are in line with cross-
sectional studies. We find a significant part-time penalty for women, while the part-
time coefficient for men is insignificant 6 .
4.1 Non-linear effects of housework on wages
Given the large differences between the amounts of housework done by women
(especially married women) and men, some studies have tested for non-linear or
threshold effects in the housework-wage relation. Hersch and Stratton (1997) find
some evidence of a wage penalty for women once housework exceeds ten hours per
week, whereas the men’s penalty is similar across the range of housework hours.
Hersch (2009) also finds evidence of a threshold effect, and shows that the coeffi-
cient on housework becomes statistically significant for both men and women only
after one hour of housework per day. To investigate non-linear effects in the BHPS
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 6Estimates available from authors on request.
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sample we experiment with a quadratic specification and with splines that allow the
coefficients to vary over different hours ranges. For full-time workers, the upper
panel of Table 4 shows that a squared term in housework is not statistically sig-
nificant. The lower panel presents the estimates using a spline with nodes at five
and ten hours (approximately the mean housework levels for men and women).
For full-time married women, the housework coefficients are only significant at
more than five hours per week, however we cannot reject equality of all the coeffi-
cients (p = 0.72). For married men, only the coefficient for housework of less than
five hours is significant, but again we cannot reject joint equality. 7
Overall, we find
little evidence of threshold effects among full-time workers. Among the small mi-
nority of men working part-time, there is some evidence of convexity in the house-
work-wage relationship (the quadratic interaction term is positive and significant
for married men). There is also a suggestion that the smaller negative effect of
housework on the wages of part-time married women is concentrated above ten
hours per week (although we cannot reject joint equality of the spline coefficients).
But in general, housework seems to have a similar effect at all levels.
4.2 The role of occupation and flexibility
A possible mechanism for the negative effect on housework on wages reported in
Tables 2 and 3 is that workers may sort into jobs that fit in with housework because
they involve less effort or more convenient hours. Wages may be lower in these
housework-compatible jobs because lower effort reduces productivity, or because
convenient hours and amenable working conditions are costly to employers and
lead to negative compensating differentials (Hersch, 1991b, and 2009).8 The results
above already control for job characteristics such as firm size and industry, but in
this section we further investigate the mechanism by which housework might affect
wages by including additional characteristics (occupation and flexible working)
which should capture some variation in effort requirements and working condi-
tions. Following Hersch (2009), we also investigate the housework effect within
occupations (and flexible versus non-flexible jobs), to see whether systematic dif-
ferences across job types can provide some evidence for whether effort require-
ments or the amount of job flexibility may partly explain the negative housework-
wage relation.
The top panel of Table 5 shows the estimates when one-digit occupation dum-
mies are added to the regressions.9 Compared to our main results in Table 2,
inclusion of occupation makes little difference to the housework coefficients,
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 7It is likely that the greater statistical significance of the coefficients at high housework levels for women
and low levels for men can be explained by greater variation in these housework ranges, rather than true
differences in coefficients. 8The evidence seems to suggest however that more work flexibility is associated with higher, not lower
wages (Gariety and Shaffer, 2001). 9The occupations are the nine major groups of the UK Standard Occupational Classification.
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suggesting that compensating differentials or differences in effort, at least at the
occupational level, cannot entirely explain the negative housework effect. It is pos-
sible however that we may be understating the importance of (long-term) job
selection, as fixed effects are likely to absorb the impact of long-term career
paths or labour market orientation. This could explain the smaller impact of oc-
cupation that we find compared to previous cross-sectional studies: Bonke et al.
(2005) and Hersch (2009) finds declines of up to a fifth in the housework coeffi-
cients when occupation is added 10
.
To investigate differences in the housework effect across occupations, we also
include full-interactions of the occupation dummies with the housework variables
Table 4 The effect of housework on wages: non-linear functions of housework
Single Single Married Married women men women men (1) (2) (3) (4)
Quadratic function Housework (hours/wk) 0.0001 �0.0032 �0.0043*** �0.0023*
(0.05) (�1.38) (�3.24) (�1.85) Housework squared/1000 �0.0004 0.0005 0.0004 0.0002
(�0.49) (0.47) (1.18) (0.34) Housework * PT �0.0047 �0.0092 0.0034* �0.0108**
(�1.34) (�0.85) (1.77) (�2.04) Housework sq/1000 * PT 0.0008 0.0011 �0.0003 0.0039**
(0.75) (0.22) (�0.68) (2.03) Spline Housework 0–5 hours 0.0024 �0.0028 �0.0019 �0.0035**
(0.59) (�0.86) (�0.38) (�2.05) Housework 5–10 hours �0.0032 �0.0010 �0.0043** �0.0012
(�1.06) (�0.30) (�2.21) (�0.78) Housework >10 hours �0.0007 �0.0032 �0.0025*** �0.0016
(�0.47) (�1.35) (�4.04) (�1.31) F-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.641 0.881 0.724 0.599 Housework 0–5 hours * PT 0.0028 0.0156 0.0062 �0.0243**
(0.27) (1.13) (0.48) (�2.46) Housework 5–10 hours * PT �0.0107 �0.0451*** 0.0051 0.0056
(�1.60) (�2.99) (1.27) (0.67) Housework >10 hours * PT �0.0010 0.0078 0.0020*** 0.0029
(�0.52) (0.84) (2.65) (0.71) F-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.448 0.032 0.610 0.034 Observations 7180 7081 18851 19013
Notes: (i) Controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of the real
gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; ***
significant at 1%.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 10In fact the size of the housework effect is reduced by around a third when occupation controls are
added in OLS estimates (available from authors on request).
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Table 5 The effect of housework on wages: the role of occupation (FE model)
Single Single Married Married women men women men (1) (2) (3) (4)
With occupation controls Housework (hours/wk) �0.0006 �0.0022* �0.0027*** �0.0017***
(�0.57) (�1.82) (�5.38) (�2.77) Housework * PT �0.0025* �0.0060 0.0025*** �0.0006
(�1.85) (�1.46) (4.07) (�0.25) With occupation controls and occupation * housework interactions Housework coefficient for FT work in occupation: Manager �0.0016 0.0020 �0.0026** �0.0027**
(�0.66) (0.64) (�2.34) (�1.98) Professional 0.0030 �0.0003 �0.0028** �0.0013
(1.15) (�0.09) (�2.07) (�0.74) Technician 0.0018 �0.0002 �0.0024** �0.0028*
(0.83) (�0.06) (�2.16) (�1.73) Clerical �0.0013 �0.0036 �0.0037*** �0.0017
(�0.76) (�1.31) (�4.66) (�0.91) Craft �0.0034 �0.0028 �0.0012 �0.0017
(�0.77) (�1.16) (�0.55) (�1.32) Personal services �0.0040* �0.0012 �0.0004 0.0003
(�1.86) (�0.32) (�0.39) (0.20) Sales 0.0029 �0.0048 �0.0013 �0.0032
(1.21) (�0.93) (�0.92) (�1.24) Operative 0.0030 �0.0043* �0.0041** �0.0017
(0.89) (�1.80) (�2.25) (�1.29) Unskilled �0.0054* �0.0022 �0.0059*** �0.0004
(�1.77) (�0.68) (�3.93) (�0.19) F-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.109 0.852 0.053 0.915 Housework coefficient for PT work in occupation: Manager �0.0054 0.0196 �0.0012 0.0137*
(�1.23) (1.15) (�0.96) (1.82) Professional �0.0010 �0.0066 0.0044*** 0.0104*
(�0.28) (�0.51) (3.55) (1.96) Technician 0.0018 0.0048 0.0011 �0.0045
(0.67) (0.38) (1.04) (�0.91) Clerical �0.0001 �0.0098 �0.0008 �0.0063
(�0.05) (�0.96) (�1.12) (�1.06) Craft �0.0062 0.0062 �0.0013 �0.0022
(�0.86) (0.55) (�0.56) (�0.35) Personal services �0.0017 �0.0119** �0.0005 �0.0015
(�0.83) (�2.08) (�0.59) (�0.36) Sales �0.0061*** �0.0143 0.0007 �0.0109*
(�3.00) (�1.58) (0.79) (�1.93) Operative �0.0028 �0.0010 �0.0014 0.0025
(�0.45) (�0.08) (�0.89) (0.51) Unskilled �0.0080*** �0.0208** �0.0015 �0.0042
(�3.74) (�2.30) (�1.53) (�1.24) F-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.032 0.351 0.003 0.036 Observations 7180 7081 18851 19013
Notes: (i) Additional controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of
the real gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%;
*** significant at 1%
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(as well as including occupation main effects as above). The lower panel of Table 5
reports the coefficients on the interactions. For clarity the equations were para-
meterized so that the coefficients refer directly to full and part-time workers in the
different occupations (i.e. there is no need to add the part-time interaction). Several
coefficients are individually significant, but tests show that they are not statistically
different across occupations for full-time workers (although the test for married
women only just fails to achieve significance at 5%). Thus like Hersch (2009), we
find that the negative housework effect appears to span occupations with very
different working conditions and job requirements, which is neither consistent
with the effort hypothesis nor with the compensating differential hypothesis. For
instance, married (full-time) women incur a housework penalty in both non-
manual occupations (ranging from clerical work to management) and manual
occupations (operatives and unskilled workers).
Whereas housework seems to have a uniform effect on full-time wages across
occupations, part-time work appears to be more compatible with housework in
some occupations than others. Focussing on women, we reject joint equality across
occupations and we see that for single women there is a strong negative effect of
housework on the wages of part-timers in sales and unskilled jobs, which cover a
third of all single part-time women (Table 3). As seen above single part-timers are
more likely to be in sales than married part-timers, and so our estimates are con-
sistent with the idea that these part-time jobs may involve inconvenient hours that
married workers manage to avoid. For married women working part-time, the only
individually significant coefficient is for professional workers and indicates that
housework raises wages. However, only 6% of married part-time women are pro-
fessionals, and there is no evidence of a housework penalty at all in the other
occupations.
Some workers have flexitime arrangements under which they can adjust their
daily start and finish times provided that they work a set number of hours per week
(or month). Flexible jobs may be more compatible with housework, especially if key
housework activities need to be done at the margins of the working day and may
otherwise interfere with market work. As before, we first see whether the housework
effect can be explained by a compensating differential for flexible work by including
flexitime as a control in the regressions, and then investigate any differential house-
work effect within flexible jobs. We use a measure of flexitime which has been
collected in the BHPS since wave 9 (thus we estimate using the sample from wave 9
only).11 The top panel of Table 6 shows that there is still a negative association
between housework and wages after controlling for flexitime (although the esti-
mates are less significant than previously, and the part-time interaction is not
significant, probably because of the smaller sample size). The flexitime coefficient
is not significant, providing no support for a compensating differential explanation.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 11Omitting the flextime control, but estimating on the reduced sample, also yields the same pattern of
housework coefficients as in the full sample (available from authors on request).
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The lower panel of Table 6 adds interactions of flexitime (and non-flexitime) with
housework to see whether workers suffer less of a housework penalty in flexible jobs
(as above we report coefficients that refer directly to full and part-time workers).
For full-time workers, only the non-flexitime housework coefficient is significant at
5% (for married men and women), but tests show that it is not statistically different
from the housework coefficient in flexible jobs. For part-time workers, only the
non-flexitime housework coefficient for single women approaches significance (at
20%). However, we can reject equality with the housework effect in flexible jobs
(p=0.018), so there is perhaps some tentative evidence that flexibility matters for
single women working part-time. Overall though, we find little evidence that the
need for flexibility in housework can explain its negative effect on wages.
4.3 The role of children
The arrival of children, as well as marriage, contributes to increases in housework,
especially for women. For example, Hersch and Stratton (1997) find that in the
Table 6 The effect of housework on wages: the role of flexible working
Single Single Married Married women men women men (1) (2) (3) (4)
With flexitime control Housework (hours/wk) �0.0013 �0.0005 �0.0015* �0.0020**
(�0.92) (�0.30) (�1.78) (�2.10) Housework * PT �0.0003 �0.0013 0.0010 0.0052
(�0.16) (�0.20) (1.02) (1.32) Flexitime 0.0129 0.0038 0.0170 �0.0006
(0.69) (0.17) (1.44) (�0.05) With flexitime control and flexitime* housework interaction Housework coefficient for FT work in: Flexible job �0.0000 �0.0001 �0.0003 �0.0014
(�0.01) (�0.02) (�0.19) (�0.63) Non-flexible job �0.0017 �0.0006 �0.0017** �0.0021**
(�1.15) (�0.32) (�2.00) (�2.08) t-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.520 0.909 0.344 0.766 Housework coefficient for PT work in: Flexible job 0.0029 0.0016 0.0004 �0.0063
(1.12) (0.13) (0.28) (�0.83) Non-flexible job �0.0029 �0.0018 �0.0006 0.0041
(�1.64) (�0.28) (�0.76) (1.05) t-test of equal coeffs, p-value 0.018 0.743 0.444 0.148 Flexitime �0.0177 0.0004 0.0006 �0.0013
(�0.64) (0.01) (0.03) (�0.08) Observations 3273 3093 8586 8747
Notes: (i) Additional controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of
the real gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%;
*** significant at 1%
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United States the presence of children adds about five hours more of routine
housework for women. More recently Craig and Bittman (2008) analyse time-use
diaries for Australian men and women and find a positive relationship between
housework and the number and ages of children in the household, with women
disproportionably sharing the bulk of unpaid work (both housework and childcare)
following the birth of the first child. Looking at our sample, we find that women
with children devote about 17 hours to housework, six hours more than women
with no children who do about 11 hours per week. Consistent with Bittman and
Craig’s finding, the housework difference between men with and without children
is smaller. Men with children do about five hours of housework per week, about
half an hour of housework more per week than men without children.
Table 7 reports the same specification as in Table 2 but we present separate
estimates for households with and without children. The results show that the
presence of children increases the housework wage penalty, independently of mari-
tal status and part-time status, although the differences only approach statistical
significance for married women (p = 0.054). For full-time workers an extra hour of
housework lowers a full-time married woman’s wage by 0.33% and a full-time
married man’s by 0.21% if there are children present in the household, as opposed
to 0.12% and 0.15% respectively if there are no children present in the home. For
singles working full-time results are qualitatively the same, although the coefficients
are less significant. For those individuals working part-time the same conclusion
follows: the effect of housework is greater if there are children present in the home.
Table 7 The effect of housework on wages: the role of children
Single Single Married Married women men women men (1) (2) (3) (4)
Children in household Housework (hours/wk) �0.0014 �0.0042 �0.0033*** �0.0021***
(�0.52) (�0.39) (�3.61) (�2.58) Housework * PT �0.0015 �0.0240* 0.0025** �0.0036
(�0.49) (�1.88) (2.40) (�1.07) Observations 1278 104 8122 9271 No children in household Housework (hours/wk) �0.0000 �0.0022* �0.0012** �0.0015
(�0.03) (�1.78) (�2.02) (�1.56) Housework * PT �0.0013 �0.0077* 0.0022*** 0.0006
(�0.71) (�1.67) (2.60) (0.16) Observations 5902 6977 10729 9742 t-test of equal coeffs, p-value: Housework 0.603 0.854 0.054 0.634 Housework * PT 0.955 0.230 0.823 0.404
Notes: (i) Additional controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of
the real gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%;
*** significant at 1%
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These results are in line with those found in Keith and Malone (2005), who use
the PSID to show that housework has a negative effect for childbearing-age married
women. In turn, the findings seem to suggest that the housework effect is stronger
when combined with childcare, at least for married women working full time. Two
related articles, Sullivan (1997) and Bittman and Wajcman (2000), document that
women in employment with children are more likely to be engaged in more intense
domestic work, doing several housework activities at a time (such as childcare
accompanied by cooking and cleaning tasks). They also have more interrupted
leisure than men, and childcare and housework tasks such as cleaning, cooking,
and mending clothes are much more likely to interrupt leisure time for this group
of women.
Our results may thus reflect that housework is more tiring if it adds to or is done
simultaneously with an already large burden of childcare. It could also be that there
is a greater effort associated with those housework tasks that are complementary to
childcare (such as cleaning and cooking), especially if it is not followed by uninter-
rupted periods of leisure. Both may result in less effort for other activities such as
paid work. It is also possible that childcare responsibilities, which cannot be post-
poned until more convenient times, may impose timing constraints on when
housework can be done, affecting job availability and wages.
5. Further discussion and robustness checks 5.1 Addressing simultaneity and measurement error issues
While the FE model controls for permanent unobserved heterogeneity, it does not
allow for any correlation between housework and the transitory error, "it. Such a
correlation could arise if housework and wages are determined simultaneously (for
example if individuals whose wages increase substitute own housework for market
services), or if housework is measured with error.12 This endogeneity can in prin-
ciple be dealt with using instrumental variables (IV) methods. Of the few studies
that have applied IV methods, Hersch and Stratton (1997, 2002) conclude that
housework is exogenous and therefore IV estimation is not necessary. Furthermore
it is difficult to find valid instruments (affecting housework but not wages) in
typical survey data (Noonan, 2001). Nevertheless we experiment with fixed effect
IV methods, using a set of spousal and household characteristics (spouse’s labour
market participation, hours of work, occupation and wage, and the total number of
employed household members). The identifying assumption is that changes in the
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 12Hersch and Stratton (1997) suggest that a significant part of the observed variation in housework over
time for men represents measurement error. Assuming that g is negative (and that other variables are measured correctly), measurement error will induce a positive correlation between "it and measured
housework and thus result in a positive bias.
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labour market behaviour of the spouse and other household members affect an
individual’s own housework but are unrelated to any shock to their own wages. The
estimates are necessarily restricted to the married samples.
The results shown in Table 8 are mixed. The instruments only appear valid in the
equation for married men (in particular they fail the Sargan overidentification test
in the married women’s equation). The main housework coefficient in the married
men’s equation is large, negative and statistically significant (�0.019 compared to
�0.0019 in the FE equation). However, a joint Hausman test of FE IV against FE
does not reject exogeneity, implying that the FE specification is valid. Like Hersch
and Stratton (1997, 2002), our overall conclusion is that housework is exogenous
(in the FE specification) and our preferred estimates are therefore from the FE
model.
5.2 Alternative housework measure
A practical issue which could create problems of temporal ordering is that the
housework question may pick up changes which occurred after the wage changed.
Whether this happens will depend on the timing of wage setting (not known from
the data); for example if wages are only adjusted annually, the measured wage may
refer to a level that was set several months before the interview. To examine the
sensitivity of the results to this issue, we re-estimate the basic FE model using the
Table 8 Instrumental variables results (FE model)
Married women Married men (1) (2)
Housework (hours/wk) �0.0094 �0.0190 (�0.73) (�2.76)
Housework * PT 0.0252 �0.0632 (1.01) (�0.87)
Observations 15615 17425 First-stage partial R2
– housework 0.010 0.010 – housework * PT 0.004 0.002 First-stage F-statistic [p-value] – housework 10.13 [0.00] 12.01 [0.00] – housework * PT 3.95 [0.00] 1.66 [0.06] Sargan statistic �2(11) [p-value] 44.6 [0.00] 16.2 [0.13] Exogeneity test (joint) �2(53)=2.1 �2(53)=10.1
Notes: (i) Controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) Instruments are spouse’s hourly wage, 3
dummy variables for spouse’s labour market participation (employee, self-employed) and work hours, 8
dummy variables for spouse’s occupation, and total number of employed household members; (iii) the
dependent variable is the log of the real gross hourly wage; (iv) t-statistics in parentheses; (v) * sig-
nificant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%.
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first lag of housework. If pay setting is at least annual then, by this measure,
housework always changes before the wage is adjusted13.
As is shown in the upper panel of Table 9, we broadly observe a similar pattern of
coefficients to the main results in Table 2. The main exceptions are that the
part-time interaction coefficient is now positive for single women (though
not significant at 5%), and we do not find significant effects of housework on
married men’s wages. One explanation for this difference could be that there is
more measurement error in men’s housework over time, so that lagged housework
is a weaker predictor of the current wage for men than for women. Analysis shows
that men’s housework is less serially correlated than women’s (the serial correlation
coefficient is 0.64 for married women and 0.53 for married men), which could
reflect measurement error; or men may have more discretion in the amount of
housework they do, resulting in greater changes from year to year. Unfortunately
the data do not allow us to distinguish between these (or other) possibilities.
5.3 Controlling for actual experience
As noted above, we are able to construct a measure of actual labour market ex-
perience using the BHPS retrospective data, although about 30% of the sample do
not give full information on their work histories. The lower panel of Table 9
presents the estimates when we control for experience and its square (with a
dummy to indicate missing experience) instead of age. The results are very close
Table 9 The effect of housework on wages: alternative specifications
Single Single Married Married women men women men (1) (2) (3) (4)
Using lagged housework Housework (hours/wk) �0.0023** �0.0014 �0.0030*** �0.0002
(�2.32) (�1.23) (�6.33) (�0.31) Housework * PT 0.0024* �0.0179*** 0.0019*** �0.0004
(1.76) (-4.27) (3.33) (�0.16) Observations 6066 5871 16476 16422 Including experience instead of age Housework (hours/wk) �0.0002 �0.0015 �0.0027*** �0.0019***
(�0.16) (�1.25) (�5.25) (�3.14) Housework * PT �0.0018 �0.0057 0.0024*** �0.0003
(�1.31) (�1.35) (3.88) (�0.14) Observations 7180 7081 18851 19013
Notes: (i) Controls are reported in Table 2 and notes; (ii) the dependent variable is the log of the real
gross hourly wage; (iii) t-statistics in parentheses; (iv) * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; ***
significant at 1%.
.......................................................................................................................................................................... 13We find no effect from second or higher lags of housework.
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to the main estimates that control for age, especially among married men and
women. We might have expected the results for women to differ somewhat given
that age and experience typically diverge due to career breaks or low labour market
attachment. Our results indicate that age may be a good proxy for experience in the
fixed-effects model where differences in the long-term labour market orientation of
individuals are absorbed by the fixed effect.
6. Conclusion This paper has provided the first estimates of the housework-wage relationship in
Britain. Using longitudinal data to control for unobserved heterogeneity, we find a
negative effect of housework on the wages of full-time workers that spans gender
and marital status. In line with studies from other countries the estimated effect is
larger for (married) women than for men, although statistically we cannot reject
equality. Among part-time workers, we find a negative effect of housework on the
wages of single women (and the few men working part-time) of about the same size
as for full-timers, however there is no evidence of a housework penalty among
married women working part-time.
The similarity of the housework penalty across sub-groups which are character-
ized by different types and timing of housework could be an indication that the
amount of housework matters more than the type or timing; and indeed we find no
reduction of the housework penalty in flexible jobs. On the other hand, the house-
work penalty is also fairly uniform across full-time jobs with widely differing effort
requirements, suggesting the housework penalty does not reflect an effort trade-off
either. A possible explanation is that interaction of market and housework timing
does matter but that there is not enough variation in the timing of full-time work
for us to detect the effects. Thus it could be significant that we do detect occupa-
tional differences in the housework-wage relation among single part-timers, with
stronger effects in jobs that may involve inconvenient hours. It is also interesting
that the smallest penalty is among those doing the most housework (married
women working part-time). It is difficult to draw firm conclusions from these
pieces of evidence without direct information on housework and job timing, but
one possibility is that married women working part-time may be able to avoid jobs
with undesirable schedules; possibly because the presence of a second earner in the
household means that they are less constrained in the type of job they can take.
Our findings point to the need for longitudinal data with richer information on
time use in order to further explore the mechanisms behind the housework-wage
relation. Future research should in particular look at the timing of housework
relative to market work. The interaction between housework and part-time jobs
could prove informative here since there is likely to be more variation in the timing
of part-time work than full-time work. Future work should also probe the tentative
finding that children introduce domestic constraints that increase the housework
penalty. Again, direct timing information in a panel context would be invaluable.
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Acknowledgements We would like to thank Dave Maré for providing the code used to construct consistent work-
life history files. For helpful comments we are grateful to the editor and two anonymous referees, as well as seminar participants at the University of Leicester, BHPS conference 2007
(Essex), European Economic Association Congress 2007 (Budapest), European Society for Population Economics Conference 2008 (London), University of Sheffield and Keele
University.
Funding Economic and Social Research Council through the Centre for Time Use
Research to ASS (RES-060-25–0037); Research Centre on Micro-Social Change
to MLB (RES-518–28–5001).
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Appendix
Table A1 Summary statistics
All Women Men Single women
Single men
Married women
Married men
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Log wage 2.072 1.950 2.194 1.902 1.949 1.969 2.285 Housework 8.907 13.079 4.746 8.178 4.442 14.945 4.860 Married 0.726 0.724 0.729 0.000 0.000 1.000 1.000 No. children in hh 0.614 0.598 0.631 0.263 0.019 0.725 0.859 Part-time 0.195 0.356 0.033 0.212 0.051 0.411 0.026 Age 37.420 37.344 37.496 32.930 30.130 39.025 40.239 Experience 19.308 17.685 21.006 14.304 12.967 18.985 24.164 Experience missing 0.271 0.253 0.288 0.248 0.259 0.256 0.299 Degree 0.161 0.151 0.171 0.189 0.179 0.137 0.168 Further education 0.293 0.276 0.309 0.255 0.258 0.284 0.329 A levels 0.133 0.125 0.140 0.153 0.170 0.114 0.129 O levels 0.212 0.241 0.184 0.235 0.211 0.243 0.174 Other qualifications 0.083 0.087 0.079 0.085 0.088 0.088 0.076 London 0.096 0.099 0.093 0.140 0.124 0.084 0.082 South east 0.202 0.206 0.198 0.211 0.195 0.203 0.199 South west 0.089 0.084 0.095 0.071 0.089 0.089 0.097 East Anglia 0.040 0.039 0.041 0.032 0.032 0.042 0.045 West Midlands 0.086 0.084 0.088 0.080 0.085 0.085 0.089 North West 0.106 0.106 0.106 0.097 0.113 0.109 0.103 Yorkshire 0.094 0.094 0.095 0.079 0.082 0.099 0.099 North 0.064 0.062 0.066 0.062 0.070 0.062 0.064 Wales 0.048 0.048 0.049 0.058 0.055 0.044 0.047 Scotland 0.088 0.097 0.079 0.105 0.067 0.093 0.084 Firm size 1–24 0.332 0.373 0.291 0.362 0.319 0.377 0.280 Firm size 25–49 0.133 0.143 0.124 0.138 0.128 0.144 0.122 Firm size 50–99 0.118 0.109 0.128 0.109 0.122 0.110 0.129 Firm size 100–199 0.107 0.098 0.116 0.099 0.110 0.098 0.118 Firm size 200–499 0.135 0.112 0.157 0.116 0.140 0.111 0.163 Firm size 500–999 0.069 0.058 0.080 0.055 0.078 0.059 0.081 Firm size >1000 0.106 0.106 0.105 0.121 0.103 0.101 0.106 Manager 0.145 0.107 0.183 0.113 0.108 0.105 0.211 Profesional 0.104 0.104 0.104 0.104 0.086 0.103 0.110 Technician 0.115 0.125 0.106 0.124 0.112 0.125 0.103 Clerical 0.196 0.293 0.099 0.290 0.144 0.295 0.082 Craft 0.105 0.024 0.185 0.027 0.194 0.023 0.182 Personal 0.104 0.144 0.065 0.150 0.073 0.141 0.062
(Continued)
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Table A1 Continued
All Women Men Single women
Single men
Married women
Married men
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Sales 0.072 0.096 0.048 0.094 0.065 0.096 0.042 Operative 0.093 0.038 0.147 0.041 0.134 0.037 0.151 Unskilled 0.067 0.069 0.065 0.058 0.083 0.074 0.058 Trade Union covered 0.488 0.508 0.468 0.464 0.422 0.524 0.485 Public sector 0.259 0.339 0.179 0.295 0.169 0.356 0.182 Agriculture 0.009 0.005 0.013 0.005 0.017 0.005 0.011 Mining 0.017 0.008 0.026 0.008 0.017 0.008 0.029 Manufacture 0.215 0.122 0.307 0.125 0.266 0.121 0.323 Construction 0.035 0.009 0.061 0.009 0.064 0.009 0.060 Retail & hotels 0.183 0.210 0.155 0.223 0.204 0.205 0.137 Communications 0.064 0.037 0.090 0.042 0.078 0.036 0.095 Finance & property 0.146 0.147 0.146 0.154 0.157 0.144 0.141 Other industries 0.216 0.269 0.164 0.254 0.156 0.274 0.167 Social & health 0.116 0.193 0.039 0.182 0.042 0.197 0.038 Temporary contract 0.025 0.031 0.020 0.043 0.043 0.026 0.011 Fixed-term contract 0.027 0.029 0.025 0.038 0.039 0.026 0.019 Job tenure 4.576 4.218 4.934 3.320 3.715 4.560 5.388 Flexitime 0.145 0.163 0.127 0.156 0.119 0.166 0.129 Observations 52125 26031 26094 7180 7081 18851 19013 Individuals 9125 4592 4533 2033 1982 3427 3281
Notes: Flexitime measure is only available from wave 9 (sample of 11840 obs for men and 11859 obs for
women).
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__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Does housework lower wages? Evidence for Britain.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? Testing Hypotheses Involving Job Effort and Hours Flexibility.pdf
Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? Testing Hypotheses Involving Job Effort and Hours Flexibility
Author(s): Leslie S. Stratton
Source: Social Science Quarterly , MARCH 2001, Vol. 82, No. 1 (MARCH 2001), pp. 67-76
Published by: Wiley
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Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? Testing Hypotheses Involving Job Effort and Hours flexibility*
Leslie S. Stratton, Virginia Commonwealth University
Objectives. The purpose of this paper is to test two hypotheses regarding the ob- served negative relation between housework time and wages for women. Methods. Regression analysis is performed to determine the robustness of the housework- wage relation to controls for effort and job flexibility. The data contain self- reported flexibility measures and unique information on effort that can be normalized to reduce individual-specific heterogeneity in reporting. Results. Reported work effort and flexible working conditions are found to be significant determinants of wages, but not at the expense of housework time. Conclusion. The evidence fails to support a link between housework and wages based on either job effort or hours flexibility, but the finding that only time spent on housework on job days is negatively related to wages suggests that time constraints are a critical factor.
Introduction
It is well known that on average women's wages are substantially lower than mens (see Blau, 1998, for a recent survey). Theoretical explanations for this gender wage differential abound. Many of these explanations rely at least indirectly on the observation that women spend more time on home production than men. Yet, if home production activities can be linked to wages indirectly, it seems reasonable to suppose that they might have a more direct influence as well. Indeed, there exists a growing body of literature indicating that wages are negatively correlated with time spent on house- work, particularly for women. As yet unknown, however, is how time spent on household production influences market wages. The goal of this paper is to use a unique data set to examine two hypotheses predicting an inverse relation between household responsibilities and wages. According to the
* Direct all correspondence to Leslie S. Stratton, Department of Economics, Virginia Commonwealth University, P.O. Box 844000, Richmond, VA 23284-4000. Many thanks to Joni Hersch for providing the data set used in the analysis as well as substantial comments on the text. The firms and workers participating in the survey were guaranteed confidentiality. Interested readers should contact the author for further information. Thanks go also to the 1999 VCU School of Business Faculty Excellence Fund for providing financial support and to Joyce Jacobsen and the editor and referees of Social Science Quarterly for their helpful comments.
SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, Volume 82, Number 1, March 2001 ©2001 by the Southwestern Social Science Association
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68 Social Science Quarterly
first, wages fall because housework reduces productivity in the labor market by using up an individuals limited effort. According to the second, wages fall because of compensating differentials. Women who perform more housework, particularly during job days, accept jobs with more flexible schedules that pay lower wages.
Motivation
Numerous theories have been proposed to explain the gender wage differ- ential. Human capital theorists posit that individuals can invest in market- related human capital and receive a return in the form of higher wages. Op- timal investment is higher for those who anticipate a longer payback period. Since women have historically borne a greater share of household responsi- bilities and engaged in less market work, women on average invest in less market-related human capital and so earn lower wages than men. Statistical discrimination theory suggests that employers, lacking perfect information on productivity, use observable characteristics to predict productivity. Knowing that women on average are likely to have greater household re- sponsibilities than men, employers may be reluctant to hire women for more responsible and hence higher-paying jobs. Alternatively, women may be purposely directed into certain low-wage occupations, as suggested by crowding theory. Notably, many of these occupations use skills that could be acquired within the household sphere: day care provider, teacher, nurse, waitress. Women who are secondary wage earners may also receive lower pay. Potential employers are not required to meet the best alternative offer, only the best local offer if women are geographically constrained by the choice their spouse makes.
Yet most of these theories rely in some way on the assumption that women have greater nonmarket responsibilities. Another line of research has sought to determine whether there is not also some more direct link be- tween wages and household responsibilities. A direct link would suggest that women with the same observable characteristics (education, experience, tenure, occupation) but different household responsibilities earn different wages. Such a finding would indicate that even if market-related gender differences were to disappear, gender wage differentials would persist so long as gender differences in household responsibilities exist.
The literature, both theoretical and empirical, that explores the more di- rect link between wages and housework is broadly based in both sociology (Coverman, 1983; Reskin and Hartmann, 1986; Shelton and Firestone, 1988) and economics (Hersch, 1991a, 1991b; Oi, 1993; Hersch and Strat- ton, 1997). Empirically, a consistent negative effect has been found for women using a variety of different data sets. Coverman (1983) used the 1977 Quality of Employment Survey, Shelton and Firestone (1988) the 1981 Time Use Survey, Hersch (1991b) the data set employed here, Hersch and Stratton (forthcoming) the National Survey of Families and House-
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Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? 69
holds, and Hersch (1991a) and Hersch and Stratton (1997) the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Most of these studies use ordinary least squares to control for standard human capital measures,1 but the results per- sist when controls for more detailed working conditions (Hersch, 1991b), controls for occupation (Shelton and Firestone, 1988), and controls for in- dividual-specific fixed effects (Hersch and Stratton, 1997) are included. Empirical results for men are less consistent with most analyses indicating no relation between housework and wages.
Although Hersch and Stratton (1997) are able to confirm the existence of a housework effect in a fixed-effects specification for married women, hence ruling out the possibility that the relation between housework and wages is a spurious one driven by individual-specific heterogeneity, in general, the mechanism by which housework affects wages is still unknown. A number of different possibilities exist. Perhaps best known is Beckers (1985) theory of the allocation of effort. If effort is in limited supply and is positively cor- related with productivity on the job and hence with wages, then the more effort expended on housework, the less effort will be available on the job and the lower will be wages on the job. If housework time is a proxy for effort, then controlling for effort on the job should eliminate the observed relation between housework and wages.
This theory suggests that women on average expend less effort on the job than do men. Research by Bielby and Bielby (1988), however, indicates that this is not the case. Using the Quality of Employment Surveys (QES), they find that women self- report allocating significantly more effort to their jobs than do men with comparable family situations. This is true despite the fact that there is little variation in reported effort. Although these findings cast some doubt on Beckers effort-based hypothesis, Bielby and Bielby do not extend their analysis to examine wages.
An alternative mechanism for explaining the impact of housework time on wages is that individuals expecting to spend more time on housework, particularly during the workweek, seek out jobs that offer more flexible work arrangements. These more flexible work arrangements are likely, how- ever, to be costly to firms, and wages may be lowered to compensate employers for the additional costs. Hersch (1991b) explored this possibility by including a large number of job attributes traditionally studied in the compensating wage literature, such as the frequency of heavy lifting, of mental stress, of repetitive work, and so on in wage equations along with housework. She found these measures had little impact on the relation be- tween housework and wages for women. Not included in her analysis,
1 Theoretically, wages and time spent on housework could be jointly determined. In this case, ordinary least squares estimates would be biased. However, neither Hersch (1991a) nor Shelton and Firestone (1988) find evidence of bias, and in formal tests Hersch and Stratton (1997, forthcoming) are unable to reject the hypothesis that housework time is exogenous.
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70 Social Science Quarterly
however, were measures of job or hours flexibility that might be more im- portant to individuals bearing substantial household responsibilities.
Data
Information on wages and human capital measures is widely available in national surveys, but information on housework time, effort, and job flexi- bility is not. The most suitable national data set for this purpose is the QES, but the data on effort - a key variable in this analysis - have some serious flaws. As reported by Bielby and Bielby (1988), the effort-related informa- tion in the QES is encoded on a scale of only 1 to 4, and responses are clumped at the upper end with little variation. Perhaps more importantly, different respondents will rate the same effort differently. Without some sort of benchmark from which to make a comparison, heterogeneity is likely to make interpretation of the measure difficult.
The data employed here provide such a benchmark. They are drawn from a small regional wage survey conducted by Hersch in 1986. This sample, henceforth called the Eugene-Springfield Labor Survey (ES LS), consists of employees at 18 mostly manufacturing firms located in Oregon. Participa- tion was voluntary, and workers were paid $5 if they took the approximately 20 minutes necessary to complete the eight-page survey - an offer that ex- ceeded the wage rate of almost all the eligible participants. Although the sample is clearly not a random one, the average characteristics of the re- spondents are quite similar to those obtained from the QES or the PSID.2
The focus of this paper is upon women. An analysis of the men in the ES LS shows, much like the general literature, no significant relation be- tween housework and wages. Of the 217 women who completed an interview, 213 supplied the information necessary for this analysis. Sample means are presented in Table 1. Respondents provided all the usual infor- mation on wages and human capital measures, as well as the more peculiar information on housework time, effort, and job flexibility required here.
Central to this study are the data on housework time. Respondents to the ESLS were asked, "about how much time on average do you spend on home chores - things like cooking, cleaning, repairs, shopping, yard work, and keeping track of money and bills?" Subjects were further asked to distin- guish between days when they went to work and days when they did not. The analysis that follows is robust to the use of these raw daily measures, but only results using the weekly measures that match those employed else- where in the literature are reported. On average these women report spending 23.6 hours per week on housework, a measure comparable to that available from national surveys.
2 See Hersch (1991b) for further details regarding the sample.
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Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages ? 7 1 TABLE 1
Sample Statistics
Variable Mean Std. Dev.
Wage 7.54 2.81 Log wage 1 .96 0.36 Education 12.93 1.59
Experience 14.35 9.51 Tenure 5.49 5.96 White 0.94 0.23 Married 0.57 0.50
Weekly housework hours 23.64 13.10 Weekly housework hours on job days 1 2.65 7.83 Weekly housework hours on nonjob days 1 0.99 7.75 Job effort (1-1 1 scale) 9.30 1 .60 Normalized job effort 4.10 2.96 Housework effort (1-1 1 scale) 7.41 2.28 Normalized housework effort 3.28 2.57
Cannot run an errand during job time 0.85 0.36 Cannot easily refuse overtime 0. 14 0.34 Sample size 213
Source: 1 986 Eugene-Springfield Labor Survey.
The information available on effort is, however, unique. First, job effort is self- reported for a typical hour on the job but rated on an 11 -point scale rather than the 4-point scale in the QES. Mean reported job effort for this sample is 9.3 with a standard deviation of 1.6. Converted to a 4-point scale, the mean is comparable to that reported by Bielby and Bielby (1988) for their measure of effort (3.38 versus 3.37) while the standard deviation is almost 20 percent larger (0.58 versus 0.49). Fourteen percent of the respon- dents reported a job effort level less than 8; 31 percent reported a job effort level of 1 1 . More variation in the effort measure will permit more precise estimation of its impact on wages.3 Second, respondents to the ESLS were asked to rate their effort not only on the job, but also on a typical hour of housework and on a typical hour watching television. The availability of these additional effort ratings allows construction of a normalized job effort measure: reported job effort divided by reported effort watching television. Although certainly not equivalent to an objective effort measure like caloric intensity, this measure improves upon those offered elsewhere in the literature. Not all television watching is identical, but if effort expended watching television during a typical hour is
3 This assumes that the greater variation is not primarily attributable to measurement error. Increased measurement error will have the effect of reducing the apparent significance of effort on wages by biasing its coefficient estimate toward zero, thus understating the effect of effort on wages.
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72 Social Science Quarterly
more nearly equal across the population than effort expended on the job during a typical hour, this measure will at least partially normalize for indi- vidual-specific heterogeneity in effort responses. The resulting job effort measure has a significantly lower mean (4.1) and substantially higher vari- ance (3.0) than the unnormalized measure. Effort per hour of housework can be similarly adjusted. Although these measures of effort are clearly far from perfect, it is unclear how better measures of effort could be obtained. Finally, two measures of job flexibility are used in this analysis. Responses
to the question "Is it possible for you to run a personal errand for half an hour during your work day without telling your employer or supervisor?" are used to construct a dummy variable identifying those who cannot run an errand during the work day. Responses to the question "Could you refuse to work overtime, if asked, without being penalized in any way?" are used to construct a dummy variable identifying those who cannot easily refuse overtime. Though ideally both individual- and firm-reported measures should be used to provide a more accurate picture of job conditions, these job-related measures are self- reported and hence more accurate than those typically used within the compensating wage literature, where national aver- ages are often matched to industry of employment (see Viscusi, 1993, for a discussion of this issue).
Empirical Specification
To examine the mechanism by which housework time and wages are linked, several different wage specifications will be estimated. First to be estimated will be a baseline model:
ln(W¿) = X$ + HW fi + eř-, (1)
where W¿ is the hourly wage of individual /, X/ is a vector of measurable characteristics expected to affect wages, 8 ; is a normally distributed random error term, and HW- is a measure of housework time.
Next will be a model that incorporates a measure of job effort:
In ) = X$ + HW; y + Effort -a + £, . (2) If job effort is an important determinant of wages, and time on housework reduces wages primarily by reducing effort levels on the job, then we expect a > 0 and y = 0. Basically, in specifications that control for housework time but not effort, housework time is serving as a proxy for unobserved job ef- fort. Properly controlling for effort in the wage equation will remove this spurious correlation.
Although the theoretically preferred effort variable to include in the wage equation is job effort, measurement problems may make interpretation of this specification unclear. For this reason wage equations including house- work effort are also presented. If housework time is merely a proxy for housework effort, then the coefficient to housework time will be zero and
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Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages ? 73
the coefficient to housework effort will be negative in an equation that in- cludes both housework time and housework effort but no measure of job effort.
If estimates of y are not substantially different between specifications (1) and (2), then time spent on housework is not simply serving as a proxy for effort on the job. Instead, housework time may be a proxy for compensating wage measures such as the choice of more flexible work arrangements. To test this hypothesis, measures of the flexibility of the respondents' current employment situation (Flex) are added to the model:
ln(W¿ ) = Xfi + HWfi + Effort,« + Flex^ + £, . (3)
If housework has a negative impact on wages solely because individuals with greater household responsibilities trade higher wages for more flexible jobs, then y should be zero in this specification.
Results
Table 2 presents parameter estimates for specifications (1) through (3). Each equation includes an intercept, a linear control for education, quad- ratic controls for experience and tenure, and dummy variables for race and marital status. These coefficient estimates (results available on request) are similar to those found elsewhere in the literature. Analysis including con- trols for part-time employment, for the presence of children of different ages, and for time spent on child care did not significantly improve the fit of the model or change the results discussed below.
The results reported in column 1 of Table 2 provide estimates of the baseline model, equation (1). These results indicate that only time spent on job days has a negative impact on wages. Estimates that do not distinguish between housework completed on job and nonjob days provide a signifi- cantly worse fit and are not reported. As shown, each hour per week spent on housework during job days decreases wages by 0.50 percent, a figure comparable to that reported elsewhere in the literature.4
Columns 2 through 4 contain estimates of equation (2) using different controls for effort. The column labeled (2a) controls for reported job effort, whereas the column labeled (2b) controls for normalized job effort. In each case, increased effort on the job is associated with higher wages, though the effect is significant only when job effort is normalized. As postulated earlier, however, what is of particular interest here is the effect inclusion of an effort variable has on the coefficient to housework. The results indicate that con-
trolling for effort expended on the job does not change the estimated impact of housework on wages.
4Hersch and Stratton (1997), for example, report a coefficient of 0.0055 using a sample of married women from the PSID.
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74 Social Science Quarterly TABLE 2
Log Wage Equations with Effort and Job Flexibility Measures
Variable
Weekly housework hours on job days -0.0050* -0.0052* -0.0051* -0.0054* -0.0051*
(0.0028) (0.0028) (0.0028) (0.0028) (0.0028) Weekly housework
hours on nonjob days 0.0024 0.0023 0.0024 0.0024 0.0034
(0.0029) (0.0029) (0.0029) (0.0029) (0.0028) Job effort 0.0187
(0.0126) Normalized job effort 0.01 35* 0.01 23*
(0.0074) (0.0066) Normalized housework effort 0.01 59*
(0.0086) Cannot run an errand
during job time -0. 1 641 ** (0.0547)
Cannot easily refuse overtime 0.1276**
(0.0565) 0.4062 0.4127 0.4158 0.4162 0.4553
Adjusted ft?
Note: Each equation also includes an intercept, a linear measure of education, quadratics in experience and tenure, and dummy variables for race and marital status.
'Indicates significance at the 5% level using a two-sided test.
Indicates significance at the 10% level using a two-sided test.
Column (2c) reports the results of a specification including a normalized measure of housework effort. Results including a nonnormalized measure are comparable. The rationale behind these specifications is that if it is the effort expended on housework that drives down wages, then controlling for housework effort should reduce the significance of the housework time measure. The coefficient to time spent on housework is, however, un- changed, whereas the coefficient to housework effort is positive and significant. Estimates controlling for both housework and job effort (not reported here) continue to show the same negative relation between wages and housework time. Both effort measures have insignificant positive coeffi- cients in these specifications, most likely due to multicollinearity problems. Women who report more effort expended on the job also tend to report more effort expended on housework. Alternative specifications that include hours of market work in addition to the job effort measure or incorporate a measure of the percentage of effort devoted to the job rather than to house-
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Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages Ì 7 5
work yield the same finding: housework time remains negatively related to wages.
The last column in Table 2 reports the results of equation (3), which in- cludes two measures of job flexibility as well as the normalized job effort measure. As expected, individuals who cannot easily refuse overtime receive higher wages to compensate them for this negative job characteristic. Those who cannot run an errand easily during the day, however, appear to receive lower, not higher, wages, perhaps because this is a fringe benefit that ac- companies higher paying or "good" jobs. Controls for job type would shed further light on this relation but are not available in this data set. More im- portant for the purposes of this paper, including these flexibility measures in the wage equation has little impact on the relation between housework time and wages. Each additional hour per week of housework completed during job days still reduces wages by 0.5 percent.
Conclusion
In summary, housework time has a negative effect on women's wages that does not appear to be due to reduced effort on the job, as hypothesized by Becker (1985), or to the choice of a job with more flexibility of the sort measured here. The first finding supports the analysis of effort reported in Bielby and Bielby (1988). The latter finding is consistent with Hersch (1991b), which reports no evidence that the housework wage relation is explained by other types of compensating wage differentials, and with Hersch and Stratton (1997), which finds that the relation persists after con- trolling for all time-invariant, individual-specific characteristics. What these findings do indicate is that women with otherwise similar education, experi- ence, and job tenure who spend more time on housework receive lower wages in the market.
Some evidence suggests that the timing of housework is an important factor. First, as indicated by these data, the negative effect is driven by time spent on job days, not by time spent on nonjob days. Second, as reported in other studies, the observed relation for men is weaker than the observed relation for women, and men report spending less time on housework than do women. If the relation is purely time dependent, there may be a thresh- old effect, so that only individuals who perform more than, say, two hours of housework a day on job days find that it interferes with their productivity on the job and so their wages. Further information on the timing of home and job-based work is necessary to explore this possibility. An alternative hypothesis, also consistent with these results, is that employers discriminate against women who exhibit a strong commitment to household responsi- bilities, perhaps by limiting their job opportunities. Distinguishing between these hypotheses is a formidable empirical task left for future research.
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76 Social Science Quarterly REFERENCES
Becker, Gary S. 1985. "Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor "Journal of Labor Economics 3:S33-S58.
Bielby, Denise D., and William T. Bielby. 1988. "She Works Hard for the Money: Household Responsibilities and the Allocation of Work Effort." American Journal of Sociology 93:1031-59.
Blau, Francine D. 1998. "Trends in the Well-Being of American Women, 1970-1995." Journal of Economic Literature 36:1 12-65.
Coverman, Shelley. 1983. "Gender, Domestic Labor Time, and Wage Inequality." American Sociological Review 48:623-37.
Hersch, Joni. 1991a. "The Impact of Non-Market Work on Market Wages." American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings 81:1 57-60.
Working Conditions, and Housework." Lndustrial and Labor Relations Review 44:746-59.
Hersch, Joni, and Leslie S. Stratton. 1997. "Housework, Fixed Effects, and Wages of Married Worker s." Journal of Human Resources 32:285-307.
Oi, Walter Y. 1993. "On Working." Economic Inquiry 31:1-28.
Reskin, Barbara F., and Heidi I. Hartmann, eds. 1986. Women's Work , Men's Work. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues and Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press.
Shelton, Beth Anne, and Juanita Firestone. 1988. "An Examination of Household Labor Time as a Factor in Composition and Treatment Effects on the Male-Female Wage Gap." Sociological Focus 2 1 : 26 5-78.
Viscusi, W. Kip. 1993. "The Value of Risks to Life and Health." Journal of Economic Literature 31:191 2-46.
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- Contents
- p. [67]
- p. 68
- p. 69
- p. 70
- p. 71
- p. 72
- p. 73
- p. 74
- p. 75
- p. 76
- Issue Table of Contents
- Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 1 (MARCH 2001) pp. 1-219
- Front Matter
- Letter from the Editor
- Social and Policy Issues Forum
- The Dissolution of Joint Living Arrangements among Single Parents and Children: Does Welfare Make a Difference? [pp. 1-19]
- Welfare and the Dissolution of Child-Parent Living Arrangements [pp. 20-23]
- The Effects of Welfare on Children Living Out-of-Home [pp. 24-29]
- Welfare and Family Dissolution Revisited [pp. 30-33]
- Of General Interest
- Not in My Schoolyard: Localism and Public Opposition to Funding Schools Equally [pp. 34-50]
- A Test of the Racial Contact Hypothesis from a Natural Experiment: Baseball's All-Star Voting as a Case [pp. 51-66]
- Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? Testing Hypotheses Involving Job Effort and Hours Flexibility [pp. 67-76]
- Lack of Confidence in the Federal Government and the Ownership of Firearms [pp. 77-88]
- The Foreign Policy Beliefs of Political Campaign Contributors: A Post-Cold War Analysis [pp. 89-104]
- Competing Interest Groups and Union Members' Voting [pp. 105-116]
- A Double Disadvantage? Minority Group, Immigrant Status, and Underemployment in the United States [pp. 117-130]
- The Internet and Opinion Measurement: Surveying Marginalized Populations [pp. 131-138]
- The Political Economy of City Formation in California: Limits to Tiebout Sorting [pp. 139-153]
- Building Citizenship: How Student Voice in Service-Learning Develops Civic Values [pp. 154-169]
- Election Day Registration's Effect on U.S. Voter Turnout [pp. 170-183]
- Effects of Conservative Sociopolitical Attitudes on Public Support for Drug Rehabilitation Spending [pp. 184-196]
- Research Notes
- Do Term Limits Help Women Get Elected? [pp. 197-201]
- Reexamining the Economic Costs of Marital Disruption for Women [pp. 202-217]
- Back Matter
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Why Does More Housework Lower Women's Wages? Testing Hypotheses Involving Job Effort and Hours Flexibility.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Housework, children, and women’s wages across racial–ethnic groups.pdf
Social Science Research 46 (2014) 72–84
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Social Science Research
j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / s s r e s e a r c h
Housework, children, and women’s wages across racial–ethnic groups
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2014.02.004 0049-089X/� 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
⇑ Fax: +1 516 299 3177. E-mail address: heather.parrott@liu.edu
Heather Macpherson Parrott ⇑ Long Island University, Post, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, 720 Northern Boulevard, Brookville, NY 11548, United States
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Received 17 May 2013 Revised 7 February 2014 Accepted 9 February 2014 Available online 17 February 2014
Keywords: Motherhood penalty Household labor Wages Gender Race/Ethnicity Work effort
Motherhood affects women’s household labor and paid employment, but little previous research has explored the extent to which hours of housework may explain per child wage penalties or differences in such penalties across racial–ethnic groups. In this paper, I use longitudinal Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) data to examine how variations in household labor affect the motherhood penalty for White, Black, and Hispanic women. In doing so, I first assess how children affect hours of household labor across these groups and then explore the extent to which this household labor mediates the relationship between children and wages for these women. I find that household labor explains a por- tion of the motherhood penalty for White women, who experience the most dramatic increases in household labor with additional children. Black and Hispanic women experi- ence slight increases in housework with additional children, but neither children nor housework affects their already low wages.
� 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Women continue to earn less than men despite efforts to equalize pay (OECD, 2012). The gap in earnings is most pro- nounced when parental status is taken into account—mothers encounter lower wages than women without children and are further penalized with each additional child (Budig et al., 2012; Correll et al., 2007; Glauber, 2007). This motherhood wage penalty has been linked to a number of larger gender issues that disproportionately affect mothers as compared to men and childless women, including occupational segregation (Shauman, 2006), employment discrimination (Benard and Correll, 2010; Correll et al., 2007), the cultural devaluation of women’s labor (Cohen and Huffman, 2003; England et al., 2002), and the availability of family-friendly public policies across countries (Budig et al., 2012). Each of the proposed explanations of the motherhood penalty touches on the actual, expected, or perceived impact of household labor on women’s wages, but little research has explicitly examined the relationship between household work and the motherhood penalty.
Neither the motherhood penalty nor time spent in household labor is consistent across racial–ethnic groups. White women pay a higher price for motherhood than Black or Hispanic women (Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007; Waldfogel, 1997), and there are some indications that White women may also complete more hours of household labor than minority women (Artis and Pavalko, 2003; Sayer and Fine, 2011; Silver and Goldscheider, 1994). In this paper, I link these two bodies of research to explore the relationships between children, housework, and women’s wages across
H.M. Parrott / Social Science Research 46 (2014) 72–84 73
racial–ethnic groups, including the extent to which household labor may be implicated in racial–ethnic differences in the motherhood penalty. Specifically, I use longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to address the following research question: How do variations in household labor affect the motherhood penalty for White, Black, and Hispanic women? To answer this question, I first assess how children may differentially affect hours of household labor across these groups. I then explore the extent to which this household labor mediates the relationship between children and wages for these women.
2. Background
The motherhood penalty has been a frequently studied phenomenon both within and beyond the US (ex. Budig et al., 2012; Gangl and Ziefle, 2009; Glauber, 2007; Gupta and Smith, 2002). Women in the US make an average of 7% less per child (Budig and England, 2001), the majority of which remains unexplained through empirical research. Scholars have explored the extent to which motherhood can affect women’s work hours (Bardasi and Gornick, 2008; Webber and Williams, 2008), work experience (Klerman and Leibowitz, 1999; Ludenberg and Rose, 2000), seniority (Budig and England, 2001), and oppor- tunities for employment and advancement via employment discrimination (Blair-Loy, 2005; Correll et al., 2007; Kmec, 2011) – all of which affect wages. Women’s contributions to the home are implicated in all of the above explanations. For example, an increase in household labor after the birth of a child may lead women to decrease their work hours or sacrifice work expe- rience by taking time out of the labor force altogether.
Women’s hours of household labor are inversely correlated with market wages (Hersch and Stratton, 1997; John and Shelton, 1997; McLennan, 2000; Stratton, 2001) and daily household tasks such as cooking and cleaning have the strongest negative effects on wages (Hersch and Stratton, 2000; Kühhirt and Ludwig, 2012; Noonan, 2001). Even if couples split house- work relatively equally before having children, the birth of a child increases the amount of time that mothers spend in housework more so than fathers—widening existing gaps in household labor (Baxter et al., 2008; Bianchi et al., 2000; John and Shelton, 1997; Sanchez and Thomson, 1997) and likely increasing pay disparities as well.
The impact that household labor has on the motherhood penalty via differences in human capital development and occu- pational choices has been accounted for in previous studies; however, housework may affect women’s work lives in addi- tional ways. Notably, household labor may affect women’s workplace productivity, or ‘‘work effort’’ (Keene and Reynolds, 2005; Maani and Cruickshank, 2010). According to Becker (1985), individuals have only a finite amount of time and energy to devote to the combination of paid and unpaid work, such that increases in household labor result in a decrease in the amount of effort that women are able to devote to paid labor. Changes in work effort have been repeatedly posited as a po- tential explanation for the motherhood penalty (Anderson et al., 2003; Budig and England, 2001), yet testing of this theory has been far less common. Bielby and Bielby (1988) discovered that motherhood, specifically motherhood of preschool age children, has a negative impact on women’s reported work effort, yet their study did not examine how differences in work effort affect wages. Anderson et al. (2003) find limited evidence that work effort affects motherhood wage penalties, though they only indirectly examine work effort by controlling for the age of the youngest child, a proxy for amount of household labor. Although Budig and Hodges (2010) address work effort in relation to the motherhood penalty, they do so by assessing time worked (years worked and hours per week), rather than productivity during work time, and do not directly measure household labor at all. In short, household labor may affect wages due to change in work effort, but this explanation has been under examined in previous research.
The story is more complicated, however, in that both the motherhood penalty and hours of household labor vary by race and ethnicity (Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007; Sayer and Fine, 2011; Wight et al., 2013). But there is a paradox. The motherhood penalty is one area where Black and Hispanic women are not economically disadvantaged in comparison to White women. White women face larger penalties than minority women (Anderson et al., 2003; Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007), yet the causes of these racial differences have remained unclear. The paradox suggests that the reasons for women’s continued economic inequality vary across groups of women. Racial–ethnic differences in women’s contribu- tions to the home, and how these contributions affect their work lives, may be part of this puzzle.
White women have generally been found to take on more housework than minority women (Artis and Pavalko, 2003; John and Shelton, 1997; Silver and Goldscheider, 1994), with Black women completing the least amount of household labor of all racial–ethnic groups of women (Sayer and Fine, 2011; Wight et al., 2013). A number of factors may contribute to racial– ethnic differences in household labor, including differences in extended family assistance, differences in partner involve- ment, and pressures to perform household labor. Minority women traditionally receive more practical household assistance from extended family than White women (Cohen, 2002; Sarkisian et al., 2007; Sarkisian and Gerstel, 2004; Uttal, 1999). Although Hispanic women and Black women may use similar supports for negotiating household responsibilities, such as relying on extended family support networks (Cohen, 2002; Roschelle, 1999), there are indications that Black women receive more assistance and more clearly benefit in employment from the help they receive (Cohen, 2002; Coltrane, 2000; Cooke, 2007).
Variation in women’s household labor may also be related to racial–ethnic differences in the division of household labor between partners. Generally, the time women devote to housework increases with marriage, but men do not similarly in- crease their household labor and may even decrease the amount of time they devote to housework (Bianchi et al., 2000; Davis et al., 2007; Hersch and Stratton, 1994). Some research has found that Black (Cooke, 2007; Cooksey and Fondell,
74 H.M. Parrott / Social Science Research 46 (2014) 72–84
1996; Kamo and Cohen, 1998; Penha-Lopes, 2006) and Hispanic men (Coltrane et al., 2004; Cooksey and Fondell, 1996) contribute more to household labor than White men. In contrast, recent research suggests that the division of labor is most unequal among Hispanic couples and that White men do substantially more housework than their minority counterparts (Wight et al., 2013). Contributions of male partners can help alleviate women’s work-family strain, yet it is unclear which women receive from such assistance.
There are additionally racial–ethnic differences in the total amount of household labor completed within the home, with less housework completed in Black homes than in White or Hispanic homes (Cooke, 2007; Sayer and Fine, 2011; Wight et al., 2013). The divide between Black and White homes may reflect racial–ethnic differences in pressures to perform household labor. For example, as Glenn (2000) points out, the social construction of motherhood for middle-class White women has historically included high standards of cleanliness and an emphasis on nurturing children. Such high domestic expectations have been especially unrealistic for minority women who have traditionally had to balance with paid employment. Cur- rently, mothers of all racial–ethnic groups participate in the paid labor force. The increase of White mothers in the workforce corresponded with a significant decrease in the amount of total housework completed by women (Bianchi et al., 2000), a decrease that can be partially attributed to the outsourcing of domestic labor (Browne and Misra, 2003) and often the exploi- tation of minority domestic workers (Glenn, 1992; Glenn, 2000). Persistent racial–ethnic differences in household labor may reflect continuing disparities in the construction of motherhood, whereby White (and perhaps Hispanic) women hold them- selves to higher standards of domestic labor.
Although total hours of housework may affect women’s wages, assessing the impact of household labor on the mother- hood penalty across racial–ethnic groups also calls for an exploration how additional children may affect such labor. Women’s hours of housework increase with additional children (Bianchi et al., 2000), yet we do not yet have an understand- ing of how race/ethnicity may moderate the relationship between children and household labor. Spouses appear to be the main source of household support for White women. However, White husbands typically increase participation in paid labor with additional children more than fathers of other races (Glauber, 2008), which could place increased pressure on White (married) women with regard to housework. In contrast, support from extended family may mitigate the negative effects of additional children on both housework and wages for minority women. Thus, I anticipate that children will affect women’s hours of household labor differently across racial–ethnic groups, with White women experiencing the most notable increases in housework with additional children.
I further predict that hours of household labor will mediate the relationship between children and wages for all women, but will explain a larger portion of the penalty for White women as compared to Black and Hispanic women. If White women do have steeper increases in household labor with children, as hypothesized above, such increases in labor may help to ex- plain why White women have larger per child wage penalties. Household labor may also explain more of the penalty for White women simply because Black and Hispanic women much lower residual penalties (Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007), leaving more to be explained through additional research. Additionally, while research generally suggests that in- creases in household labor negatively affect wages for all women (Hersch and Stratton, 1997; Stratton, 2001), there are some indications that household labor is only correlated with wages for married White women (McLennan, 2000). Increases in household labor with children may therefore have a stronger impact on wages for White women, especially married White women.
3. Data, variables, and analytic strategy
3.1. Data
I use PSID main family data from 1985 to 2011 to examine the relationships between household labor, children, and wages across groups of women. From 1968 to 1997, PSID data were collected yearly on the same sample of individuals and families. Several changes to data collection took place in 1997 due to funding issues and efforts to keep the sample nationally representative. These included a change to a semi-annual rather than an annual data collection, reducing the ori- ginal core sample from 8500 to 6168 families, and adding a sample of post-1968 immigrant families and their adult children. The PSID contains an oversampling of Black, Hispanic, and low-income families—making the dataset ideal for examining ra- cial–ethnic differences in household labor and the effects of such labor on wages. I chose 1985 as the starting year because the PSID did not start asking the race of the wife until 1985. Since women’s racial–ethnic group is a key consideration in this study, I chose to start the dataset at this point. Ultimately, the sample in this study contains 20 years of family data (yearly data from 1985 to 1997, plus bi-yearly data from 1999 to 2011). Person-years is the unit of analysis; thus, the sample sizes are reported in two ways: the total years of data among all of the participants (person-years) and the total number of women in the study.
Using the main family data for these analyses required a transformation of the data from following families to following women over time. My interest in this study is with women, more so than with families, and it is important that I follow the same woman across data years in order to properly assess women’s wage growth over time. To increase the reliability and validity of the data and its structure, I conducted three main checks. First, I used family composition variables in the main family data to make sure I had accounted for all changes in the family over time. Second, I tracked the woman’s age over time, making sure that it advanced logically. I considered the woman to be new to the family if her age decreased
H.M. Parrott / Social Science Research 46 (2014) 72–84 75
between years or increased more than two years, and then advanced sequentially thereafter. Third, I matched the individual data files to the family data to check for consistency in date of birth for those women who were included in the individual data collection. In cases where differences seemed due to interviewer or reporting error—for example, if the year of birth was consistent over time except for one data collection when it was reported as one year higher or lower—I assumed that the woman was in fact the same. I had a total of 22,954 women and 138,428 person-years after making these changes and reshaping the data to include a line of data for each woman for each year. From this point, I used theoretical and method- ological criteria for inclusion in the study.
I first eliminated any years in which the woman was not working for pay and years in which the woman’s average hourly earnings were missing. I was unable to include women in the sample who did not work or report wages, since women’s hourly wages are one of the main dependent variables of interest. It is possible that these women left the work force because of they face more severe wage penalties; thus, mothers with the most severe employment or work-family balance issues unfortunately may not be included in the sample, potentially biasing my results. Nevertheless, I am able to capture a sub- stantial sample of women who have had either consistent or sporadic labor force involvement.
Additionally, I restricted the sample to women between the ages of 18 and 55 in 1985 to 2011. The sample only includes women who are White, Black, or Hispanic due to the relatively small sample sizes of other racial groups. With these restric- tions and utilizing listwise deletion1, the final sample for this set of analyses consists of 14,755 women and 74,228 person- years with an average of 5.01 years of employment data for each woman.
3.2. Variables
I am interested in the effects of children on hours of household labor and household labor on the motherhood wage pen- alty; thus, hours of household labor is both a dependent and independent variable in these analyses. Hours of household labor, first a dependent variable, is the reported average number of hours that the woman spends ‘‘cooking, cleaning, and doing other work around the house’’ each week. When assessing the mediating effects of household labor on the relationship between additional children and women’s hourly wages, the dependent variable is the natural log of the woman’s hourly wages at her current job.
Number of children and hours of housework are the main independent variable of interest. Number of children is mea- sured two ways: continuously according to how many children under the age of 18 are in the household in the given year and as a set of dummy variables. By measuring number of children continuously, I am able to run mediation tests in this portion of the analysis to assess the impact of household labor on the motherhood penalty across models. I also assess chil- dren as a set of dummy variables because previous research has revealed a non-linear relationship between children and wages (Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007; Waldfogel, 1997), as well as between children and hours of household labor (Killewald and Gough, 2010).
I examine changes in these variables across racial–ethnic groups. The race/ethnicity variables are dummy coded accord- ing to the mother’s primary racial–ethnic identification. Women were coded as ‘‘Hispanic’’ if they either noted their race as Hispanic (as was an option in 1994–1999) and/or considered themselves to be of Hispanic origin (a separate question for ethnicity that was included in all data years). Despite the variation in questions about Hispanic origin, coding Hispanic in this way resulted in consistent racial–ethnic categorization across years in the PSID.
I control for marital status, an important addition considering systematic differences in marital status across racial–ethnic groups. I include marital status as a series of dummy variables—never married, married, and divorced—with married as the reference category. The divorced category includes all women who are divorced, separated, and widowed.
There are a number of work-related control variables used in the analyses. For human capital variables, I include seniority (number of years at current job), number of years the woman worked full-time during the observation period, number of years woman worked part-time in the observation period, years of education, and whether the woman is currently enrolled in school. I constructed the variable for years of education differently for given years, given limitations of the survey data. The data from 1994 to 2011 each contain a variable for the number of years of education. For 1985 to 1993, I constructed the variable using years completed of high school, years completed of college, and my approximation of years that it takes to complete professional degrees. I added two years of education for those completing master’s degrees, three for law de- grees, five for doctorate degrees, and four for medical school. The means and standard deviations for the years in which I calculated the years of education are similar to years in which I use PSID constructed variables.
The analyses also contain a set of variables for job characteristics that have been shown to affect wages. I include whether the woman worked full-time (35 + hours per week) and a set of dummy variables for occupational type. I control for occu- pation using the six main occupational categories from the 2000 US Census: professional; service; sales and office; farming,
1 As noted above, cases in which the woman’s hourly wage was missing were removed from the dataset. A total of 10 other variables used in these analyses contained missing values, including the 6 variables that rely upon occupational data. I explored using multiple imputation to address the problem of missing data and retain as many cases as possible, rather than using listwise deletion. More specifically, I used Royston’s ice command with Stata to create 5 complete datasets (Carlin et al., 2008). In each dataset, missing values are replaced with reasonable values based on other, observed values in the data. Analyses are then run on each of the datasets, and the results are combined into one common set of results with adjusted standard errors. When comparing the two methods of dealing with missing values – listwise deletion and multiple imputation – I found that the results were nearly identical and that listwise deletion ultimately only eliminated 2787 person-years of data (3.6% of the final sample). Thus, for the sake of simplicity, I use listwise regression throughout this paper.
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fishing, and forestry; construction and maintenance; and production and transportation. Professional occupations is the ref- erence category.
Finally, I controlled for who responded to the PSID survey, since this may have a significant impact on the reported hours of household labor. The respondent was either the head of household or wife in all but the 0.4% of the observations where another family member was surveyed. I coded the variable ‘‘female respondent’’ as 1 if the respondent was the wife or female head of household. See Table 1 for the means of all variables used in these analyses.
3.3. Analytic strategy
I arranged the data into a pooled, cross-section time series. I ran the Hausman (1978) specification test on all models and determined that fixed-effects regression was more appropriate for these analyses than random-effects regression. There are two main limitations of fixed-effect methods. First, the standard fixed-effects models do not produce estimates for variables that are consistent over time. Second, in some cases the standard errors will be higher and p-values consequently larger than in random-effects models because fixed-effects models do not account for between individual differences (Allison, 2005). Fixed-effects can be used to explore categorical differences between people for characteristics that remain constant over time, such as race, by using one of two strategies: interacting variables that do not change over time with a variable that
Table 1 Descriptions of measurement and means of select variables, PSID data 1985–2011.
Variables Description White Women
Black Women
Hispanic Women
Hourly Wages (2011 dollars)
Women’s Hourly Wages (2011 dollars) 18.99 15.45* 15.28*
Natural Log of Hourly Wages
Natural log of women’s hourly wages for each year 2.30 2.13* 2.09*
Number of Children Number of children under 18 years old in the household 1.05 1.41* 1.48*
No Children Dummy variable = 1 if no children under 18 years old are in the household 0.42 0.28* 0.28*
1 Child Dummy variable = 1 if one child under 18 years old is in the household 0.23 0.28* 0.25*
2 Children Dummy variable = 1 if two children under 18 years old are in the household 0.24 0.26* 0.27*
3 Children Dummy variable = 1 if three children under 18 years old are in the household 0.08 0.12* 0.14*
4+ Children Dummy variable = 1 if four or more children under 18 years old are in the household 0.02 0.06* 0.07*
Hours of Housework Reported weekly hours spent ‘‘cooking, cleaning, and doing other work around the house’’
16.41 14.56* 19.65*
Human Capital Variables Years at Current Job Years at current job 5.08 5.75* 4.24*
Years Worked Full- Time
Years worked full-time in paid labor force during observation period 3.54 3.73* 2.39*
Years Worked Part- Time
Years worked part-time in paid labor force during observation period 1.85 1.13* 0.89*
Years of Education Number of years of education 13.50 12.66* 11.59*
Enrolled in School Dummy variable = 1 if woman is enrolled in an educational program 0.03 0.04* 0.04
Job Characteristics Weekly Work Hours Hours worked per week 36.54 38.01* 37.26*
Occupational Category Professional Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a professional or managerial occupation
based on Census Code 0.40 0.21* 0.22*
Service Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a service occupation based on her Census Occupational Code
0.17 0.30* 0.23*
Sales and Office Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a service or office occupation based on her Census Occupational Code
0.34 0.32* 0.33*
Farming, Fishing, and Forestry
Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a farming, fishing, or forestry occupation based on her Census Occupational Code
0.00 0.00 0.03*
Construction and Maintenance
Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a construction, extraction, or maintenance occupation based on Census Occupational Code
0.02 0.02 0.03
Production and Transportation
Dummy variable = 1 if woman works in a production, transportation, or material moving occupation based on Census Code
0.06 0.14* 0.16*
Marital Status Married Dummy variable = 1 if woman is married (reference category) 0.77 0.47* 0.72*
Never-Married Dummy variable = 1 if woman has never been married 0.10 0.29* 0.11*
Divorced Dummy variable = 1 if woman is widowed, divorced, or separated 0.13 0.25* 0.17*
Age Age of woman 36.78 36.15* 36.38*
Female Respondent Dummy variable = 1 if survey respondent was the sample female 0.58 0.82* 0.64*
N Person-Years 43,631 24,598 5999 N Women 7867 4991 1897
* Indicates a significant difference in means between given group of women (Black or Hispanic) and White women (p < 0.001, two-tailed tests).
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does vary over time within individuals, or using separate models for the different sub-groups. While this partially resolves the first limitation, it does not address the second. Despite these constraints, fixed-effects is the best method for these anal- yses because of its ability to control for unmeasured or even immeasurable stable differences between individuals (Allison, 2005; Halaby, 2004).
The analyses in this paper are divided into two parts. I first use fixed-effects models to examine the degree to which race moderates the relationship between children and household labor (Table 2 and Table 3). I then assess the potential mediating effects of hours of household labor in the relationship between children and women’s hourly wages across racial–ethnic groups from fixed-effects models (Tables 4 and 5). Standard errors for Tables 2–5 are available upon request. I also conduct multi-level mediation tests using Stata’s ml_mediation command, adapted from Krull and MacKinnon (2001), to assess whether hours of housework independently affects the relationship between number of children and women’s hourly wages. The ml_mediation command calculates the indirect effect of household labor by multiplying the coefficients for paths a and b (see Fig. 1), and the proportion mediated is this indirect effect divided by the total effect (i.e. the sum of the direct and indirect effects). To run such tests through Stata, the sample was necessarily divided into subsets. I then ran mediation tests using full fixed-effects models for each racial–ethnic group (White, Black, and Hispanic), as well as each marital status within these racial–ethnic groups. I present all significant results with bootstrapped standard errors in Table 6.
4. Results and discussion
4.1. Race/ethnicity, children, and household labor
The descriptive statistics and t-tests in Table 1 present evidence that there are racial–ethnic differences in both wages and hours of household labor. Hourly wages are significantly higher for employed White women ($18.99/h) than for employed Black ($15.45/h) or Hispanic women ($15.28/h). White women complete more household labor on average (16.41 h) than Black women (14.56 h), but fewer hours than Hispanic women (19.65 h) – a finding consistent with recent research by Wight et al. (2013). Racial–ethnic differences in the outsourcing of household labor could help elucidate why White women com- plete fewer hours of housework than Hispanic women, yet such differences do little to explain Black–White disparities in housework. (See Fig. 2).
The fixed effects models in Tables 2 and 3 expand on the descriptive housework data to assess the effects of number of children on household labor across racial–ethnic groups. Table 2 demonstrates that there are in fact significant differences in
Table 2 Fixed effects regression models of women’s hours of household labor on number of children, PSID data 1985– 2011.
Number of Children (vs. White) 2.166***
Children � Black �1.276*** Children � Hispanic �0.596**
Human Capital Variables Years at Current Job �0.106*** Years Worked Full-Time 0.671***
Years Worked Part-Time 0.411***
Years of Education �0.161 Enrolled in School �0.619**
Job Characteristics Weekly Work Hours �0.087***
Occupation (vs. Professional) Service 1.209***
Sales and Office 0.116 Fishing, Farming, Forestry �0.375 Construction and Maintenance 0.076 Production and Transportation 0.477*
Marital Status (vs. Married) Never-Married �1.215** Divorced �1.343***
Female Respondent �0.329*
Number of Person-Years 74,228 Number of Women 14,755
Notes: All models also include controls for age, age2, and dummy variables for survey years. The category of divorced women includes women who are divorced, separated, or widowed. Results are weighted. * p < 0.05, two-tailed tests. ** p < 0.01, two-tailed tests. *** p < 0.001, two-tailed tests.
Table 3 Fixed effects regression models of women’s hours of household labor on number of children by racial–ethnic group, PSID data 1985–2011.
Model 1 Model 2
White Black Hispanic White Black Hispanic
Number of Children (continuous) 2.087*** 0.859*** 1.473***
Number of Children (vs. No Children) 1 Child 2.794*** 1.396*** 1.891**
2 Children 4.692*** 2.041*** 3.498***
3 Children 6.372*** 3.166*** 5.471***
4+ Children 7.871*** 3.385*** 5.953***
Human Capital Variables Years at Current Job �0.119*** �0.080*** �0.146** �0.118*** �0.080*** �0.150** Years Worked Full-Time 0.763*** 0.466*** 1.048** 0.758*** 0.466*** 1.043**
Years Worked Part-Time 0.430*** 0.354** 0.956* 0.422*** 0.349** 0.937*
Years of Education 0.000 0.029 �0.610 �0.176 0.025 �0.614 Enrolled in School �0.857** �0.286 �0.695 �0.847** �0.280 �0.635
Job Characteristics Weekly Work Hours 0.113*** 0.036*** 0.064*** �0.112*** �0.036*** �0.063***
Occupation (vs. Professional) Service 1.839*** 0.337 �0.372 1.834*** 0.330 �0.307 Sales and Office 0.259 �0.362 �0.131 0.241 �0.375 �0.101 Fishing, Farming, Forestry �1.178 0.314 �0.515 �1.220 0.238 �0.470 Construction and Maintenance 0.136 �0.471 0.743 0.124 �0.484 0.683 Production and Transportation 0.670 �0.191 0.406 0.645* �0.186 0.456
Marital Status (vs. Married) Never-Married �1.608** �1.221 �1.693 �1.482** �1.217 �1.217 Divorced �0.237 �2.377*** �1.102 �0.212 �2.359*** �2.359
Female Respondent �0.636*** 0.266 0.412 �0.637*** 0.255 0.255
Number of Person-Years 43,631 24,598 5999 43,631 24,598 5999 Number of Women 7867 4991 1897 7867 4991 1897
Notes: All models also include controls for age, age2, and dummy variables for survey years. The category of divorced women includes women who are divorced, separated, or widowed. Results are weighted. * p < 0.05, two-tailed tests. ** p < 0.01, two-tailed tests. *** p < 0 .001, two-tailed tests.
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the effects of household labor by racial–ethnic group. White women experience a significantly greater increase in household labor with children as compared to both Black and Hispanic women. The models in Table 3 reveal that though the effect of children on household labor may be larger for employed White women, all three racial–ethnic groups experience significant per child increases in household labor. For a given employed White women, having an additional child increases her hours of household labor by an average of approximately 2 h per week. Each additional child amounts to an increase in only 0.654 h of housework for an employed Black woman and 0.822 additional hours for an employed Hispanic woman. These findings are highlighted in Fig. 1, where I use these fixed-effects models to graph the predicted hours of housework by racial–ethnic group and number of children. The figure displays the relatively dramatic increase in hours of housework with each addi- tional child for employed White women, while Black and Hispanic women experience comparitively small per child in- creases in household labor. Employed Hispanic women complete more household labor on average than employed Black and White women; however, as predicted, White women experience a more dramatic increase in household labor with addi- tional children. I tested the interactions between race and marital status for these models (in analysis not shown), but there were no notable differences within racial–ethnic groups by marital status. Employed women within each racial–ethnic group experience comparable per child increases in household labor regardless of marital status.
There are several possible explanations for these findings. The types of practical support that minority women receive, such as from extended family, may remain fairly stable or even increase with the addition of more children. Meanwhile, the support that White women receive, primarily from spouses, is likely to diminish with additional children as husbands invest more in paid labor (Glauber, 2008). Yet White women of all marital statuses experience similar steep per child in- creases in household labor, suggesting that other factors may be (additionally) at play. For example, White women as a whole may in fact hold themselves to higher (perhaps unattainable) standards of household labor due to the construction of White middle class motherhood. Such standards may necessitate more labor as the number of children increases, espe- cially if men’s contributions to household labor decrease.
4.2. Race/ethnicity, household labor, and the motherhood penalty
Tables 4–6 examine the effects of household labor on the motherhood penalty and differences in this relationship across racial–ethnic groups. Table 4 is a summary table, presenting only the coefficients for children (both as a continuous variable
Table 4 Summary of the effects of children on women’s hourly wages (ln) by racial–ethnic group from fixed-effects regression models, PSID data 1985–2011.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6
Number of Children (continuous) �0.036*** �0.032*** White �0.050*** �0.044*** Black �0.008 �0.006 Hispanic �0.009 �0.006
Number of Children (vs. No Children) White
1 Child �0.041*** �0.033*** 2 Children �0.110*** �0.096*** 3 Children �0.134*** �0.116*** 4 + Children �0.228*** �0.206***
Black 1 Child 0.030 0.033 2 Children 0.011 0.015 3 Children �0.029 �0.022 4 + Children �0.018 �0.010
Hispanic 1 Child �0.005 �0.005 2 Children �0.013 �0.050 3 Children �0.012 0.001 4+ Children �0.092 �0.078
Hours of Housework �0.002*** �0.002*** �0.002***
Number of Person-Years 74,228 74,228 74,228 74,228 74,228 74,228 Number of Women 14,755 14,755 14,755 14,755 14,755 14,755
Notes: All models also include controls for human capital variables, job characteristics, marital status, age, age2, and dummy variables for survey years. Results are weighted. * p < 0.05, two-tailed tests. ** p < 0.01, two-tailed tests. *** p < 0.001, two-tailed tests.
Table 5 Fixed effects models of women’s hourly wages (ln) on number of children and marital status by race/ethnicity, PSID data 1985–2011.
White Women Black Women Hispanic Women
Number of Children �0.047*** �0.005 �0.004 Children � Never Married 0.070*** �0.017 0.042 Children � Divorced 0.014 0.009 �0.025
Hours of Housework �0.003*** �0.001 0.012 Human Capital Variables
Years at Current Job 0.012*** 0.009*** 0.007**
Years Worked Full-Time 0.049*** 0.018 0.058***
Years Worked Part-Time 0.041*** 0.021** 0.067***
Years of Education 0.004 0.011 �0.006 Enrolled in School �0.125*** �0.076*** �0.049
Job Characteristics Weekly Hours Worked 0.006*** 0.010*** 0.012***
Occupation (vs. Professional) Service �0.213*** �0.101*** �0.067 Sales and Office �0.062*** �0.037** �0.029 Fishing, Farming, Forestry �0.304*** �0.012 �0.095 Construction and Maintenance �0.008 �0.046 �0.001 Production and Transportation �0.034 0.015 �0.003
Marital Status (vs. Married) Never Married �0.070* �0.037 �0.054 Divorced 0.024 �0.028 0.224*
Female Respondent �0.037 �0.049 �0.041
Number of Person-Years 43,631 24,598 5999 Number of Women 7867 4991 1897
Notes: All models also include controls for age, age2, and dummy variables for survey years. The category of divorced women includes women who are divorced, separated, or widowed. Results are weighted. * p < 0.05, two-tailed tests. ** p < 0.01, two-tailed tests. *** p < 0.001, two-tailed tests.
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Fig. 1. Mediation model.
Table 6 Summary of significant mediation tests assessing mediating effect of women’s hours of housework in the relationship between children and hourly wages across groups of women, PSID Data 1985–2011.
Group Indirect Effect Proportion of Total Mediated
Coefficient SE
All Women �0.004*** 0.000 0.11
White Women (total) �0.008*** 0.001 0.12 White Married Women �0.007*** 0.001 0.13 White Divorced Women �0.003*** 0.002 0.12
Note: Mediation tested using full fixed-effects models, SE calculated through bootstrapping. * p < 0.05, two-tailed tests. **p < 0.01, two-tailed tests. *** p < 0.001, two-tailed tests.
Fig. 2. Predicted hours of housework by race–ethnicity and number of children from fixed regression models. Note: All models include controls for human capital variables, job characteristics, marital status, whether the respondent was female, age, age2, and dummy variables for survey years. Models were run separately by racial–ethnic group when calculating predicted hours of household labor. Results are weighted.
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and set of dummy variables) from full fixed-effects models. Model 1 of Table 4 reveals a 3.6% motherhood penalty before hours of housework is included in the model. The inclusion of hours of housework (model 2) only decreases this percent to 3.2. Employed women as a whole experience a 3.2% decrease in hourly wages per child. However, these findings are not consistent across racial–ethnic groups.
According to Table 4, employed Black and Hispanic women do not experience a significant motherhood penalty whether household labor is included in the model (model 4) or not (model 3). This trend remains even when number of children is assessed as a set of dummy variables interacted with racial–ethnic group. As summarized in models 5 and 6 of Table 4, Black and Hispanic women do not experience any motherhood wage penalty regardless of the number of children they have. In fact (in analysis not shown), these groups surprisingly don’t even experience penalties when human capital and job variables are removed from the models.
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White women are the only racial–ethnic group to experience a residual motherhood penalty. As shown in model 3 of Ta- ble 4, employed White women experience a 5.0% wage penalty with each child before hours of housework is included in the model. White women’s penalty decreases to 4.4% when hours of housework is added to the full model (model 4). Thus, while children increase household labor for all women, White women are the only group who experiences measurable negative effects of increases in household labor on their wages.
In Table 5, I explore the effects of housework on wages within racial–ethnic groups to untangle the effects of race and marital status on motherhood wage penalties. Simply controlling for marital status is complicated in fixed-effects models, since the majority of women in this sample (92.4%) do not change marital status during the observation period. Therefore, I necessarily explore the effects of marital status within racial–ethnic categories using interaction effects (as in Table 5) or separate models (as in Table 6).
For White women, I found significant differences in motherhood penalties across marital statuses. Only married and di- vorced White women face per child wage penalties, 4.7% and 3.3% respectively. Single White women do not experience a motherhood penalty in wages at all. This was true even when I included children as a set of dummy variables interacted with variables for marital status (in analysis not shown) – married and divorced women with children experience a wage penalty where single women did not.
In contrast, motherhood penalties, or lack thereof, are not significantly different across marital statuses for Black and His- panic women. No group of Black or Hispanic women experiences a wage penalty with children, even when number of chil- dren is assessed as a series of dummy variables (in analysis not shown). These findings runs counter to previous motherhood penalty research that has uncovered persistent motherhood penalties for at least some groups of Black women (Budig and England, 2001; Glauber, 2007). Notably, Glauber (2007) discovered motherhood wage penalties for married Black women with more than two children, a group which does not experience motherhood penalties here. This difference may have something to do with the data (PSID vs. NLSY) and resultant samples used. Although the average person-years per woman is smaller in this study, I examine a much larger number of women across racial–ethnic groups. For example, Glabuer’s (2007) sample of 1471 Black women can be compared with 4991 Black women here. Additionally, these data also include a much larger sampling of married Black women – 47% of Black women here as compared to 33% in Glauber’s study.
Another noteworthy finding from Table 5 is that there are also racial–ethnic differences in the direct effect of housework on wages, a separate matter from per child wage penalties. White women experience a significant 0.3% decrease in wages per hour of weekly housework, while household labor has no significant direct impact on wages for Black and Hispanic women. This finding that housework only significantly negatively affects wages for White women corresponds with previous re- search by McLennan (2000).
I conducted mediation tests to assess the extent to which household labor mediates the relationship between number of children and women’s hourly wages for each group of women.2 Hours of housework significantly mediates motherhood wage penalties for all women, and for a number of (White) subgroups – White women as a whole, married White women, and di- vorced White women. I present all significant results in Table 6. A total of 11% of the motherhood penalty for all women and 12% of the penalty for White women is mediated by hours of housework. Housework mediates a proportion of the penalty for married White women (13%) and White divorced women (12%), but not White single women. As noted above, I did not find significant differences in per child increases in household labor by marital status. Thus, while household labor does not increase more dramatically with additional children for White married women and White divorced women as compared to White never- married women, these groups are more affected by per child increases in household labor than never-married White women.
Differences in the effects of household labor across White women likely has to do with married and divorced White wo- men completing more household labor than never married women to begin with. There are indications that women increase their household labor when they get married (Bianchi et al., 2000) but do not necessarily decrease their labor significantly upon divorce or separation (Baxter et al., 2008), which may affect the baseline for White women who have children after marriage regardless of whether their marriage remains intact. Upon further investigation, married White women complete an average of 17.80 h of housework, while White divorced women complete an average 13.73 h and the disproportionately childless sample of never married White women complete an average of 8.86 h of housework per week. Even when just com- paring White women who are mothers during the observation period, there are significant differences in housework across groups – married women (18.54 h) and divorced women (14.74) complete more weekly hours of housework than never- married women (12.75). Increases in household labor with children on top of already large contributions to household labor may cause strains on women’s work lives, since total hours of household labor have deleterious effects on women’s wages (Kühhirt and Ludwig, 2012; McLennan, 2000).
5. Conclusion
Ultimately, this work contributes to a greater understanding of inequality among women, the connection between house- hold labor and women’s wages, and how the motherhood penalty differs by racial–ethnic group. Although mitigating the amount of housework that women complete may not entirely alleviate the motherhood penalty for White women, this
2 Hayes (2009) recommends still running mediation tests even if the direct effect is not significant. With this in mind, I ran mediation tests on all subgroups regardless of whether the direct effect (motherhood penalty) was significant.
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domestic labor does play a role in the penalty. The more rapid increase in household labor that White women experience with additional children has an impact on their wages that is not explained by human capital variables (work experience, education, tenure) or occupational choices.
Time spent doing housework does not affect wages or wage penalties for Black or Hispanic women. Black women spend fewer hours in housework and less dramatic increases in housework with children, perhaps reflecting higher levels of assis- tance from others in performing household tasks. This pattern of racial differences has been supported in other research (e.g., Cooksey and Fondell, 1996). These contributions may be a mechanism by which both Black and Hispanic women balance work and family in ways that limit some of the long-term negative effects of children on wages.
The negative correlation between housework and wages could be construed as support for Becker’s (1985) work effort hypothesis. Increases in household labor may be met with decreases in work productivity, which in turn affects women’s wages. This interpretation should be approached with caution for two reasons. First, Stratton (2001) found that controlling for self reported work effort did little to explain the connection between household labor and women’s wages. Since the PSID data does not include a measure for work effort, I am unable to directly asses the connections between household labor, work effort, children, and wages in this study. Second, previous research has not uncovered systematic racial differences in work effort (Anderson et al., 2003). We would therefore expect to at least see that hours of household labor affect wages somewhat equivalently across racial–ethnic groups if the relationship between housework and motherhood penalties was in fact driven by changes in work effort. This is not the case.
As an alternative explanation, increases in children and household labor may affect wages via employer discrimination. Specifically, employers may expect that mothers will be less devoted to their jobs as their family and family demands expand (Correll et al., 2007). Such expectations could result in stagnant wages even without any decrease in work effort. This form of discrimination may vary by race. For example, employers often stereotype Black women as single-mothers, resulting in the perception that they are more reliable at work because they need to support their families (Kennelly, 1999). Mothering and paid labor are not seen as at odds with one another for minority women, as the often are for White mothers (Duncan et al., 2003). There are also lingering perceptions, despite evidence to the contrary, that middle-class women are more likely than working-class women to leave the labor force after the birth of a child (Damaske, 2011). This may leave White middle-class women more susceptible than other groups to expectations that their dedication to the labor force will decrease as family demands increase.
While women experience disadvantages in the labor force in comparison to men, the main sources of their disadvantage vary across racial–ethnic groups. Motherhood and household labor are key factors economically affecting White women. However, for minority women these factors are likely overshadowed by a host additional issues that have an impact on their wages, including racial–ethnic discrimination (Huffman and Cohen, 2004; Kennelly, 1999; Roscigno, 2007). The lack of wage penalties among Hispanic and Black women certainly do not signal greater economic well-being for these groups. Rather the overall wages are lower for minority women than White women (as seen in Table 1), leaving more variation to be explained for White women. Minority women tend to be concentrated in low-paying, unskilled jobs that have little wage variation to begin with (Anderson and Shapiro, 1996; Maume, 1999). Black women and immigrant Latina women also both experience difficulty in turning their human capital investments, such as education, into more tangible economic benefits, such as pro- motions or wage increases (Hall and Farkas, 2008; McGuire and Reskin, 1993). Therefore, the fact that these groups do not experience persistent motherhood penalties, in combination with their low average wages, may indicate that they have been confined to a wage floor.
In exploring the relationships between children, household labor, and wages, across employed White, Black, and Hispanic women, I have addressed a number of holes in the literature. First, I examined racial–ethnic differences in the effects of addi- tional children on women’s housework. Although previous research has explored racial–ethnic differences in total household labor and division of household labor, scholars had not explored differences in how children impact household labor across groups. I found that while Hispanic women complete more household labor per week on average, White women experience the steepest increase in household labor with additional children. I also directly assessed the effect of household labor on motherhood penalties for US women, only previously examined among West German women (Kühhirt and Ludwig, 2012), and I explored racial–ethnic differences in this relationship. I found that housework does mediate the relationship between children and women’s wages, but only for White women – specifically married and divorced White women. Although there are systematic racial–ethnic differences in the effects of children on household labor, I found that these effects do little to explain racial–ethnic differences in the motherhood penalty.
Despite the contributions of the present research, four main issues related to the motherhood penalty remain unresolved and thus provide avenues for future research. First, why does household labor affect the motherhood penalty in wages? In this study I am only able to speculate as to why household labor affects women’s wages. PSID data do not contain a measure of work effort, which would be very helpful for determining whether increases in household labor actually decrease work effort. Additionally, the PSID’s definition of housework–‘‘cooking, cleaning, and doing other work around the house’’– is very vague. It is unclear whether childcare is even included in this definition, though whether an individual counts this as house- work could change their hourly reports dramatically. The definition additionally fails to capture a variety of other tasks that may affect women’s lives and employment, including setting appointments for children, chauffeuring them between activ- ities, and caring for them when they are ill. Larger household tasks such as grocery shopping would also not necessarily be captured in this definition. Multiple and more detailed measures of housework would help us understand what tasks are
H.M. Parrott / Social Science Research 46 (2014) 72–84 83
most detrimental to women and, by extension, would give us a better understanding of the ways in which household labor affects women’s work.
Second, why are their racial–ethnic differences in the effects of children on household labor? Another limitation of this research is that the PSID data do not contain information on the division of household labor among partners, children, ex- tended family, and even paid help—to my knowledge a deficiency of all existing longitudinal datasets. Detailed data collec- tion on the division of household labor could help uncover the extent to which sharing household labor helps women to mitigate increases in household labor with additional children and the effects of housework on wages, as well as which types of assistance are most beneficial. This information could be helpful for determining, for example, whether Black women’s less dramatic increase in household labor per child is due to certain types of support for household labor or simply the com- pletion of less domestic labor. Such measures could even assess the extent to which outsourcing domestic labor assists cer- tain groups of women in the workplace. Based on this research, if White women are outsourcing domestic labor, this outsourcing does not appear to sufficiently mitigate their household labor or the effects of such labor.
Third, why do Black and Hispanic women not experience motherhood wage penalties? As discussed above, the absence of a motherhood penalty for these groups cannot be interpreted as an indication of economic success. Black and Hispanic wo- men have significantly lower average wages, wages that appear to be unaffected by both household labor and children. Motherhood may not further depress wages simply because their wages are already too low. These findings suggest that the- orizing about the motherhood penalty and gender inequality may have limited applicability to minority women experienc- ing double jeopardy in the workplace (Greenman and Xie, 2008). This draws attention to the need for more research and theorizing on the economic strains experienced by minority mothers.
Fourth, why do White women, specifically married and divorced White women, have residual motherhood penalties? I found that household labor accounts for a portion of the motherhood penalties for these groups, yet they still face significant and unexplained wage penalties with motherhood. Not only does labor within the home have limited explanatory power, but the individual level human capital and occupational factors included in these models are also insufficient. Structural-le- vel explanations, such as employment discrimination and family-(un)friendly work environments, would likely prove useful in explaining residual penalties. Unfortunately, such factors are rarely assessed using quantitative data sets such as the PSID. Future data collection and research can address these gaps by figuring out ways to assess such structural factors as work- place policies and employment discrimination, and match these measurements with data for individual workers. Such data would help researchers evaluate, for example, the actual affect of employment discrimination on motherhood penalties across racial–ethnic groups and marital statuses.
The causes of women’s economic inequality vary across racial–ethnic groups, leading to a variety of possible solutions. The finding that time spent in household labor explains a portion of White women’s motherhood penalty underscores the importance of supporting public policies that will lead to more equitable divisions of household labor. Gender-neutral paren- tal leave policies may be part the solution, but the success of such policies is dependent upon cultural support for women’s employment (Budig and Misra, 2008) and the recognition of work-family balance as a public issue rather than a private prob- lem (Gornick and Meyers, 2003). Policy solutions that seek to make household labor more equitable may have a limited im- pact on Black and Hispanic women, who additionally need policies that tackle racial and ethnic inequality in the workplace. Solutions may include addressing such issues as affirmative action and immigration reform in ways that assure minority wo- men have equal opportunity and compensation in employment.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Elizabeth Cherry, Linda Grant, Maria Paino, Christopher Parrott, Linda Renzulli, Jeremy Reynolds, and the anonymous reviewers at Social Science Research for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. The collection of data used in this study was partly supported by the National Institutes of Health under Grant Number R01 HD069609 and the National Science Foundation under Award Number 1157698.
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Issues 34, 394–427.
- Housework, children, and women’s wages across racial–ethnic groups
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Background
- 3 Data, variables, and analytic strategy
- 3.1 Data
- 3.2 Variables
- 3.3 Analytic strategy
- 4 Results and discussion
- 4.1 Race/ethnicity, children, and household labor
- 4.2 Race/ethnicity, household labor, and the motherhood penalty
- 5 Conclusion
- Acknowledgments
- References
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Housework, children, and women’s wages across racial–ethnic groups.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor.pdf
Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor
Author(s): Gary S. Becker
Source: Journal of Labor Economics , Jan., 1985, Vol. 3, No. 1, Part 2: Trends in Women's Work, Education, and Family Building (Jan., 1985), pp. S33-S58
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Society of Labor Economists and the NORC at the University of Chicago
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Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor
Gary S. Becker, University of Chicago and
National Opinion Research Center
Increasing returns from specialized human capital is a powerful force creating a division of labor in the allocation of time and investments in human capital between married men and married women. Moreover, since child care and housework are more effort intensive than leisure and other household activities, married women spend less effort on each hour of market work than married men working the same number of hours. Hence, married women have lower hourly earnings than married men with the same market human capital, and they economize on the effort expended on market work by seeking less demanding jobs. The responsibility of married women for child care and housework has major implications for earnings and occupational differences between men and women.
This research has been supported by grant no. HD14256-03 from the National Institutes of Health and no. SES-8208260 from the National Science Foundation. I received very helpful comments from Robert Michael, Jacob Mincer, John Muellbauer, Sherwin Rosen, Yoram Weiss, and participants in the Applications of Economics Workshop of the University of Chicago. Much of Section III was worked out jointly with H. Gregg Lewis. Gale Mosteller provided valuable assistance.
[Journal of Labor Economics, 1985, vol. 3, no. 1, pt. 2] ? 1985 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0734-306X/85/030 1 (2)-0002$0 1.50
S33
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S34 Becker
I. Introduction
The labor force participation of married women in Western countries has increased enormously during the last 30 years. Initially, the increase was concentrated among older women, but it eventually spread to younger women with small children. Although this paper will not be primarily concerned with the causes of the increase, it will be useful first to sketch out briefly an "economic" explanation (based on Becker 1981, chap. 11) that can be tested against the evidence in other papers in this issue.
The major cause of the increased participation of married women during the twentieth century appears to be the increased earning power of married women as Western economies developed, including the rapid expansion of the service sector. The growth in their earning power raised the forgone value of their time spent at child care and other household activities, which reduced the demand for children and encouraged a substitution away from parental, especially mothers', time. Both of these changes raised the labor force participation of married women.
The gain from marriage is reduced, and hence the attractiveness of divorce raised, by higher earnings and labor force participation of married women, because the sexual division of labor within households becomes less advantageous. Consequently, this interpretation also implies the large growth in divorce rates over time. The decline in the gain from marriage is reflected also in the increased number of "consensual unions" (unmarried couples living together), the large increase in families headed by women, and even partly in the large growth in illegitimate birth rates relative to legitimate rates during recent decades.
Divorce rates, fertility, and labor force participation rates of women also interact in various other ways. For example, fertility is reduced when divorce becomes more likely, because child care is more difficult after a marriage dissolves. There is evidence that couples who anticipate relatively high probabilities of divorce do have fewer children (see Becker, Landes, and Michael 1977). The labor force participation of women is also affected when divorce rates increase, not only because divorced women participate more fully, but also because married women will participate more as protection against the financial adversity of a subsequent divorce.
One difficulty with this explanation is that economic progress and the growth in earning power of women did not accelerate in developed countries after 1950, yet both divorce rates and labor force participation rates of married women have risen far more rapidly since then. I tentatively suggest that threshold effects of increased female earning power on labor force participation rates, fertility, and divorce rates are responsible for much of the acceleration. As the earning power of
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Division of Labor S35
women continued to grow, fertility continued to fall until the time spent in child care was reduced enough so that married women could anticipate spending appreciable time in the labor force prior to their first child and subsequent to their last child. Women then had much greater incentive to invest in market-oriented human capital, which accelerated the increase in their earning power, participation, and divorce rates, and accelerated the reduction in fertility.
The modest increase in the hourly earnings of women relative to men during the last 30 years in the United States and many other Western countries (but not all; see Gregory, McMahon, and Whittingham [1985]; Gustafsson and Jacobsson [1985]) has been an embarrassment to the human capital interpretation of sexual earnings differentials, since this interpretation seems to imply that increased participation of married women would induce increased investment in earnings-raising market human capital. However, the increased participation may have temporarily reduced the earnings of women because increased supply generally lowers price, the average labor force experience of working women would be initially reduced, and observed earnings are temporarily reduced by increased on-the-job investments (see O'Neill 1985; Smith and Ward 1985).
Nevertheless, the evidence still suggests, although it does not demon- strate, that the earnings of men and women would not be equal even if their participation were equal. Some have inferred substantial discrimi- nation in the marketplace against women, perhaps supported by the evidence in Zabalza and Tzannatos (1983) for Great Britain. This paper argues that responsibility for child care, food preparation, and other household activities also prevents the earnings of women from rising more rapidly.
Child care and other housework are tiring and limit access to jobs requiring travel or odd hours. These effects of housework are captured by a model developed in this paper of the allocation of energy among different activities. If child care and other housework demand relatively large quantities of "energy" compared to leisure and other nonmarket uses of time by men, women with responsibilities for housework would have less energy available for the market than men would. This would reduce the hourly earnings of married women, affect their jobs and occupations, and even lower their investment in market human capital when they worked the same number of market hours as married men. Consequently, the housework responsibilities of married women may be the source of much of the difference in earnings and in job segregation between men and women.
Section II sets out a model of the optimal division of labor among intrinsically identical household members who invest in different kinds of activity-specific human capital. Increasing returns from investments
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S36 Becker
in specific human capital encourage a division of labor that reinforces differences in market and household productivity of men and women due to other forces, including any discrimination against women.
Section III models an individual's optimal allocation of energy among different activities. Many implications are derived, including a measure of the value of time in different activities, the forces encouraging the production of energy, and especially a very simple equation for the optimal supply of energy per hour of each activity.
Section IV applies the analysis of specialized investment and of the allocation and production of energy to earnings and occupational differentials between married men and women. It shows that married women with responsibility for child care and other housework earn less than men, choose "segregated" jobs and occupations, and invest less in market human capital even when married men and women work the same number of market hours.
Section V provides a summary and concluding remarks.
II. Human Capital and the Division of Labor
The human capital approach has recognized from the beginning that the incentive to invest in human capital specific to a particular activity is positively related to the time spent at that activity (see Becker 1964, pp. 51-52, 100-102). This recognition was early used to explain empirically why married women have earned significantly less than married men since women have participated in the labor force much less than married men (see Oaxaca 1973; Mincer and Polachek 1974).
It was not recognized immediately, however, that investments in specialized human capital produce increasing returns and thereby provide a strong incentive for a division of labor even among basically identical persons. This is recognized in chapter 2 of my book on the family (1981), where economies of scale from investments in activity-specific human capital are shown to encourage identical members of a household to specialize in different types of investments and to allocate their time differently. I also suggest there that the advantages of specialized investments provide more insights into comparative advantage in inter- national trade than does the conventional emphasis on differences in factor supplies. These increasing returns to scale and advantages of specialization are illustrated in this section with a simple model heavily influenced by discussions with and examples in Rosen (1982) and Gros (1983).
Assume that a person's earnings in each of m market activities are proportional to his time spent at the activity and to his stock of human capital specific to the activity:
Ir = .iwi - i = ) ... ) )
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Division of Labor S37
where hi is capital completely specific to activity i. To simplify further, assume that hi is produced only with investment time (th):
h= aiti, i 1,..., m. (2)
If the total time spent at all work and investment activities is fixed, then
(twi + th,)= z = T, (3) i=l
where ti = twi + thi. By summing over earnings in all activities, and substituting from (2),
1 = LHIi= citus thi (4)
where ci = aib.I Since earnings in each activity are determined by the product of work
and investment time, total earnings are maximized when these times are equal:
I=4Eciti2) (5)
when thi = twi. The increasing returns from the total time allocated to an activity (ti) arise from the independence between the cost of accumulating human capital and the amount of time spent using the capital. These increasing returns imply that earnings are maximized when all time is spent on just one activity:
I* k T2 (6) 4
where Ck 2 ci, all i. Examples of complete specialization in human capital specific to a single "activity" include doctors, dentists, carpenters, economists, and so on.
The same formulation is applicable to time allocated among consump- tion activities produced under constant returns to scale, where the effective time input is proportional both to consumption-specific human capital and consumption time, as in
Zi = bitihi. (7)
If hi = aithi,, then
Zi = Citzithi, (8)
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S38 Becker
and the output of each commodity is maximized by equating the time spent on production and investment:
~2,
ZZ. = 4,(9)
where ti = ti + thi - If the utility function is a simple Leontief function of these commodities,
U = min(Z , . . . , ZMt,), (10)
and if ci = c, for all i, utility would be maximized by allocating equal time to each commodity:
ua =Z CT* (11) 4M2
This indirect utility function depends positively on the total time available and negatively on the number of commodities produced and consumed in fixed proportion.
The link between production and consumption would be severed if other persons also produced these commodities. To eliminate any intrinsic comparative advantage, I assume that all persons are basically identical. Even though all commodity production functions have constant returns to scale in effective time, there is still a gain from trade because each person can concentrate his investment and production on a smaller number of commodities and trade for the others. By reducing the number of commodities produced, advantage can be taken of the increasing returns to the total time spent on a commodity (see eq. [9]). For example, if two persons each produce half the commodities and trade their excess production unit for unit, the output of each commodity would equal
cT2 m Z 4(m/2)2 (12)
2 (12)2 Z2 C T =m +1 ,m
Since they trade half the production, the indirect utility function of each person becomes
_1 cT2 cT2
2 4(m/2)2 4M2 = a (13)
Increasing returns from investments in specialized human capital are
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Division of Labor S39
the source of the gains from increasing the "extent of the market." Trade permits a division of labor in investments that effectively widens the market and thereby raises the welfare even of basically identical traders. The gain from specialization and trade in this example is simply proportional to the number of traders; each of p traders, p c m, would specialize in m/p commodities, and produce
Zk =C _ p2, jEm, k = 1, ...5p < M. (14)
If (p - 1)/pth of the output were traded unit for unit, the level of utility would be proportional to the number of traders:
Ut =Zk - = 2 p p C m. (15)
The effect of specialization and trade on welfare is shown in figure 1 (suggested by John Muellbauer). A person without access to trade has a
Z2
2
U
U
U \
FG1T gifrseazi and Zt
FIG. I.-The gains from specialization and trade
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S40 Becker
convex opportunity boundary between Z, and Z2 because of increasing returns from specific investments; his utility is maximized at the point of tangency with an indifference curve (U0). A market with many basically identical persons has better opportunities and can obtain by specialization and trade any point on the straight line joining the intercepts, Zs and Zs. If b persons specialize completely in Z1 and n - b specialize in Z2, trading provides each person with (b/n)Zs units of Z1 and (1 - b/n)Zs units of Z2. This defines a straight-line opportunity boundary between Zs and Zs as b varies from zero to n. The improvement in welfare from trade (U*/UO) is determined by the degree of increasing returns or by the convexity of the opportunities for a person with- out trade.
The analysis is readily generalized to permit substitution among a continuum of commodities. The number of commodities consumed along with the degree of specialization in production by any trader would then also depend on the extent of the market (see the analysis in Gros [1983]). Moreover, goods and services as well as time can be inputs into the production of commodities and human capital. The following proposition survives all reasonable generalizations.
PROPOSITION:-If n basically identical persons consume in equilib- rium m << n commodities produced under constant or increasing returns to scale with specific human capital, each person will completely specialize in producing only one commodity and accumulate only the human capital specific to that commodity. The other m - 1 commodities will be acquired by trades with other specialized producers. If n > 1 is smaller or not much larger than m, or with decreasing returns to scale, specialization may be incomplete, but some commodities must be produced by only one person.'
This analysis is applicable to the division of labor and specialization within households and families because the production of children, many aspects of child care and investments in children, protection against certain risks, altruism, and other "commodities" are more efficiently produced and consumed within households than by trades among households (see Becker [1981] for a further discussion). Most societies in all parts of the world have had a substantial division of labor, especially by age and sex, in the activities of household members. Although the participation of women in agriculture, trade, and other nonhousehold activities varies greatly throughout different parts of the world, women are responsible for the lion's share of housework, especially child care and food preparation, in essentially all societies. Moreover, even when they participate in market activities, women tend to engage in different
'This proposition essentially combines theorems 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4 in Becker (1981, chap. 2).
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Division of Labor S4 1
activities than men do (see Boserup [1970] for evidence from less developed countries that supports these statements).
The advantages of investments in specific human capital encourage a sharp division of labor among household members but do not in and of themselves say anything about the sexual division of labor. I suggested in my book on the family that men and women have intrinsically different comparative advantages not only in the production of children, but also in their contribution to child care and possibly to other activities (Becker 1981, pp. 21-25). Such intrinsic differences in productivity would determine the direction of the sexual division by tasks and hence sexual differences in the accumulation of specific human capital that reinforce the intrinsic differences.
Some have objected to the presumption that intrinsic differences in comparative advantage are an important cause of the sexual division of labor, and have argued instead that the sexual division is mainly due to the "exploitation" of women. Yet a sexual division of labor according to intrinsic advantage does not deny exploitation. If men have full power both to determine the division of labor and to take all household output above a "subsistence" amount given to women (a competitive marriage market would divide output more equally), men would impose an efficient division of labor because that would maximize household output, and hence their own "take." In particular, they would assign women to child care and other housework only if women have a comparative advantage at such activities.2
This argument is suggestive but not conclusive because it assumes that sexual differences in comparative advantage are independent of the exploitation of women. Yet exploited women may have an "advantage" at unpleasant activities only because the monetary value of the disutility tends to be smaller for exploited (and poorer) persons, or because exploited persons are not allowed to participate in activities that under- mine their exploitation.3
No definitive judgment has to be made for the analysis in this paper (and in my book on the family), because it does not depend on the source of the comparative advantage of women at household activities, be it discrimination or other factors. It only requires that investments in specific human capital reinforce the effects of comparative advantage. Indeed, the analysis does not even require that the initial difference in comparative advantage between men and women be large: a small initial
2 Presumably, the advantages to slaveowners of an efficient division of labor explain why slaves have sometimes been assigned to highly skilled activities (see Finley 1980).
3 However, Guity Nashat pointed out to me that even slaves sometimes had major military responsibilities (see, e.g., Inalcik [1970] for a discussion of the Janissaries).
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S42 Becker
difference can be transformed into large observed differences by the reinforcing effects of specialized investments.
This conclusion is highly relevant to empirical decompositions of earnings differentials between men and women. Suppose, for example, that men and women have the same basic productivity, but that discrimination reduces the earnings of women 10% below their market productivity. Given the advantage of specialization, such discrimination would induce a sexual division of labor, with most women specialized to the household and most men specialized to the market. As a result, earnings of the average woman would be considerably less than those of the average man, say only 60%. A decomposition of the 40% differential would show that sexual differences in investments in human capital explain 30 percentage points, or 75%, and that only 25% remains to be explained by discrimination. Yet in this example, the average earnings of men and women would be equal without discrimination, because there would be no sexual division of labor. More generally, discrimination and other causes of sexual differences in basic comparative advantage can be said to explain the entire difference in earnings between men and women, even though differences in human capital may appear to explain most of it.
This magnification of small differences in comparative advantage into large differences in earnings distinguishes differences between men and women from those between blacks and whites or other groups. A little market discrimination against blacks would not induce a large reduction in their earnings, because there is no racial division of labor between the market and household sectors. (However, even slightly greater market discrimination against black men compared with black women could be magnified into much larger reduction in the earnings of black men than black women, because black women would be induced to spend more time in the labor force than white women, and black men would spend less time than white men.) Consequently, the empirical decomposition of earnings differences into discrimination and other sources should be interpreted more cautiously for men and women than for other groups because of the division of labor between men and women.
III. The Allocation of Effort
The huge increase in the labor force participation of married women in developed countries should have encouraged much greater investment by women in market capital, which, presumably, would raise their earnings relative to men's. Yet sexual differences in earnings are very large (perhaps 40%) in the Soviet Union, where women participate almost as much as men (see Ofer and Vinokur 1981), and they have not declined much in the United States. The persistence of these large differences may be evidence of substantial market discrimination against women
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Division of Labor S43
(see the evidence for Great Britain in Zabalza and Tzannatos [1983]) or of a countervailing temporary depression in the earnings of women due to the entrance of many women with little market experience (see Mincer 1983; O'Neill 1985; Smith and Ward 1985).
An additional factor is the continuing responsibility of women for housework. For example, married women in the Soviet Union have responsibility for most of the child care and other housework even though they participate in the labor force almost as much as married men, and Ofer and Vinokur (1981) argue that the earnings of married Soviet women are much lower than the earnings of married men in good part because of these responsibilities. O'Neill (1983) has a similar argument regarding the lower earnings and segregated occupations of married women in the United States. Time budget studies clearly show that women have remained responsible for a large fraction of the child care and other housework even in advanced countries (see, e.g., Gronau [1976] for Israel, Stafford [1980] for the United States, and Flood [1983] for Sweden).
The earnings of women are adversely affected by household respon- sibilities even when they want to participate in the labor force as many hours as men, because they become tired, must stay home to tend to sick children or other emergencies, and are less able to work odd hours or take jobs requiring much travel. Although many effects of these responsibilities on the earnings and occupations of women have been frequently recognized, apparently the only systematic analysis is in my unpublished paper (Becker 1977). A model of the allocation of energy (or effort) among various household and market activities is developed there, and many implications are obtained, including some relating to differences in earnings and the allocation of time between husbands and wives.
This section further develops that model, and shows how the allocation of energy is affected by the energy intensities of different activities, and also how its allocation interacts with the allocation of time and with investments in market and nonmarket human capital. The incentive to increase one's supply of energy is shown to depend positively on market human capital and other determinants of wage rates.
Firms buy a package of time and effort from each employee, with payment tied to the package rather than separate payments for units of time and effort. Earnings depend on the package according to
I = I(t"I, En,) (16)
with OI/EM,, and OI/Otn, > 0, and I(O, tn,) = I(E,,,, 0) = 0, where EM, is effort and t,, is time. By entering E,, explicitly, I am assuming that firms can monitor the effort supplied by each employee, perhaps indirectly
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S44 Becker
(see, e.g., Mirrlees 1976; Shavell 1979). If firms were indifferent to the distribution of hours among identical workers, earnings would be proportional to hours worked for a given effort per hour:
I = W(e,,)tM, (17)
with w' > 0 and w(O) = 0, where e,, = E,/t, is effort per hour. A simple function that incorporates these properties is
I = o ~e tttm = a - tt', (18)
with t', = ea.'toe and ct,,, where ho, is market human capital, and ,,, the effort intensity of work, is assumed to be constant and measures the elasticity of earnings with respect to effort per hour.
Clearly, an increase in hours would raise earnings when total effort
(EM,) is held constant only when on, < 1. However, a,,, < 1 implies that equal effort (e,,) is used with each hour, because increases in effort per hour then have diminishing effects on earnings. Equation (18) implies that earnings are proportional to an "effective" quantity of time (t',) that depends on effort per hour as well as number of hours.
Each firm chooses on, and ac, to maximize its income, subject to production functions, competition from other firms, the methods used to monitor employees, and the effect of on, and ac, on the effort supplied by employees. An analysis of these decisions and of market equilibrium is contained in Becker (1977). Here I only indicate that the trade-off between at,, and ar,, depends on the cost to firms of monitoring effort (perhaps indirectly), and by the effect of these parameters on the effort supplied by employees.
Time and effort not supplied to firms are used in the household (or nonmarket) sector. Each household produces a set of commodities with market goods and services, time, and effort:
Z1. =Z,(xi,,ti, El.)3 i= 1,... In. (1 9)
If time and effort in the household sector also combine to produce "effective" time, the production function for Z, can be written as
Z. = Z. (x., t), (20)
with tt = w.(e1)t, = avg't- = a-Eg'it!->i, with 0 < ai < 1, and a= where hi is human capital that raises the productivity of time spent on the ith commodity, and ai is the effort intensity of that commodity. The sum of the time spent on each commodity and the time spent at market activities must equal the total time available:
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Division of Labor S45
n
ti. + tmt = th + tin = to (21)
where th is the total time spent in the household sector. The total energy at the disposal of a person during any period can be
altered by the production of energy and by reallocation of energy over the life cycle. I first assume a fixed supply of energy that must be allocated among activities during a single period:
El.i + En, = E, (22)
where E is the fixed available supply. This equation can be written as
n
L eit. + e,,t,, = = E, (23)
where e is the energy spent per each of the available hours. Since the
decision variables, ej and tj, enter multiplicatively rather than linearly, the allocation of time directly "interacts" with the allocation of energy.
Total expenditures on market goods and services must equal money income:
z pPxA = W,,(e,1)tr, + v = I + v = Y, (24)
where Y is money income and v is income from transfer payments, property, and other sources not directly related to earnings. Money income is affected not only by the time but also by the energy allocated to the market sector. Full income (S) is achieved when all time and energy is spent at work since earnings are assumed to be independent of the time and energy spent on commodities:
wyn(e)t + v = S. (25)
Full income depends on four parameters: property income (v), the wage rate function (win), the available time (t), and the supply of energy per unit of time (e).
Each household maximizes a utility function of commodities
U = U(Zl3 . . . I Zn), (26)
subject to the full income constraint in equation (25) and to the production functions given by equation (20). The following first-order conditions are readily derived:
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S46 Becker
au --xi =px
au
art WI=Ut, = U i + Fe,
two, = , + se,, (27)
at' [ _ de ]- = ?tj
dawd ttl = ts
at~~ I de.k
where t, g, and ? are the marginal utilities of income, time, and effort, respectively. The interpretation of these conditions is straightforward. The second
and third indicate that the marginal utility of an additional hour spent at any activity must equal the sum of the opportunity cost of this hour
in both time (g) and effort (sej). An additional hour has an effort as well as a time cost because some effort is combined with each hour. The fourth and fifth conditions simply indicate that the marginal utility of
effort per hour must equal the opportunity cost of effort (stj). Each household selects the combination of goods and effective time
that minimizes the cost of producing commodities. Effective time can be substituted for goods by reallocating either time or effort from work to commodities. Costs of production are minimized when the marginal rate of substitution between goods and effective time equals the cost of converting either time or effort into market goods.
On substituting the third into the second condition, one obtains
Uti = [ WM - (e, - ei)] = tCw1i, (28)
where wq is the shadow price or cost of an additional hour at the ith activity. Another expression for the marginal cost of time is obtained by combining the last two conditions, and using the relation between U.'
and Uj:
= ~ wI _tWmJ(1 -Gn i W (1 - d) w (29)
where Wj = awjlaej. The marginal cost of time is below the wage rate for all activities with
effort intensities less than the effort intensity of work because the saving
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Division of Labor S47
in energy from reallocating time away from work is also valued. Equation (28) shows that the marginal cost is the difference between the wage rate and the money value of the saving in (or expenditure on) energy: ?/t is the value of an additional unit of energy, and en, - e, is the saving in (or expenditure on) energy.
Consequently, the marginal cost of time would be least for commodities using the least energy per hour. Moreover, the marginal cost is not the same even for persons with the same wage rate, if the money value of energy and the saving in energy differ. Note also that the cost of time exceeds the wage rate for highly effort-intensive activities (e.g., the care of young children).
The second and fourth optimality conditions immediately imply that
g _ _ _ ej = i (30)
(I am indebted to John Muellbauer for pointing this out). The optimal amount of energy allocated to an hour of any activity is proportional to the marginal cost of time in terms of energy, and also is positively related to the effort intensity of the activity. The cost of time in terms of energy is a sufficient statistic for other variables, including effort intensities of other activities, investments in human capital, property income, and the allocation of time, because they can affect the energy allocation per hour of any activity only by affecting this statistic.
A remarkably simple relation for the ratio of the optimal allocation of energy to any two activities is immediately derived from (30), or from (29) and the fourth condition in (27):
ej aj(1 -a) (31)
ej GI.l-aj)
for all i, j, including m. The optimal ratio of energy per hour in any two activities depends only on their effort intensities, and will be constant as long as these intensities are constant, regardless of changes in other effort intensities, the utility function, the allocation of time, and so on.
The ratio of efforts per hour in equation (31) does not depend on utility, the allocation of time, and other variables, because it is a necessary condition to produce efficiently, that is, to be on the production possibility frontier between commodities in the utility function. A change in the effort intensity of an activity might change the absolute amount of energy per hour in all activities, but would not change the ratio between the energies per hour in any two other activities. The simple relations in equations (30) and (31) are of great use in determining the effects of different parameters on the allocation of energy.
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S48 Becker
A few things can be surmised about the ordering of effort intensities in different activities. Sleep is obviously closely dependent on time but not energy; indeed, sleep is more energy producing than energy using. Listening to the radio, reading a book, and many other leisure activities also depend on the input of time but less closely on energy. By contrast, many jobs and the care of small children use much energy. Available estimates of the value of time are usually much below wage rates, one- half or less, which suggests by equation (29) that the effort intensity of work greatly exceeds the intensities of many household activities.4
A change in property income, human capital, the allocation of time, or other variables that do not change effort intensities would change the effort per hour in all activities by the same positive or negative proportion, equal to the percentage change in the energy value of time (see eq. [30]). This proportionality, and constant energy ratios in different activities, is a theorem following from utility maximization (and other assumptions of our model) and should not be confused with the assumption of a constant effort per hour in each activity (an assumption made, for example, by Freudenberger and Cummins [1976]).
A decrease in hours worked and an increase in "leisure," induced perhaps by a rise in property income, would save on energy and raise the energy value of time, because work is more effort-intensive than leisure.5 Then the energy spent on each hour of work and other activities would increase by the same proportion, which would raise hourly earnings and the productivity of each hour spent on other activities. Conversely, a compensated increase in market human capital that raised hours worked would reduce the energy value of time, and hence also the energy spent on each hour of work.
The effect of increased market human capital on wage rates, a major determinant of the return to investments in market capital, is positively related to the energy spent on each hour of work. Therefore, the incentive to invest in market capital is greater when the energy per hour
4However, practically all estimates of the value of time refer to time spent on transportation. Beesley's estimates for commuting time (1965) rise from about 30% of hourly earnings for lower-income persons to 50% for higher-income persons; similar results were obtained by Lisco (1967) and McFadden (1974). Becker (1965) estimates the time spent in commuting at about 40 percent of hourly earnings. Gronau (1970) concludes that business time during air travel is valued at about the hourly earnings of business travelers, while personal air travel time is apparently considered free.
By equation (23), emtm + ehth = E, where eh = Eh/th. If eh = yem, where y < 1 because 7m > Th, then
den, -etz,(1- ) 0 Eat", Yt + till - Y)
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Division of Labor S49
as well as number of hours of work (see Sec. II) is greater,6 since costs of investing in human capital are only partly dependent on wage rates. The same conclusion applies to investments in capital specific to any
other activity. Earnings in some jobs are highly responsive to changes in the input
of energy, while earnings in others are more responsive to changes in the amount of time. That is, some have larger effort intensities, and others have larger time intensities. Persons devoting much time to effort- intensive household activities like child care would economize on their use of energy by seeking jobs that are not effort intensive, and conversely for persons who devote most of their household time to leisure and other time-intensive activities.
The stock of energy varies enormously from person to person, not only in dimensions like mental and physical energy,7 but also in "ambition" and motivation. Although equation (30) implies that an increase in the stock of energy, and hence in the energy value of time, increases the energy per hour by the same percentage in all activities, the productivity of working time would increase by a larger percentage if work is more effort intensive than the typical household activity. Then persons with greater stocks of energy would excel at work not only
6 These variables have opposite effects when hours of work change if work is more effort intensive than the competing household activities. Since
MP= = Wntrn,
then
dMP= (1 + ntZotZ)w~,,
where
tnl,
Ot., et,,
Given that 0 < (t,, < 1, and that -1 < n_,, < 1 then 0 < aMP/at., and (aMP/ Ott,) i w., as n,, i 0. A change in hours worked always changes the marginal product of human capital in the same direction (as argued in Sec. II), but the effect can be substantially attenuated if n., is quite negative, because work is much more effort intensive than the competing household activities, and conversely, if n., is positive, because work is less effort intensive than these activities.
'The inequality in energy is dramatically conveyed in the following preface to a biography of Gladstone: "Lord Kilbracken, who was once his principal private secretary, said that if a figure of 100 could represent the energy of an ordinary man, and 200 that of an exceptional man, Gladstone's energy would represent a figure of at least 1,000" (see Magnus 1954, p. xi). I owe this reference to George Stigler.
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S50 Becker
because their wage rates would be above average, but also because the productivity of their working time would be especially high.
If the (full) income effect of greater energy is weak,8 persons with greater energy also tend to work longer hours and at more effort- intensive jobs because their time is relatively more productive at work than at household activities. Consequently, more energetic persons would both work longer hours and earn more per hour.
Since the elasticity of output with respect to energy per hour is less
than unity (ar,, < 1), a given increase in the stock of energy would raise output by a smaller percentage if hours worked were unchanged. However, the induced increase in hours would raise output by more than the increase in the stock of energy. Several experimental studies do find that an increase in the consumption of calories by workers doing physically demanding work, where calories are an important source of "energy," apparently raises their output by a larger percent (see UN Food and Agriculture Organization 1962, pp. 14-15, 23-25).
Since a person's health affects his energy, ill health reduces hourly earnings (see the evidence in Grossman [1976]), because a lower energy level reduces the energy spent on each working (and household) hour. Ill health also reduces hours worked because work is relatively effort intensive; that is, sick time is spent at home rather than at work because rest and similar leisure activities use less energy than work. Therefore, more energetic persons can be said to work longer hours and earn more per hour partly because they are "healthier."
The energy available to a person changes not only because of illness and other exogenous forces, but also because of the expenditure of time, goods, and effort on exercise, sleep, physical check-ups, relaxation, proper diet, and other energy-producing activities. At the optimal rate of production, the cost of additional inputs equals the money value of additional energy:
'The sign of the income effect is ambiguous even when leisure is a superior good. The elasticity of working hours with respect to an increase in the stock of energy equals
Ot~, E
7 = = R[x8, ((-,, -Ch)- ( -,,(x-v)N, + x(jNx],
where to and x are the total time and goods used in the household (px = 1), N. and Nx are the full income elasticities of t' and x respectively, 8, is the elasticity of substitution between x and t' in the utility function, and R is positive. The substitution effect is essentially given by x5C(Y,, - Gh) > 0 if Gm > Th. The income effect is given by xNx - ,,(x -v)Nt i 0. It is greater than zero if (c2/vn,) > k,(Nt/Nx), where k/, is the share of earnings in money income. This footnote is based on notes by H. Gregg Lewis.
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Division of Labor S51
W P??$5rn6n hm = - = Itj de + Ps dx + W( ( (am)?j (3 "I Ir MdE dE l a dE'
where es, xs, and ts are inputs into the production of energy.9 The term on the right is the cost of inputs used to produce an additional unit of energy; the money value of an additional unit equals the effect on hourly earnings of an increase in energy per hour (see the last condition in [27]).
An increase in the marginal wage rate increases the optimal production of energy because marginal benefits increase relative to marginal costs. An increase in market human capital and a decrease in energy per hour of work (perhaps resulting from an increased number of working hours) both encourage the production of energy by raising benefits relative to cost of production; indeed, costs could decline when energy per hour decreased because the value of time would decrease. Increased production of energy would also improve health, given the positive relation between health and energy.
Many have argued that long hours of work substantially reduce productivity because of "fatigue."'0 This argument is questionable for differences among persons because more energetic persons work longer. Moreover, even if longer working hours by any given person directly reduce his energy (and productivity) per hour of work, longer hours also encourage his production of energy and of market human capital. Since more energy and market capital raise the productivity of each working hour, longer hours could even indirectly raise his productivity per hour.
The incentive to invest in energy varies over the life cycle as the stock of market human capital and other determinants of the value of energy vary. Therefore, hourly earnings rise at younger ages probably partly because of increased production of energy, and conversely for declines in earnings at older ages. The stock of energy at a particular age might also be augmentable by "borrowing" from other ages, perhaps with substantial penalty or interest. In extreme forms, borrowing and repay- ment of energy produce "overwork" and "burn-out.""
I assume that inputs are devoted exclusively to the production of energy, but the analysis is readily extended to "joint production," where, say, a good diet produces both energy and commodities.
'? In his classic study of the sources of economic growth in the United States, Denison (1962) assumed that each hour of work beyond 43 hours per week reduces productivity by at least 30%.
" Bertrand Russell claims that he worked so hard on Principia Mathematica that "my intellect never quite recovered from the strain" (1967, p. 230).
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S52 Becker
IV. Division of Labor in the Allocation of Effort between Husbands and Wives
Since more energetic persons have a comparative advantage at effort- intensive activities, efficient marriage markets match more energetic with less energetic persons (i.e., negative sorting by energy). A larger fraction of the time of energetic spouses would be allocated to effort-intensive activities like work where they have a comparative advantage, and a larger fraction of the time of sluggish spouses would be allocated to the household activities where they have a comparative advantage.
The evidence is much too scanty to argue that a division of labor by energy level helps explain the division of labor between married men and women. Therefore, I assume that women have responsibility for child care and other housework for reasons unrelated to their energy or to the effort intensity of housework. Nevertheless, differences in effort intensities have important implications for sexual differences in earnings, hours worked, and occupations.
To demonstrate this, I follow the brief discussion in the previous section suggesting that housework activities like child care are much more effort intensive than leisure-oriented activities and may be more or less effort intensive than market activities. Married women with primary responsibility for child care and other housework allocate less energy to each hour of work than married men who spend equal time in the labor force. A simple proof uses the assumption that housework is more effort intensive than leisure, and the implication of equation (31) that the ratio of the energy spent on each hour of any two activities depends only on the effort intensities of these activities.'2
Since married women earn less per hour than married men when they spend less energy on each hour of work, the household responsibilities of married women reduce their hourly earnings below those of married men even when both participate the same number of hours and have the same market capital. These household responsibilities also induce occupational segregation because married women seek occupations and jobs that are less effort intensive and otherwise are more compatible with the demands of their home responsibilities. The same argument explains why students who attend class and do homework have lower hourly earnings than persons not in school when both work the same
12 By equation (31), e, = yle,, and ee = 'y2e,,, where yi > Y2 because a, > (h., where c refers to housework and e to leisure. Since ettt,, + eats + eete = E, then e""(t, + Yltc + 'Y2te) = E, and
dem , -em(yl- Y2) 0 dtC dtm=O 4, + Bitc + Y2te
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Division of Labor S53
number of hours and appear to have similar characteristics (see the evidence and discussion in Lazear [1977]).
Therefore, the traditional concentration on the labor force participation of women gives a misleading, perhaps a highly misleading, impression of the forces reducing the earnings and segregating the employment of married women. Nor is this all. Married women would invest less in market human capital than married men even when both spend the same amount of time in the labor force. Since the benefit from investment in market human capital is positively related to hourly earnings and hence to the energy spent on each hour of market work (see the previous section), the benefit is greater to married men even when they do not work longer hours than married women.
The lower earnings of married women due both to their lower energy spent on work and their lower investment in market human capital discourages their labor force participation relative to that of their husbands. Of course, their lower participation further discourages their investment in market capital (but see n. 6), and could even lower their energy spent on each hour of work if they substitute toward housework that is more effort-intensive than their market activities. A full equilibrium could involve complete specialization by wives in housework and other nonmarket activities.
Table 1 (brought to my attention by June O'Neill) shows that even married women employed full-time in the United States work much
Table 1 Time Use of Married Men and Married Women in the United States by Hours per Week at Home and at Market Work, 1975-76
Married Women Married Men
Employed Employed Employed Type of Activity Full Time Part Time All* Full Time Allt
Market work: 38.6 20.9 16.3 47.9 39.2 At jobt 35.7 18.9 15.0 44.0 36.0 Travel to/from job 2.9 2.0 1.3 3.9 3.2
Work at home: 24.6 33.5 34.9 12.1 12.8 Indoor housework 14.6 21.0 20.8 2.8 3.5 Child care 2.8 3.2 4.9 1.7 1.5 Repairs, outside work, gardening 1.6 1.7 2.2 3.8 3.9 Shopping, services 5.6 7.6 7.0 3.8 3.9
Leisure 21.0 25.5 26.7 23.0 27.1
Total work time 63.2 54.4 51.2 60.0 52.0
Sample size 101 51 220 236 307
SouKUcI:.-Hill (1981), based on data from a national sample of U.S. households collected by the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigan.
* Includes married women with no market work. t Includes married men with part-time work and no market work. t Includes lunch and coffee breaks.
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S54 Becker
more at home than do unemployed or part-time employed married men, let alone full-time employed married men. Moreover, married women employed full-time work many fewer hours (about 9 hours per week) in the market than do married men employed full-time, although total hours worked are a little higher for these women. There is considerable other evidence that the occupations and earnings of women are also affected by their demand for part-time employment and flexible hours (see Mincer and Polachek 1974, table 7; O'Neill 1983).
This analysis implies that the hourly earnings of single women exceed those of married women even when both work the same number of hours and have the same market capital because child care and other household responsibilities induce married women to seek more convenient and less energy-intensive jobs. The analysis also can explain why marriage appears to raise the health of men substantially and women's health only moderately (see Fuchs 1975). Since married men accumulate more market human capital and work longer hours than single men (see Kenny 1983), married men produce larger stocks of energy than single men, which improves their health. The effect of marriage on the energy of women is more ambiguous: the value of energy to women not working in the market is measured by the value of additional energy in the household, which can be sizable. However, the value of energy to working women is measured by its value at work, which has been below the value to men because women have invested less in market human capital and have chosen less energy-intensive work.
The large growth in the labor force participation of married women during the last 30 years has been accompanied by a steep fall in fertility and a sharp rise in divorce rates. The fall in fertility clearly raises the hourly earnings of married women because they have more energy and more flexible time to devote to market work instead of child care. The time spent in housework by married women in the United States apparently did decline significantly after 1965 (see Stafford 1980).
The effect of the growth in divorce on the hourly earnings of women is more ambiguous. On the one hand, married women invest more in market human capital when they anticipate working because they are likely to become divorced. On the other hand, since divorced women in the United States and other Western countries almost always retain custody of their children, the demands of child care on their energy and attention might exceed those of married women, for they have no husbands to share any of the housework.'3
'1 Dustin Hoffman lost his job in Kramer vs. Kramer after he became responsible for the care of his child.
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Division of Labor S55
V. Summary and Concluding Remarks
This paper argues that increasing returns from specialized human capital is a powerful force creating a division of labor in the allocation of time and investments in human capital even among basically identical persons. However, increasing returns alone do not imply the traditional sexual division of labor, with women having primary responsibility for many household activities, unless men and women tend to differ in their comparative advantages between household and market activities. What- ever the reason for the traditional division-perhaps discrimination against women or high fertility-housework responsibilities lower the earnings and affect the jobs of married women by reducing their time in the labor force and discouraging their investment in market human capital.
This paper also develops a model of an individual's allocation of energy among different activities. More energy is spent on each hour of more energy-intensive activities, and the ratio of the energy per hour in any two activities depends only on their effort intensities and not at all on the stock of energy, utility function, money income, allocation of time, or human capital. Other implications are derived about the cost of time to different activities, the effect of hours worked on hourly earnings, the effect of earnings on investment in health, and the effect of an increase in the energy spent on each hour of work on the benefits from investment in market human capital.
Since housework is more effort intensive than leisure and other household activities, married women spend less energy on each hour of market work than married men working the same number of hours. As a result, married women have lower hourly earnings than married men with the same market human capital, and they economize on the energy expended on market work by seeking less demanding jobs. Moreover, their lower hourly earnings reduce their investment in market capital even when they work the same number of hours as married men.
Therefore, the responsibility of married women for child care and other housework has major implications for earnings and occupational differences between men and women even aside from the effect on the labor force participation of married women. I submit that this is an important reason why the earnings of married women are typically considerably below those of married men, and why substantial occupa- tional segregation persists, even in countries like the Soviet Union where labor force participation rates of married men and women are not very different.
The persistence of these responsibilities in all advanced societies may only be a legacy of powerful forces from the past and may disappear or
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S56 Becker
be greatly attenuated in the near future. Not only casual impressions, but also evidence from time-budgets indicate that the relative contribution of married men to housework in the United States has significantly increased during the last decade (Stafford 1980; personal communication from Stafford about a 1981 survey). The frequency of partial or complete custody of children by divorced fathers has also increased. A continuation of these trends would increase the energy and time spent at market activities by women, which would raise their earnings and incentive to invest in market human capital. The result could be a sizable increase in the relative earnings of married women and a sizable decline in their occupational segregation during the remainder of this century.
Even if the process continued until married women no longer had primary responsibility for child care and other housework, married households would still greatly gain from a division of labor in the allocation of time and investments if specialized household and market human capital remained important, or if spouses differed in energy. This division of labor, however, would no longer be linked to sex: husbands would be more specialized to housework and wives to market activ- ities in about half the marriages, and the reverse would occur in the other half.
Such a development would have major consequences for marriage, fertility, divorce, and many other aspects of family life. Yet the effect on the inequality in either individual or family earnings would be more modest since all persons specialized to housework would still earn less than their spouses, and the distribution of family earnings would still be determined by the division of labor between spouses, by the sorting of spouses by education and other characteristics, by divorce rates and the custody of children, and so forth.
However, a person's sex would then no longer be a good predictor of earnings and household activities. It is still too early to tell how far Western societies will move in this direction.
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S58 Becker
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- Contents
- p. S33
- p. S34
- p. S35
- p. S36
- p. S37
- p. S38
- p. S39
- p. S40
- p. S41
- p. S42
- p. S43
- p. S44
- p. S45
- p. S46
- p. S47
- p. S48
- p. S49
- p. S50
- p. S51
- p. S52
- p. S53
- p. S54
- p. S55
- p. S56
- p. S57
- p. S58
- Issue Table of Contents
- Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Jan., 1985) pp. 1-396
- Front Matter [pp. ]
- Preface [pp. ]
- Intercountry Comparisons of Labor Force Trends and of Related Developments: An Overview [pp. S1-S32]
- Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor [pp. S33-S58]
- Time-Series Growth in the Female Labor Force [pp. S59-S90]
- The Trend in the Male-Female Wage Gap in the United States [pp. S91-S116]
- Consequences of the Rise in Female Labor Force Participation Rates: Questions and Probes [pp. S117-S146]
- Why Are More Women Working in Britain? [pp. S147-S176]
- An Analysis of Women's Labor Force Participation in France: Cross-Section Estimates and Time-Series Evidence [pp. S177-S200]
- Trends in Labor Force Participation of Spanish Women: An Interpretive Essay [pp. S201-S217]
- An Economic Analysis of Female Work Participation, Education, and Fertility: Theory and Empirical Evidence for the Federal Republic of Germany [pp. S218-S234]
- The Emergence of the Working Wife in Holland [pp. S235-S255]
- Trends in Female Labor Force Participation in Sweden [pp. S256-S274]
- A Model of Female Labor Supply in Italy Using Cohort Data [pp. S275-S292]
- Women in the Australian Labor Force: Trends, Causes, and Consequences [pp. S293-S309]
- Jewish Mother Goes to Work: Trends in the Labor Force Participation of Women in Israel, 1955-1980 [pp. S310-S327]
- Work and Family Roles of Soviet Women: Historical Trends and Cross-Section Analysis [pp. S328-S354]
- An Analysis of Trends in Female Labor Force Participation in Japan [pp. S355-S374]
- Welfare Economics of Policies toward Women [pp. S375-S396]
- Back Matter [pp. ]
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Human Capital, Effort, and the Sexual Division of Labor.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/.DS_Store
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._.DS_Store
或许能用的参考文献/Does household labour impact market wages.pdf
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Applied Economics
ISSN: 0003-6846 (Print) 1466-4283 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/raec20
Does household labour impact market wages?
Michele C. McLennan
To cite this article: Michele C. McLennan (2000) Does household labour impact market wages?, Applied Economics, 32:12, 1541-1557, DOI: 10.1080/000368400418952
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/000368400418952
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Does household labour impact market wages?
M I C H E L E C . M C L E N N A N
Department of Economics and Business, Ursinus College, Collegeville, PA 19426, USA
This study investigates the hypothesis that women’ s greater home responsibilities contribute directly to their lower wages because household labour time reduces their market e� ort. OLS regressions show a signi® cant negative e� ect of household labour hours on market wages for white married women, but not for other groups of women (single, black) or men. Regressions correcting for endogeneity of household hours in the wage equation or heterogeneity among women indicate there is no signi® cant e� ect of household labour hours on wages for any demographic group. These results suggest that the evidence in support of the hypothesi s is not compelling.
I . I N T R OD U C T I ON
The persistent wage gap between women and men in the USA has been well documented. (See, for example, Corcoran and Duncan, 1979 ; O’ Neill, 1985 ; Bergman, 1986 ; Wellington, 1992.) However, no empirical studies have been able to fully account for the wage di� erence by controlling for observabl e human capital characteristics. By the early 1980s women’ s wages were roughly 60% of men’ s (O’ Neill, 1985) . Corcoran and Duncan (1979) esti- mate that only 44% of the gap can be explained by di� er- ences in job market experience and attachment. Some human capital theorists, in response, argue that women’ s greater household responsibilities a� ect their choice of jobs, their human capital investment and the actual amount of e� ort they expend on market work (Polachek, 1981 ; Becker, 1985 ; O’ Neill, 1985). Therefore, the alloca- tion of household labour helps to explain the wage gap between women and men, which persists even af ter con- trols for observable human capital characteristics. This study, addresses the question of whether time spent in household labour activities has a direct contemporaneou s e� ect on market wages for women, men or both.
Over the past 20 years, women have reduced the number of hours that they spend working in the home and men have increased theirs. However, married women, even if they are employed, spend far more time on housework
and child care than men (Shelton, 1992) . Becker (1985) argues that ` . . . since child care and housework are more e� ort intensive than leisure and other household activities, married women spend less e� ort on each our of market work than married men working the same number of hours’ . In his model, wages increase with e� ort, and increases in time spent on e� ort-intensive household activ- ities reduce the e� ort per hour of market work. Therefore, the t̀raditional ’ allocation of household labour to women implies that women allocate less e� ort to the market than men. Women with the same observabl e human capital characteristics as men will earn lower wages because of their current and past choices regarding the allocation of time and e� ort between home and work. Hence, there will be a wage gap between women and men with similar obser- vable human capital characteristics. This gap is not evi- dence of labour market discrimination.1
This study tests the hypothesi s that household labour time reduces market e� ort, under the assumption that mar- ket e� ort is positively related to wages, by examining the direct e� ect of household labour hours on market wages. A negative and signi® cant coe� cient on household labour hours would be consistent with this hypothesis. On the other hand, if the coe� cient is not signi® cant or is positive then at least one of the parts of the hypothesi s is false ± either wages and market e� ort are not positively linked or greater household labour time does not necessarily imply
Applied Economics ISSN 0003± 6846 print/ISSN 1466± 4283 online # 2000 Taylor & Francis Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Applied Economics, 2000, 32, 1541 ± 1557
1541
1 This does not rule out the possibility that a f̀eedback’ reaction to earlier discrimination in the labour market is in¯ uencing the allocation of household labour (Neumark and McLennan, 1995).
lower e� ort (and therefore productivity ) on the job. Rejection of the hypothesis would not directly imply that labour market discrimination is the source of the persistent wage gap between women and men. However, it would suggest that productivity di� erences stemming from the allocation of household labour may not be the culprit.
If actual e� ort per hour of market work could be meas- ured precisely, it would be ideal to use this variable when determining whether e� ort is positively related to wages and negatively related to time spent in household labour. The subjective nature of the available measures of e� ort makes this task di� cult. Bielby and Bielby (1988) using a self reported measure of e� ort, ® nd that women allocate more e� ort to market work than men. If women put more time and e� ort into the home than men and work a similar number of market hours, this ® nding is inconsistent with Becker’ s hypothesis that those who allocate more time to household labour will allocate less e� ort per hour to the market.
This analysis uses household labour hours as a proxy for e� ort in the market. However, including household labour hours in the wage equation is problematic because they may be jointly determined with wages.2 This endogeneity problem is addressed by instrumenting for household labour hours in the wage equation with measures of house- hold income (other than respondent’ s labour income) and variables that reveal preferences for household production. An additional problem is the potential heterogeneity of women. If an unobservable characteristic, such as prefer- ence for market work, is positively correlated with wages but also negatively correlated with household labour time, then the omission of this characteristic will result in a spur- ious negative relationship between wages and household labour hours. This heterogeneit y problem is addressed by using ® xed e� ects estimation, where the e� ect of changes over time in hours of household labour performed by indi- viduals are identi® ed.
Most of the research on this topic has focused on mar- ried white women; however, extending the analysis to other populations allows a more thorough examination of the issue. This study examines the e� ect of household labour hours on wages of populations that vary by gender, race and marital status. The e� ects across groups should be similar unless (i) e� ort is rewarded di� erently in the labour market by demographic status, or (ii) the e� ect of house- hold labour hours on market e� ort varies by demographic status. For purposes of this paper, it is assumed that e� ort is rewarded in wages similarly for di� erent groups.
Household labour hours may have di� erent overall e� ects on wages for di� erent populations for several rea- sons. First, there may be a scale e� ect. If one group spends fewer hours at work in the home than another, even if the incremental e� ect of an hour of household labour on wages is the same, the magnitude will be greater for the group with higher average hours. This study focuses primarily on the incremental e� ects.
Second, the incremental e� ect may vary by marital sta- tus, gender or race. This may be true if the negative e� ect of household labour hours on wages is nonlinear. If a sig- ni® cant, negative e� ect is not triggered until a threshold level is exceeded, then groups who work fewer hours in the home on average may not surpass this threshold where the negative e� ect escalates. To evaluate this pos- sibility, estimations substituting dummy variables for threshold levels of household labour in place of actual hours are performed.
Di� erences in slopes of household labour hours for dif- ferent populations may also be explained by di� erences in the types of household work performed by di� erent groups. Groups that perform more e� ort-intensive home tasks may experience larger negative wage e� ects. In addi- tion, even if household labour tasks have high e� ort inten- sity, if individuals have ¯ exibility regarding when they can be performed (e.g. non-work days) then the negative e� ect on wages may be lessened. The data do not provide adequate details on the allocation of household labour hours across tasks or ¯ exibility in their performance to test whether there are signi® cant di� erences across populations. 3
The results of the OLS regressions suggest that the wages of white married women are negatively in¯ uenced by household labour hours; however, this e� ect is not signi® - cant for any other population studied. In addition, results from regressions correcting for endogeneity and/or hetero- geneity suggest that these biases, and not a direct negative e� ect of household labour hours themselves, may be responsible for the OLS results for white married women.
The analysis in the paper is laid out as follows: in Section II, the theoretical foundation for Becker’ s hypothesis, that higher household labour hours will result in lower market wages, is presented along with the results of related empiri- cal tests of his hypothesis. Section III presents the method- ology that this study uses to test his hypothesis. The data are described in Section IV and the results are detailed in Section V. Section VI contains the conclusion and sum- mary remarks.
1542 M. C. McL ennan
2 E� ort measures, if available, would also be jointly determined with the wage. 3 It is reasonable to assume that the presence of children would reduce the ¯ exibility and increase the e� ort intensity of household labour for the respondent, whether married or single. However, the potential endogeneity of children in the wage equation makes it di� cult to use this variable to sort out the issue.
I I . M OD E L A N D R E L A T E D E M PI R I C A L R E S E A R C H
Becker (1985) develops a model to demonstrate the inverse relationship between household labour time and market e� ort. Here, Becker’ s model will be brie¯ y outlined, detail- ing the assumptions needed to derive his result.
Individuals maximize a utility function consisting of commodities:
U ˆ U…Z† …1†
where Z is a vector of commodities whose production func- tion includes both e� ective time and market goods (x) ;
Z ˆ Z…x; t̂† …2†
In this equation `e� ective time’ is t̂i ˆ wi…ei†ti , where i des- ignates a household activity. E� ective time is a function of the productivity in each home production activity (wi ), which itself depends upon the e� ort expended per hour on this activity (ei ).
Individuals face constraints on their income, time and e� ort. The budget and time constraints are standard. Total available energy is assumed to be ® nite and is allo- cated between household and market activities.
The marginal utility of time spent in either market or home production must equal the marginal cost of both time and e� ort in order to maximize utility.
By specifying Cobb Douglas functional forms for the e� ective home time function and the wage function, Becker demonstrates that e� ort in any activity will depend on the marginal utility of time and e� ort and the e� ort intensity of these activities. Note that the e� ort intensities are ® xed parameters (as are the marginal utility of time and e� ort) and, therefore, the ratio of the e� orts per hour for any two activities is ® xed.
The energy constraint implies that each person has a ® xed amount of energy available and it is used up entirely on e� ort put into either household or market activities. Following Becker, activities are restricted to three cate- gories : household labour, market work and leisure, and the energy constraint with optimal values is written as :
E ˆ e¤ht ¤ h ‡ e¤l t¤l ‡ e¤m t¤m …3†
It is also assumed that household labour and market work are both more e� ort-intensive than leisure. Since the ratio of e� ort per hour of any two activities is ® xed, the follow- ing relationships hold :
eh ˆ ¬1em ; el ˆ ¬2em ; ¬1 > 0; ¬2 < 1 ; ¬1 > ¬2 …4†
Here, eh denotes e� ort per hour of household labour, em e� ort per hour of market work and el e� ort per hour of leisure. Using the time constraint and the energy constraint one obtains:
e¤m ˆ E
¬1t ¤ h ‡ ¬2…T ¡ t¤m ¡ t¤h† ‡ t¤m
…5†
By taking a total derivative of this optimal condition, one can look at the relationship between changes in two of the variables (em and th). The total derivative is:
de¤m ˆ ¡e¤m
¬1t ¤ h ‡ ¬2t¤l ‡ t¤m
…¬1 ¡ ¬2†dt¤h ‡ …1 ¡ ¬2†dt¤m‰ Š …6†
Becker assumes that dtm ˆ 0, and obtains the result that, if dth is positive, dem will be negative.
4
Following Becker’ s assumption of constant tm , increas- ing hours of household labour reduces the e� ort per hour of market time if the activity replaced by the household labour is less e� ort-intensive than this labour. Therefore, assuming that household labour is more e� ort-intensive than leisure, higher household labour hours instead of lei- sure hours will reduce the e� ort expended on market hours which will result in lower wages.5 Data on household labour hours and market wages are used to test whether this relationship holds. Market e� ort may not decline as household labour time increases if the workers vary market time in response to the level of household labour time.6
One can test, indirectly, whether increases in household labour time result in reduced market e� ort by examining the direct e� ect of actual household labour hours on wages, controlling for the number of market hours, as long as the assumption of a positive relationship between wages and market e� ort holds. A negative and signi® cant coe� cient on household labour hours in the wage equation is con- sistent with Becker’ s hypothesis that greater household responsibility results in lower hourly e� ort on the job.
Related empirical tests
Coverman (1983) estimates wage equations for married, white women and men, using OLS, and ® nds a negative and signi® cant e� ect of domestic labour time for both sexes. The data are taken from the Quality of Employment Study (QES) 1977 and include data for white, married women and men who work more than
Does household labour impact market wages? 1543
4 …¬1 ¡ ¬2† > 0; …1 ¡ ¬2† > 0 by Equation 4 5 In addition, it is assumed that workers with greater household labour hours will choose less demanding occupations and jobs within occupations and, because they put less e� ort per hour into their jobs, will accumulate less human capital over time. All of these e� ects could also result in lower wages. 6 It is possible, for instance, that women with children choose to allocate more time to the home but simultaneously allocate more e� ort to the market to increase hourly wages.
24 hours weekly. The author includes human capital, structural7 and household characteristic variables in her regression. Her human capital variables include schooling, but she substitutes age as a proxy for experience. While age and experience may be reasonable substitutes for men, age may not capture the e� ects of actual experience for women who tend to have more (and more varied) labour market interruptions than men. The study of the household labour variable may be further confused in this case because age may be correlated with household labour time as well as experience.
Coverman also includes variables for number of pre- school children and school age children in her regressions, but, unlike other studies employing OLS (Korenman and Neumark, 1992) , these variables are not signi® cant for women. Since household labour time includes child care, this result implies that the e� ect of children on women’ s wages may operate through increased household labour time and not directly on wages.
Since she believes that the OLS estimates are biased if household labour time, market hours and wages are non- recursively related, Coverman estimates a simultaneous equations model for household labour hours, market hours and wages.8 She ® nds no statistically signi® cant rela- tionship between household labour time and market wages, contrary to her OLS results. Coverman argues that the technique is too problematic to reject the OLS results par- ticularly because of the assumption that market hours, wages and household labour time can be instantaneousl y altered. The limitations of the data (they are cross sec- tional, not longitudinal ) and lack of good instruments pre- vent the author from completing a more thorough analysis of the issue.
Hersch (1985) studies the e� ect of housework on a sample of piece rate workers, who are married (both wives and husbands) . A study of piece rate workers is of particular interest because the link between wages and e� ort is direct and does not rely on employers’ ability to observe e� ort. Using OLS, Hersch ® nds that housework hours have a signi® cant and negative e� ect on the piece rate wages of women but not men. Men in the sample have signi® cantly lower average housework hours than women. The uniqueness of piece rate labourers prevents this result from being generalized to the whole population.
Bielby and Bielby (1988) directly test Becker’ s hypothesis that greater household responsibility results in lower e� ort per hour of market labour. The authors estimate the e� ort allocated to market work by women and men, using self- reported measures of e� ort. The data are from the QES (1973, 1977) and the e� ort measure is constructed from scaled responses to the following statements: `My job
requires that I work very hard’ , `Altogether, how much e� ort, either physical or mental, does your job require?’ , and `how much e� ort do you put into your job beyond what is required?’ . The assumption from Becker (1985) is that, since women on average perform more household labour than men, men will allocate more e� ort to market labour. The authors ® nd that women allocate more e� ort to market work than men, which appears to be inconsistent with Becker’ s hypothesis (if women also perform more hours of household labour than men and work a similar number of market hours.)
The authors also investigate the determinants of market e� ort; in particular, they evaluate whether family status, household responsibilities and/or market human capital a� ect the allocation of e� ort to the market. For women but not men, the presence of preschool children reduces the amount of e� ort they expend on the job.9 On the other hand, the actual number of hours of household labour does not a� ect women’ s e� ort on the job. The authors ® nd that ` . . . men appear to reduce work e� ort slightly for each additional hour spent on household chores, but women do not. At least on this dimension, men appear to trade o� time devoted to household responsibilities with work e� ort outside the home, whereas women seem to take such responsibilities as given’ (p. 1049). However, women do seem to vary their work e� ort as a response to human capital while men do not. Women with more education but similar job characteristics allocate more e� ort to the market. Women with considerable time out of the labour force allocate less e� ort to the market.
The Bielby and Bielby (1988) results suggest that women do not allocate less e� ort to the market than men but the authors do not examine the link between wages and house- hold labour hours by looking either at these variables directly or wages and the self-reported e� ort variables.
Hersch (1991) uses data collected from 18 ® rms in Eugene, Oregon to estimate the impact of household labour on wages. Those surveyed are primarily blue collar workers, 95% of whom are white. Half of the women and 23 of the men are married. Hersch estimates OLS equations and concludes that women’ s wages are negatively a� ected by household labour but men’ s do not appear to be. The author acknowledges that the household labour time may be jointly determined with the wage and, therefore, the OLS estimates of the household labour time coe� cient in the wage equation may be biased. However, she does not test a simultaneou s equations model because of what she reports as `serious identi® cation problems’ .
Hersch and Stratton (1994) use the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics (PSID) to estimate OLS, ® xed e� ects and instrumental variables regressions of the e� ect of
1544 M. C. McL ennan
7 These structural variables include establishment size, union membership and employment in core industries. 8 The author does not list the instrumental variables used or report detailed results of these regressions. 9 However, the amount of e� ort reported as allocated to the market by women with young children still equals that of men.
housework time on wages. Their sample consists of mar- ried, white women and men aged 20± 64. The authors ® nd a negative and signi® cant e� ect of housework time on wages, for both women and men, that persists for women through each of the model speci® cations. In addition, they conduct an instrumental variables ® xed e� ects experiment but report that the results are too imprecise to be reliable. The coe� cient on housework is positive and insigni® cant in this regression.
Included among the instruments used for housework in the IV regressions are six actual measures of fertility : num- ber of children less than age 18, children squared, number of children between the ages of 6 and 12 (school kids), school kids squared, number of children less than age 6 (little kids), and little kids squared. Although the number of children cannot be contemporaneousl y altered with a change in wages, in the long-term children may be jointly determined with wages. For this reason, the use of children, a potentially endogenous variable in the wage equation, to correct for the endogeneity between housework hours and wages is ¯ awed.
Previous research has weighed in favour of the hypoth- esis of a direct negative e� ect of household labour time on wages (at least for married women), however, this research has relied on potentially ¯ awed estimations, either OLS or IV. In order to correctly analyse this issue, both the endo- geneity and heterogeneity biases are addressed. This study improves on prior research by correcting for the potential endogeneity bias with more appropriate instruments. In addition, the analysis is extended to other populations pre- viously unstudied revealing di� erences across groups which are not explained by the theory.
I I I . M E T H OD OL OG Y A N D E M PI R I C A L I S S U E S
Becker’ s model suggests that household labour hours will have a negative and signi® cant impact on wages because of their e� ect on e� ort allocation. For this reason, a wage equation is estimated which is a wage production function expanded to include household labour hours as a produc- tivity variable. The form of the wage equation is
log wage ˆ ¬1 ‡ ¬2HC ‡ ¬3DEM ‡ ¬4HW ‡ ¬5HRS ‡ "1
where HC designates human capital variables, DEM are demographic variables, HW is the number of hours spent on household labour weekly and HRS is the number of weekly hours of market work. The human capital variables are schooling, experience and tenure and the squares of the
latter two; the demographic variables are dummy variables for residence in the south and in an urban area. The human capital variables are included because they a� ect produc- tivity and, therefore, wages. South and urban dummies are included to control for cost of living or labour quality di� erences across regions of the country and rural versus urban areas. Hours worked may be a component of wage determination if there are training or other costs that are speci® c to the number of employees. If these ® xed costs are signi® cant, ® rms prefer fewer workers with more hours each to more workers with fewer hours each. In addition, individuals trade o� between market time and home time; therefore, if this variable is omitted, high household labour hours might pick up the e� ect of working fewer hours rather than the direct e� ort e� ect.
Wage equations often include occupation and union sta- tus variables. Since the allocation of household labour time may a� ect the wage via occupational choice (and, there- fore, may be an additional endogenous variable) , this vari- able is excluded from the primary regression results. Likewise, occupation often dictates union coverage so this variable is also excluded. For comparison, some results for regressions including these variables are reported.
First, OLS regressions of the wage equation for each of the populations under study are estimated. Becker’ s hypothesi s anticipates a negative and signi® cant coe� cient on household labour hours. These simple regressions, although they provide a benchmark for the e� ect of house- hold labour on wages, are ¯ awed for several reasons. Only if household labour hours are exogenous in the wage equa- tion and all relevant explanatory variables (including unob- servable characteristics ) have been included, will the OLS estimates be unbiased.
Endogeneity
Household labour hours are a choice variable, and are therefore, endogenous in the wage equation. Women who earn low wages, perhaps because of a random low residual, may be more likely to specialize in household production which has a lower opportunity cost for them. Hence, household labour hours and wages are jointly determined. As a consequence, if household labour hours are included in the wage equation without any correction, then this vari- able and the error term are correlated, resulting in biased OLS estimates. By assumption, hours of household labour is negatively correlated with the residual in the wage equa- tion10 so the coe� cient on household labour hours is expected to be biased downward, perhaps creating a spur- ious signi® cant negative e� ect of household labour hours
Does household labour impact market wages? 1545
10 Low wages have both a substitution and income e� ect on the allocation of time between home and work. It is assumed that the substitution e� ect dominates so that low wages result in higher household labour hours.
on wages. Similar arguments can be made with regard to the endogeneity of market hours.11
Other researchers suggest that many of the human capi- tal and demographic variables in the women’ s wage equa- tion are endogenous; including schooling, experience, tenure, occupation and number of children (Korenman and Neumark, 1992) . For this analysis, only those variables that can be contemporaneousl y varied with wage are expli- citly treated as endogenous; household labour hours and market hours.
To correct for this endogeneity bias, the wage equation was estimated using two-stage least squares to instrument for household and market labour hours.12 The ® rst stage regressions for household labour hours and market hours are :
HW ˆ 1 ‡ 2HC ‡ 3DEM ‡ 4Y i ‡ "1 HRS ˆ ¯1 ‡ ¯2HC ‡ ¯3DEM ‡ ¯4Y i ‡ "2
where HC and DEM are de® ned as before. Y i is a set of instrumental variables which are assumed to be correlated with household labour hours and market hours but not with the error term in the wage equation. The second stage regression is:
log wage ˆ ¬1 ‡ ¬2HC ‡ ¬3DEM ‡ ¬4 dW H ‡ ¬5 dHR ‡ "3 HW and HRS are now the predicted values of household labour hours and market hours from the ® rst stage regres- sions. The instrumental variables chosen for this analysis are: non-labour household income, a dummy variable for whether the ideal number of children exceeds two (asked in 1971) , spouse’ s education, and the average number of household labour hours and market hours reported by the respondent’ s sisters. (The last two variables are avail- able in only a limited subsample of the data so the two stage least squares regression is estimated with and without them. ) The choice of these instrumental variables are dis- cussed below.
Non-labour household income is a parameter in deter- mining the allocation of time between market, home pro- duction and leisure according to standar d labour supply theory. Hence, non-labour income itself is a good instru- ment for market and household labour hours. 13 The hus- band’ s education is another measure of potential income exogenous to the wife’ s labour. In this model, individuals maximize utility taking the choices of other household members as given, so spouse’ s education can be a valid instrument for the respondent’ s allocation of time between home and market.
As mentioned above, children and wages may be jointly determined in the long run. For instance, women with high wages have a higher opportunity cost to time out of the labour market and, as a result, may choose to have fewer children. For this reason, actual fertility measures cannot be used as instruments for other endogenous variables in the wage equation. It can be argued that expected fertility measures are likewise endogenous because women make human capital investment decisions based on how many children they expect to have. On the other hand, the ideal number of children a woman would like to have should be based on preferences over children themselves and not on trade-o� s between childbearing and wages. In 1971, the women surveyed were between the ages of 16 and 26 and were asked how many children they expected to have and what they considered to be an ideal number of children. Since women were asked about both expected and ideal numbers of children, the response to the latter question re¯ ects preferences for home production (child rearing) . Women with strong preferences for child rearing may be more likely to invest in home production human capital. If these women actually accumulate more home-speci® c human capital, they will have higher household labour hours because, with a larger stock of this capital, their marginal productivity of home production is greater. For this reason, the variable is a good instrument for household and market labour hours.
For a subsample of the data, the average number of household labour hours and market hours, reported by a respondent’ s sisters as proxies for her own hours, are used. Sisters are more similar than unrelated women both because of common inherited traits and similar upbringing. These variables are good instruments for the respondent’ s household labour and market hours because household labour hours and market hours are correlated across sisters and it is reasonabl e to assume that they are not correlated with the error term in the respondent’ s wage equation.
The wage equation is estimated using two-stage least squares regression with the ® tted values for household labour hours and market hours (estimated in the ® rst stage) included in the second stage. The partial R2 and F-statistics for the instruments in the ® rst stage household labour and market hours equations are reported to evalu- ate the validity of the IV estimator results. In addition, over identifying tests for the instruments are performed to eval- uate their exogeneity in the wage equation. As with all over identi® cation tests, the assumption that the equation is at least j̀ust identi® ed’ is made. A test is made to ® nd whether
1546 M. C. McL ennan
11 In the case of market hours, women with a low residual in the wage equation may reduce market hours, therefore, market hours are positively correlated with the residual. For this reason, the coe� cient on market hours may be biased upward. 12 This estimation is only performed for two populations, white and black married women. These populations are most likely to su� er from endogeneity bias because these women may be providing secondary income to the household. In each of the other populations, this is less likely to be the case. 13 Tests for exogeneity and relevance of the instruments are included in Section V.
the expanded list of instruments is valid conditional on at least two of the instruments identifying the equation. Of the instruments chosen, the strongest theoretical case for validity can be made for non-labour income.14 If the model incorporated the accumulation of human capital, then any instrument that would a� ect this capital accumulation (including both preferences and spouse’ s characteristics ) may be invalid. In addition, a model which includes joint family decisions, rather than individual choice, would make the use of spouse’ s characteristic s questionable.
If the coe� cient on household labour hours is not nega- tive and signi® cant in this speci® cation for white married women, it would imply that endogeneity, not the direct e� ect of e� ort, accounts for the OLS results.
Heterogeneity
The OLS regressions may additionally be ¯ awed if relevant explanatory variables are excluded from the analysis. Perhaps the observed e� ect of household labour hours on wages captures correlations between unobservable charac- teristics. If a characteristic , which is positively correlated with market wages and negatively correlated with hours of household labour, is unobserved, the negative e� ect of this variable on market wages may be picked up through house- hold labour hours. If this heterogeneity bias exists, it will reinforce the negative coe� cient on household labour hours in the OLS regressions. On the other hand, if the unobserved characteristic is positively correlated with both market wages and household labour hours (e.g. high energy, diligence) then the bias will be in the other direction (upward).
Since women are observed in more than one period, one is able to estimate a ® rst di� erence equation which elimi- nates the e� ects of ® xed unobservable characteristics.15 The equation estimated is:
D log wave ˆ ¬1 D HC ‡ ¬2 D DEM ‡ ¬3 D HRC ‡ ¬4 D HW ‡ "
If the coe� cient on the change in household labour hours is not negative and signi® cant, it would indicate that heterogeneity bias is creating a spurious result in the OLS estimation for white married women.
Endogeneity and heterogeneity
Neumark and Korenman (1994) ® nd that otherwise un- identi® ed biases in OLS speci® cations can be detected if corrections for heterogeneity and endogeneity are employed simultaneously. For instance, the authors ® nd upward bias in the schooling coe� cient and downward bias in the coe� cient on marriage for women. To address this problem, a ® rst di� erence equation with IV is estimated :
D log wage ˆ ¬1 D HC ‡ ¬2 D DEM ‡ ¬3 D dHRS
‡ ¬4 D dHW ‡ "
HRS and HW are now predicted values of changes in market and household labour time. Here one instruments for the change in household labour hours and market hours in the ® rst di� erence wage equation by using changes in non-labour household income, changes in spouse’ s education and changes in the average number of household and market labour hours of respondent’ s sisters.16 Ideal number of children cannot be used because this variable does not change over time. If the coe� cient on changes in household labour hours is not negative and signi® cant, then heterogeneity/endogeneity may have been the cause of the OLS result for married white women.
In Section V, detailed results for OLS regressions and regressions correcting for endogeneity and/or heterogeneity are reported.17
Does household labour impact market wages? 1547
14 Identi® cation requires at least two valid instruments. 15 Men’ s household labour hours are only observed in one time period so one is unable to estimate a ® rst di� erence equation for men. First di� erence regressions are estimated for black and white women, both married and unmarried. 16 As before, the latter two instruments are available in a subsample of women. 17 All of these regressions involve working women because wages for women who do not work are not observed. Of women who have high number of household labour hours, those with high wages may be more likely to work ; therefore, the estimates may be subject to selection bias. This particular bias would imply a positive correlation between household labour hours and wages and would mitigate the estimated e� ect of household labour hours on wages.
A Heckman (1979) two-stage estimation procedure is used to correct for sample selection. The results indicate that sample selection is not driving the regression results, although it may have some in¯ uence on the magnitude of the coe� cient. In order to use this sample selection technique, tenure and market hours variables must be dropped from the wage equation. Since market hours is a critical variable and the results do not signi® cantly change when employing the sample selection correction, the expanded list of explanatory variables is used in the wage regressions and no sample selection correction is employed.
In this data set, wages are constructed from reported earnings data. If respondents report hourly earnings then the reported value is used as the hourly wage variable. If respondents report weekly, monthly or annual earnings then the variable `usual hours worked in a week’ is used to calculate hourly earnings. The same variable is used for market hours in the wage regressions ; therefore, the estimates of the coe� cient for the market hours may be biased downward. This may have a secondary e� ect on the coe� cient for the variable of interest, household labour hours. To evaluate this possible e� ect, the OLS wage regressions are estimated using `hours worked in the past
I V . D A T A
The data are from the National Longitudinal Study of Young Women and Young Men (NLS). The women were interviewed over time between 1968± 1988 ; they were asked questions on hours of household labour in 1972, 1982, 1983 and 1987. The 1972 question asked for an estimate of annual hours which appears to be less precise than the weekly estimates so it is not used.18 Men were asked the household labour question only in 1981. For both women and men the question asked is `how many hours in a week do you spend on family paperwork, grocery shopping, yard/home maintenance, child care, cleaning dishes, clean- ing house, cooking and washing clothes?’ . My sample con- sists of women who provided data on household labour hours for any or all of the three years in the 1980s that the household labour question was asked and men who answered the question in 1981 (as well as have valid data for the other variables used).
The household labour hours variable includes child care hours, and, theref ore, the mean may be higher than in other studies which exclude this activity. Hours of child care cannot be excluded because they are not individually identi® ed in the NLS data. Most of the other variables are self-explanatory . The experience and tenure variables are actual, not potential, measures.
While most research in this area pertains to white mar- ried women, I perform regressions on several di� erent populations. These are white married women, white mar- ried women who are full time workers, white unmarried women, black married women, black married women full time workers, black unmarried women, white married men, white unmarried men, black married men and black unmarried men.19
Tables 1 and 2 list descriptive statistics for women and men by race and marital status. White married women report an average of almost 24 hours of household labour weekly, the highest of any population discussed in the paper. Black married women report 22 hours. Single women and married men of both races report between 14± 17 hours weekly. Single men report the lowest amount of time, around 11 household labour hours a week.
White married women work the fewest average weekly hours in the market, about 35. Almost 30% of this popula- tion works part time. Black women report working about 38 hours weekly, white unmarried women report close to 40 hours, and all subgroups of men report an average of
over 40 hours. The di� erences in the means of the other variables are expected: women’ s experience and tenure are several years lower than men’ s, schooling for white men is slightly higher than white women, schooling for black women exceeds black men’ s by about one year. The women in the sample range in age from 28± 43, a relatively young group, with a mean of about 34± 35. The data on men come from an earlier year and their mean age is about 33.
Table 3 provides means for variables for women accord- ing to the number of hours of household labour they report. As the number of hours of household labour reported increases, real log wages and schooling decrease. Women who report higher household labour hours also have more children, are more likely to have children under the age of 5 and are more likely to be married.
Table 3b reports statistics for changes in variables according to the change in household labour hours. The theory of e� ort allocation might suggest that women with the highest increases in household labour time would have the lowest wage increases. The data show the opposite. Women with the highest increase in household labour hours have the highest wage growth. They also appear to reduce their market hours (or at least not increase them as much as other groups) and are more likely to have had additional children over the period.
V . R E S U L T S
W hite married women
Table 4 details the results for white married women. As noted above, the OLS regressions are potentially ¯ awed because of problems of endogeneity and heterogeneity but they provide a good starting point. For the populations of white married women, the coe� cient on household labour hours is negative and signi® cant. For each 10 hours of household labour, women’ s wages appear to be reduced by about 3%. The average di� erence between women’ s and men’ s household labour hours is about nine hours. The other variables in the regression have the expected signs.
In each of the two stand alone two stage least squares regressions, market hours and household labour hours are treated as endogenous. In column 2, the instrumental vari- ables are (i) non-labour household income; (ii) spouse’ s education; and (iii) a dummy variable for whether the
1548 M. C. McL ennan
week’ for market hours (as suggested by Borjas (1980)). In none of the populations does the coe� cient on household labour hours change signi® cance or sign. 18 Estimates for household labour hours in 1972 are very low compared to those reported for other years. This is not consistent with the trend of a reduction in household labour hours in general, perhaps because of the average age and life cycle position of the women in the sample in 1972. 19 The results for full-time workers closely mirror those of all married women, and, therefore, are not reproduced here.
ideal number of children exceeds two. In column 3, the list of instruments is expanded to include the means of the household labour hours and market hours reported by
the respondents’ sisters and the sample is limited to those individuals with valid data. 20
Does household labour impact market wages? 1549
Table 1. Descriptive statistics ± working women
White White Black Black Variable married not married married not married
Real log wage 2. 05 2.11 1.95 1.93 (0.0118) (0.0149) (0.0304) (0.0222)
Schooling 13.56 13.67 13.29 12. 76 (0.0615) (0.0806) (0.1736) (0.1145)
Experience 10.46 10. 35 10.54 11. 11 (0.1184) (0.1387) (0.2530) (0.1886)
Exp2 128.82 143. 48 126.26 140. 34 (2.81) (3.43) (5.80) (4.40)
Tenure 5.63 5.42 7.35 6.59 (0.1425) (0.1758) (0.3421) (0.2326)
Ten2 59.90 68. 01 81.97 69. 28 (2.53) (3.21) (6.06) (4.05)
South 0. 3660 0.2759 0.6917 0.5954 (0.0129) (0.0142) (0.0299) (0.0225)
Urban 0.6888 0.7321 0.7208 0.7652 (0.0124) (0.0141) (0.0290) (0.0194)
Union 0. 2061 0.2105 0.3125 0.3333 (0.0109) (0.0129) (0.0300) (0.0216)
Children 1. 77 1.02 2.37 1.74 (0.0306) (0.0384) (0.1059) (0.0682)
Child < 5 0. 2428 0.0614 0.3167 0.1698 (0.0115) (0.0076) (0.0301) (0.0172)
Market hours 35.06 39. 73 37.93 38. 73 (0.3009) (0.2256) (0.4422) (0.2743)
Part-time 0. 2853 0.1118 0.1125 0.0964 (0.0121) (0.0100) (0.0204) (0.0135)
Household hrs 23.69 15. 49 21.98 16. 50 (0.4037) (0.3659) (0.9179) (0.5385)
Age 34.90 34. 70 34.68 34. 14 (0.1028) (0.1209) (0.2311) (0.1699)
Husband’ s age 37.17 ± 37.68 ± (0.1409) ± (0.3415) ±
Husband’ s educ 14.08 ± 12.87 ± (0.0609) ± (0.2040) ±
Ideal # child 2.61 2.62 3.18 3.28 (0.0246) (0.0341) (0.0755) (0.0791)
Ideal # > 2 0. 4402 0.3968 0.6458 0.4675 (0.0133) (0.0155) (0.0309) (0.0229)
Non-labour inc 3863 ± 2044 ± (295) ± (362) ±
Sister’ s HHrs 29.40 34. 01 22.75 22. 29 (1.35) (1.79) (2.02) (1.24)
Sister’ s MHrs 35.11 35.65 37.71 37. 52 (0.7970) (0.8468) (1.30) (0.7705)
N 1388 993 240 477 (except last 7)
Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
20 Recent literature has resurrected the concern that the IV estimator may be biased in ® nite samples if the instruments have low relevance for the endogenous regressors (Bound et al., 1993 ; Nelson and Startz, 1990 ; Staiger and Stock, 1993 ; Hall et al., 1994). Bound et al. ® nd that in ® nite samples the IV estimates are biased in the same direction as the OLS estimates if the instruments are not strongly correlated with the endogenous variables for which they act as proxy. As the authors suggest, the partial R2 and the joint F-statistic on the excluded instruments from the ® rst stage regression are reported to indicate the quality of the estimates.
To be valid instruments, variables must not only be correlated with the endogenous variables, they must be exogenous in the wage equation. Each set of instrumental variables is accepted as exogenous using an overidentifying test as suggested by Newey (1985). The chi-square statistic testing for exogeneity for each set of instruments is also reported.
The coe� cient on household labour in column 2 of Table 4 is negative but is now insigni® cant.21 While one anticipates that endogeneity will bias the OLS estimates downward, the coe� cient in this speci® cation is lower than in the OLS regression. The coe� cient on household labour hours in the wage equation in column 3 is positive and insigni® cant.22
These two stage least squares results suggest that the results in the OLS regression may be due to endogeneity bias and not a direct causal relationship of household hours on wages. To further explore this issue, these regres- sions are estimated with two actual fertility measures (num- ber of children and whether the respondent has children
under age ® ve) included as exogenous variables in both stages of the regression. Children and household labour hours are positively correlated. If children also have an exogenous negative e� ect on market wages (perhaps because of statistical discrimination) , then omitting chil- dren from the wage equation will bias the coe� cient on household labour hours downward. The exogeneity of these variables in the wage equation is an assumption. The coe� cient on household labour hours in the column 2 speci® cation including these fertility variables is positive and insigni® cant.
The OLS and two stage least squares regressions with occupation and union status variables are also estimated.
1550 M. C. McL ennan
Table 2. Descriptive statistics ± working men
White White Black Black Variable married not married married not married
Real log wage 2. 56 2.41 2.25 2.04 (0.0143) (0.0299) (0.0307) (0.0351)
Schooling 13.85 14. 18 11.92 12. 01 (0.0083) (0.1628) (0.2143) (0.2158)
Experience 14.90 13. 35 15.66 13. 33 (0.1276) (0.2608) (0.3225) (0.2836)
Exp2 238.21 194. 15 263.01 191. 41 (4.17) (7.76) (11.02) (8.37)
Tenure 8. 54 8.00 9.52 7.84 (0.1741) (0.3341) (0.3812) (0.3568)
Ten2 103.19 89. 91 115.41 83. 17 (3.52) (6.14) (8.12) (6.51)
South 0. 3155 0.3034 0.7326 0.7952 (0.0147) (0.0301) (0.0038) (0.0310)
Urban 0.6821 0.7906 0.5872 0.6506 (0.0147) (0.0267) (0.0377) (0.0366)
Union 0. 3071 0.3077 0.3779 0.3133 (0.0146) (0.0302) (0.0371) (0.0356)
Children 2. 01 0.74 2.71 1.57 (0.0386) (0.0745) (0.1250) (0.1334)
Child < 5 0. 4333 0.0897 0.5058 0.2771 (0.0157) (0.0173) (0.0382) (0.0343)
Market hours 44.68 43. 38 41.92 41. 31 (0.2618) (0.6851) (0.3896) (0.6649)
Part-time 0. 0142 0.0641 0.0174 0.0723 (0.0038) (0.0160) (0.0100) (0.0199)
Household hrs 15.17 11. 57 14.67 11. 01 (0.3498) (0.6943) (0.9996) (0.6626)
Age 33.93 32. 82 33.83 33. 00 (0.1048) (0.2151) (0.2539) (0.2585)
N 840 234 172 83
Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
21 For white married women, this set of instrumental variables (excluding mean of sisters’ market and household labour hours) yields a partial R2 of 0.009 with an F-statistic of 5.24 in the market hours equations (signi® cant at the 1% level). These same instruments have a partial R2 of 0.005 and an F-statistic of 1.00 in the household labour hours equation (not signi® cant). The chi-square statistic to test for the exogeneity of this set of instruments is 7.35. The critical value with three degrees of freedom is 7.81 ; therefore, the null hypothesis of exogeneity is not rejected. 22 In the ® rst stage regressions using the expanded set of instruments, the partial R2 is 0.04 and the F-statistic is 2.97 in the market hours equation (signi® cant at the 5% level). In the household labour hours equation, the partial R2 is 0.008 and the F-statistic is 0.48 (not signi® cant). The chi-square statistic to test for exogeneity is 3. 54, with a critical value of 11.07 with ® ve degrees of freedom.
The results with regard to the household labour variable do not change signi® cantly and are not reported in detail here. 23
Table 4 also reports the results of a ® rst di� erence regres- sion for white women who are married at the time of each observation. The coe� cient on household labour is positive
Does household labour impact market wages? 1551
Table 3a. Descriptive statistics for women by household labour variable
Variable < 15 hrs 15± 20 hrs > 20 hrs All
Real log wage 2.11 2.07 1.94 2.02 (0. 0120) (0.0213) (0.0100) (0.0074)
Schooling 13.67 13.24 13.02 13.30 (0. 0662) (0.1092) (0.0511) (0.0386)
Experience 11.10 11.38 10.10 10.63 (0. 1066) (0.2040) (0.0980) (0.0686)
Tenure 6.30 6.36 5.45 5.88 (0. 1337) (0.2588) (0.1156) (0.0832)
South 0.4012 0.4341 0.3969 0.4027 (0. 0124) (0.0237) (0.0109) (0.0078)
Urban 0.7721 0.7091 0.6584 0.7081 (0. 0106) (0.0217) (0.0106) (0.0072)
Union 0.2653 0.2500 0.2052 0.2334 (0. 0112) (0.0207) (0.0090) (0.0067)
Children 1.13 1.51 2.08 1.65 (0. 0335) (0.0586) (0.0270) (0.0210)
Child < 5 0.1204 0.1227 0.2480 0.1847 (0. 0083) (0.0157) (0.0096) (0.0061)
Market hours 39.02 39.15 34.61 36.82 (0. 1949) (0.3713) (0.2348) (0.1500)
Part-time 0.1211 0.1091 0.2933 0.2062 (0. 0083) (0.0149) (0.0102) (0.0064)
Household hrs 8.65 15.58 30.95 20.61 (0. 0865) (0.0500) (0.2859) (0.2229)
Age 34.38 34.92 34.67 34.59 (0. 0972) (0.1816) (0.0223) (0.0593)
Black 0.2782 0.1977 0.2042 0.2322 (0. 0113) (0.0190) (0.0090) (0.0067)
Married 0.4726 0.6591 0.7505 0.6326 (0. 0127) (0.0226) (0.0097) (0.0076)
Divorced 0.2608 0.2409 0.1927 0.2244 (0. 0111) (0.0204) (0.0088) (0.0066)
Husband’ s age 36.93 37.42 36.92 36.98 (0. 2091) (0.3218) (0.1312) (0.1055)
Husband’ s ed 13.94 14.10 13.77 13.86 (0. 1124) (0.1715) (0.0792) (0.0606)
Id # child 2.73 2.62 2.76 2.73 (0. 0307) (0.0492) (0.0245) (0.0181)
Id # child > 2 0.4070 0.4136 0.4582 0.4334 (0. 0130) (0.0243) (0.0115) (0.0081)
Non-labour inc 3521 2059 3412 3280 (423) (426) (266) (205)
Sister’ s HHrs 28.00 27.69 29.07 28.53 (1. 16) (2.62) (1.04) (0.7471)
Sister’ s MHrs 36.38 37.26 35.23 35.84 (0.6550) (0.9490) (0.5460) (0.2808)
N 1553 440 2008 4001 (except last 5)
Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
23 The chi-square statistic for the test for exogeneity of the instruments in wage regressions including the occupation and union status variables is lower than those reported for the primary regressions. Exogeneity is accepted in all cases.
1552 M. C. McL ennan
Table 3b. Descriptive statistics for changes in household labour variable
Reduced by Changed by Increased by Change in variable 10 or more less than 10 more than 10 All
Real log wage 0.0971 0.1058 0.1595 0.1117 (0.0153) (0.0084) (0.0225) (0.0073)
Experience 3.90 4.02 3.90 3.97 (0.0450) (0.0264) (0.0564) (0.0220)
Tenure 2.28 2.33 2.24 2.28 (0.1601) (0.1037) (0.2155) (0.0850)
South 0.0145 0.0088 0.0111 0.0113 (0.0102) (0.0058) (0.0111) (0.0048)
Urban 0.0193 0.0079 70.0407 0.0024 (0.0096) (0.0054) (0.0131) (0.0046)
Children 0.1108 0.1259 0.3444 0.1547 (0.0185) (0.0111) (0.0377) (0.0104)
Child < 5 70.1446 70.0440 0.0333 70.0504 (0.0223) (0.0134) (0.0380) (0.0117)
Market hours 4.03 1.23 70.5444 1.61 (0.4782) (0.2265) (0.5810) (0.2061)
Household hrs. 721.80 70.2720 22.47 71.89 (0.7703) (0.1640) (1.07) (0.4334)
N 415 1136 270 1687
Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
Table 4. Regression results ± white married women
Variable OLS 2SLS1 2SLS2 FIR DIF4 IV/FD3;4 IV/FD4;5
Constant 0.7138* 1.74 0.3980 ± ± ± (0.0814) (1. 04) (0.6843) ± ± ±
Schooling 0.0646* 0.0755* 0.0872* ± ± ± (0.0044) (0. 0090) (0.0126) ± ± ±
Experience 0.0329* 0.0422* 0.0387 0.0393* 70.0779 0.0455 (0.0087) (0. 0175) (0.0315) (0.0173) (0. 5922) (0.0793)
Exp2 70.0005 70.0008 70.0005 70.0008* 70.0001 0.0007 (0.0004) (0. 0005) (0.0014) (0.0004) (0. 0067) (0.0023)
Tenure 0.0355* 0.0397* 0.0342 0.0186* 70.0061 0.0344 (0.0060) (0. 0187) (0.0264) (0.0056) (0. 1394) (0.0511)
Ten2 70.0010* 70.0011 70.0011 70.0008* 0.0006 70.0014 (0.0003) (0. 0011) (0.0014) (0.0003) (0. 0071) (0.0026)
South 70.0501* 70.0111 70.0653 0.0174 0.0319 70.0112 (0.0204) (0. 0516) (0.0843) (0.0552) (0. 3091) (0.2327)
Urban 0.1650* 0.1112 0.1435* 70.0340 70.5116 70.3374 (0.0212) (0. 0610) (0.0510) (0.0562) (1. 506) (0.2437)
Market hours 0.0005 70.0236 70.0036 70.0044* 70.0024 70.0423* (0.0010) (0. 0140) (0.0089) (0.0011) (0. 1482) (0.0152)
Household hrs 70.0029* 70.0194 0.0025 0.0008 70.0482 70.0077 (0.0007) (0. 0230) (0.0146) (0.0005) (0. 1890) (0.0138)
R2 0.34 N 1388 1388 234 766 412 57
Notes : *Indicates signi® cance at the 5% level. Standard errors in parentheses. Dependent variable: real log wage. 1 The endogenous variables are market hours and household labour hours. The instrumental variables are spouse’ s education, a dummy variable for whether the respondent’ s ideal number of children exceeds two and non-labour household income. 2 The endogenous variable are market hours and household labour hours. The instrumental variables are those in footnote one plus the average number of hours that the respondent’ s sisters report for household labour hours and market hours. 3 The endogenous variables are market hours and household labour hours. The instruments are spouse’ s education and non-labour household income. 4 This regression also includes a variable for the number of years between observations. 5 The endogenous and instrumental variables are the same as in footnote three with the addition of average number of sisters’ household and market labour hours as instruments.
and not signi® cant. This result suggests that heterogeneity bias may account for the OLS result.
Finally, columns 5 and 6 report the results of the com- bined two stage least squares and ® rst di� erencing regres- sions for white married women. The sampling criteria (have at least two observations with valid information on all instruments as well as other exogenous variables) sub- stantially reduce the sample size so this is the only popula- tion for which these regression results are reported. Again, the coe� cient on household labour hours is not signi® cant in either speci® cation, although it is negative. These results are inconsistent with the hypothesis that an increase in the number of household labour hours will have a direct nega- tive e� ect on wages.24
Other population s
In no other population studied is the coe� cient on house- hold labour hours signi® cant in any regression (OLS, two stage least squares or ® rst di� erence). Table 5 reports the results for black married women, who report household labour hours similar to white married women. The coe� - cient on household labour hours in the OLS regression is negative but insigni® cant.
The column 2 and 3 two stage least squares estimators also produce insigni® cant coe� cients on the household labour variable.25
The results of a ® rst di� erence equation for women mar- ried at the time of each observation are reported in col- umn 4. The coe� cient on household labour time is not signi® cant although it is negative. Correcting for potential endogeneity or heterogeneity biases does not change the OLS result of no direct e� ect of household labour hours on market wages for black married women. 26
Table 6 reports results of OLS and ® rst di� erence regres- sions for white and black not married women. Women included in the ® rst di� erence regressions are not married at the time of either observation. The coe� cient on house- hold labour hours is signi® cant only for the column four regression, and in this case the coe� cient is positive. For black not married women, the coe� cient in the OLS regression is negative, but only close to signi® cant at the 20% level. The coe� cient in the ® rst di� erence equation is positive. These results suggest that, for not married women, there is no direct e� ect of household labour on market wages.27
OLS results for men are reported in Table 7. The coe� - cient on household labour hours is never signi® cant for
Does household labour impact market wages? 1553
24 OLS regression is also estimated with a correction for participation. The ® rst stage participation equation must include all of the explanatory variables in the second stage wage equation ; therefore, the tenure and market hours variables must be dropped from the equation. For white married women, the coe� cient on household labour hours remains signi® cant and is more negative in the wage equation corrected for sample selection bias. However, the results do not change qualitatively.
Using alternative measures of market hours, it is found that division bias does not appear to change the results substantially, so the results reported are not corrected for this bias. To further explore this issue, OLS regressions are estimated with separate market and household labour hours variables for women who are paid hourly and those paid otherwise. Even without division bias, one may expect di� erences in these coe� cients. If jobs with lower average wages are characterized as hourly-paid jobs then women who report being paid hourly may also report lower hourly wages. If this scenario is true then it works in the opposite direction of division bias which would imply that the coe� cient on market hours for those paid non-hourly would be biased downward while the coe� cient for hourly workers would not be biased.
In the case of white married women the coe� cients on both market hours variables (those who are paid hourly and otherwise) are insigni® cant. The coe� cient on market hours for hourly workers is negative and for non-hourly is positive. This suggests that any division bias may be outweighed by the fact that hourly jobs are lower paying on average. For this population, the coe� cients on the household labour hours variables are both negative and signi® cant and close to the coe� cient when only one variable is included. 25 In the ® rst IV speci® cation, the partial R2 in the market hours equation is 0.06 and the F-statistic is 1.93 (signi® cant at the 25% level). The partial R2 for the household labour equation is 0.04 and the F-statistic is 2.18 (signi® cant at about the 10% level). Again, the null hypothesis of exogeneity of the instruments is not rejected with a chi-square statistic of 7.53 (critical value of 7.81).
In the second IV estimation (column 3), the partial R2 for the market hours equation is 0.38 with an F-statistic of 2.87 (signi® cant at the 5% level). The partial R2 for the household labour equation is 0.20 with an F-statistic of 0.51 (not signi® cant). The chi-square statistic is 11.06. The hypothesis of exogeneity is not rejected since the critical chi-square value is 11.07. 26 Sample selection corrected OLS regressions for black married women are also estimated. For this population, the coe� cient on household labour hours is negative and signi® cant between the 10% and 20% level once sample selection is considered. However, a wage regression with the limited number of explanatory variables required by the sample selection correction yields a similar result even without correcting for sample selection. In addition, using the same sample, a wage regression including the expanded set of variables, yields a negative but insigni® cant coe� cient on household labour hours. This suggests that inclusion of market hours and/or tenure variables is critical to the results with regard to household labour hours.
Division bias does not appear to in¯ uence the results for this group. For black married women, the results with regard to the market hours and household labour hours variables do not change when separate variables are included for those who are paid hourly as compared to those paid otherwise. 27 The issue of division bias is also investigated more thoroughly for single women. For single white women, the coe� cients on the separate market hours variables (separate for those paid hourly as compared to those paid otherwise) are both signi® cant and negative and close to the estimate of the single coe� cient, implying no division bias. The coe� cients on household labour hours, however, have opposite signs. In fact, for those who are paid hourly, the coe� cient is negative and signi® cant. About 22% of this population is paid hourly. The reported hours are not signi® cantly di� erent between groups paid hourly or otherwise, 16.7 and 15.2 respectively.
1554 M. C. McL ennan
Table 5. Regression results ± black married women
Variable OLS 2SLS1 2SLS2 FIR DIF3
Constant 0.3833* 70.9989 3.38 ± (0.2539) (1.461) (2.22) ±
Schooling 0.0779* 0.0468 70.0881 ± (0.0092) (0.0320) (0.0921) ±
Experience 0.0564* 70.0280 70.2071 0.0101 (0.0252) (0.0764) (0.2164) (0.0447)
Exp2 70.0017 0.0009 0.0093 70.0020* (0.0011) (0.0025) (0.0095) (0.0009)
Tenure 0.0081 70.0165 0.0345 0.0131 (0.0155) (0.0294) (0.0911) (0.0137)
Ten2 0.0004 0.0020 70.0032 70.0001 (0.0009) (0.0016) (0.0059) (0.0007)
South 70.1637* 70.0655 0.3954 70.0362 (0.0532) (0.1369) (0.5074) (0.1262)
Urban 0.2169* 0.1383 0.0601 ± (0.0565) (0.1253) (0.3488) ±
Market hrs 0.0011 0.0644 0.0433 70.0090* (0.0036) (0.0413) (0.0357) (0.0034)
Household hrs 70.0015 70.0017 70.0646 70.0008 (0.0017) (0.0182) (0.0441) (0.0014)
R2 0.50 N 240 240 48 148
Notes : * Indicates signi® cance at the 5% level. Standard errors in parentheses. Dependent variable: real log wage. 1 The endogenous variables are market hours and household labour hours. The instrumental variables are spouse’ s education, a dummy variable for whether the respondent’ s ideal number of children exceeds two and non-labour household income. 2 The endogenous variables are market hours and household labour hours. The instrumental variables are those in footnote one plus the average number of hours that the respondent’ s sisters report for household labour hours and market hours. 3 This regression also includes a variable for the number of years between observations.
Table 6. Regression results ± unmarried women
Variable White OLS White FIR DIF1 Black OLS Black FIR DIF1
Constant 0.4002* ± 0.3324* ± (0.1076) ± (0.1670) ±
Schooling 0.0829* ± 0.0884* ± (0.0049) ± (0.0071) ±
Experience 0.0451* 0.0049 0.0011 70.0457 (0.0113) (0.0290) (0.0186) (0.0410)
Exp2 70.0011 70.0005 0.0011 70.0005 (0.0005) (0.0005) (0.0186) (0.0009)
Tenure 0.0302* 0.0135* 0.0403* 0.0034 (0.0069) (0.0070) (0.0105) (0.0121)
Ten2 70.0005 70.0008* 70.0012* 0.0005 (0.0004) (0.0004) (0.0006) (0.0007)
South 70.0718* 70.3101* 70.1414* 70.1148 (0.0268) (0.0716) (0.0368) (0.1513)
Urban 0.2162* 70.0765 0.3012* 70.0923 (0.0272) (0.0944) (0.0430) (0.2965)
Market hrs 70.0014 70.0072* 0.0020 70.0141* (0.0017) (0.0022) (0.0029) (0.0036)
Household hrs 70.0001 70.0004 70.0016 0.0032* (0.0010) (0.0010) (0.0014) (0.0016)
R2 0.39 0.47 N 993 359 477 168
Notes : * Indicates signi® cance at the 5% level. Standard errors in parentheses. Dependent variable: real log wage. 1 Women in this sample are not married at the time of either observation.
For black women who are unmarried, the coe� cients on the separate market hours variables are insigni® cant and negative, consistent with the simple OLS regression. This implies no division bias for regressions with these populations.
The coe� cients on household labour hours for unmarried black women, however, have opposite signs. The coe� cient on those who
men of any race or marital status. In fact, the coe� cient is positive for all four populations.
Since men and single women have signi® cantly lower household labour hours than white married women, I esti- mate the OLS regressions using dummy variables for whether an individual works between 15± 20 hours and over 20 hours weekly in the household in place of the number of hours themselves (omitted category is under 15 hours). While the over 20 hours category has a signi® - cant and negative coe� cient for white married women, the only other instance in which either of these variables has a signi® cant (and negative ) coe� cient is for the over 20 hours category in the regression for not married black women. These results imply that the di� erences in the level of household labour hours between women and men and between not married and married white women do not explain the di� erences in the incremental e� ect on wages.
V I . C ON C L U S I ON A N D S U M M A R Y R E M A R K S
It has been argued in the literature that women on average allocate less e� ort to market work than men because of
their greater household responsibilities. This productivity di� erence, although unobservable, may account, at least in part, for the wage gap between women and men. Becker (1985) argues that, if there is a constraint on total energy and market time, household labour time is directly and negatively related to market e� ort. This suggests that household labour hours can be used as a proxy for e� ort in the wage equation. The relationship between household labour hours and market wages is estimated and no ® rm evidence is found that the di� erences in household labour responsibilities can account for all or even most of the persistent gender wage gap.
In OLS regressions, a negative and signi® cant e� ect of household labour hours on the wages of white married women only is found. In addition, only in the case of unmarried black women is there evidence of a threshold e� ect to explain the di� erence in the OLS results between white married women and other groups. A direct e� ort e� ect should be consistent across di� erent groups unless household labour a� ects market e� ort di� erently by demo- graphic status. Household labour hours themselves may not be a su� cient proxy for e� ort if the intensity and/or scheduling ¯ exibility of household tasks varies systemati- cally across groups. While it seems reasonabl e to assume
Does household labour impact market wages? 1555
Table 7. Regression results ± men
White White Black Black Variable married not married married not married
Constant 0.7165* 0.3192 1.35* 1.54* (0.1988) (0.3781) (0.4245) (0.6467)
Schooling 0.0624* 0.0634* 0.0469* 0.0797* (0.0053) (0.0125) (0.0100) (0.0191)
Experience 0.1228* 0.1355* 0.0525 70.0946 (0.0198) (0.0383) (0.0413) (0.0826)
Exp2 70.0032* 70.0040* 70.0012 0.0042 (0.0006) (0.0013) (0.0012) (0.0029)
Tenure 0.0175* 0.0172 0.0253 0.0204 (0.0079) (0.0208) (0.0150) (0.0408)
Ten2 70.0004 0.0002 70.0008 70.0006 (0.0004) (0.0012) (0.0007) (0.0023)
South 70.0125 70.0298 70.2183* 70.1127 (0.0269) (0.0570) (0.0660) (0.1165)
Urban 0.2017* 0.1944* 0.2304* 0.1440 (0.0268) (0.0662) (0.0588) (0.1050)
Market hrs 70.0074* 70.0044 70.0071 70.0049 (0.0015) (0.0025) (0.0050) (0.0051)
Household hrs 0.0003 0.0044 0.0001 0.0074 (0.0011) (0.0025) (0.0019) (0.0051)
R2 0.27 0.28 0.39 0.38 N 840 234 172 83
Notes : *Indicates signi® cance at the 5% level. Standard errors in parentheses. Dependent variable : real log wage.
are paid hourly is positive and insigni® cant while the coe� cient for those paid otherwise is negative and signi® cant. This is the opposite of the results for white single women. For black single women, 23% of whom are paid hourly, average hours reported by hourly workers is again slightly higher than for other workers (18.3 compared to 15.9)
that intensity or scheduling may vary for single versus married populations or women versus men, it seems less plausible that this variable can be used in explaining di� er- ences in the OLS results for white married women and black married women.
The results of the two stage least squares, ® rst di� erence and combined estimations support the notion that endo- geneity and/or heterogeneity may cause a spurious negative relationship between wages and household labour hours in the OLS regressions. No signi® cant, negative e� ect of household labour hours on market wages is detected in the two stage least squares and/or ® xed e� ects regressions. In the populatio n of white married women the negative and signi® cant result in the OLS regressions appears to be related to the fact that women who earn low wages also have high household labour hours, either because they specialize in the home when faced with a low opportunity cost of doing so, or because of an unobservable characteristic that links low wages and high household labour hours.
When fertility measures are included in the two stage least squares regressions as exogenous variables, the e� ect of household labour hours is insigni® cant and always posi- tive. If children have an exogenous negative impact on women’ s wages, separate from the e� ect of increasing household labour hours, then omitting them from the regression could bias the estimate of the household labour coe� cient downward. Further investigation is needed to sort out the possible e� ect of children on wages separate from household labour hours.
There is some evidence that using a sample of working women without correcting for selection may bias the coef- ® cient on household labour upward. However, it does not appear that correcting for this selectivity would qualita- tively change the regression results. In addition, there is no evidence that division bias a� ects the coe� cient on house- hold labour hours. On the other hand, there may be di� er- ences in the e� ect of household labour hours on wages for those paid hourly and otherwise. The di� erence between these types of workers is only signi® cant for unmarried women and the e� ects are opposite for di� erent races, making it di� cult to interpret without further research.
Household labour hours may in¯ uence wages less directly by a� ecting the accumulation of market human capital. If current household labour hours are positively correlated with past household labour hours then evaluat- ing the impact of current household labour hours may pick up some of this e� ect. However, further research is required to evaluate this potential avenue for household labour to a� ect market wages.
Although these results do not prove that di� erences in wages can be attribute d to discrimination, they do suggest that there is little compelling evidence that women’ s wages are lower than men’ s because women put less e� ort into
their jobs as a direct result of their household responsi- bilities.
A C K N OW L E D G E M E N T S
The author would like to thank Jere Behrman, Anita Chaudhuri, Jill Constantine, Gus Faucher, Chris Hanes, Robert Hunt, David Neumark, Robert Pollak for thought- ful review and helpful suggestions.
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1556 M. C. McL ennan
Polachek, S. W. (1981) Occupational self-selection : a human capital approach to sex di� erences in occupational structure, T he Review of Economics and Statistics, 63, 60± 9.
Shelton, B. A. (1992) W omen, Men and T ime, Greenwood Press, New York, NY.
Staiger, D. and Stock, J. H. (1994) Instrumental variables re- gression with weak instruments, NBER Technical Working Paper, no. 151.
Wellington, A. J. (1992) Changes in the male/female wage gap, 1976± 85, T he Journal of Human Resources, XXVIII, 383± 411.
Does household labour impact market wages? 1557
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Does household labour impact market wages.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/WHAT IS THE EFFECT OF HOUSEWORKON THE MARKET WAGE, AND CAN ITEXPLAIN THE GENDER WAGE GAP?.pdf
doi: 10.1111/j.1467-6419.2009.00586.x
WHAT IS THE EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE, AND CAN IT
EXPLAIN THE GENDER WAGE GAP? Sholeh A. Maani and Amy A. Cruickshank
University of Auckland
Abstract. Does housework reduce the market wage, and if so, does it have a similar impact for males and females? In this paper, we survey and evaluate the recent and growing empirical literature on the linkages between housework and the wage rate. The review is motivated by unexplained gender wage gaps across studies, which consider personal and market-related factors. We focus on this less-studied aspect of wage determination. We consider the required modelling framework, and provide standardized estimated effects of housework on the hourly wage across studies. We evaluate how this literature has addressed potential estimation problems, in particular, the endogeneity of housework, concavity of the housework–wage function, threshold effects and work effort effects. We conclude that the evidence across ordinary least squares, instrumental variable, fixed effects and two-stage least squares results casts serious doubt on the idea that the negative female housework–wage relationship is only driven by endogeneity bias or individual-specific characteristics. Yet, much more needs to be done to address modelling and data requirements, and we point out likely and promising future research directions.
Keywords. Effort; Gender wage gap; Housework; Time use; Wage rate
1. Introduction
Does housework reduce the market wage, and if so, does it have a similar impact for males and females? There is international evidence that women, especially married women, spend significantly more time on average on housework (e.g. Blau et al. (2002), Burda et al. (2007) in the USA and EU; Zukewich (2003) for Canada; Bonke et al. (2005) for Denmark; Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2007) for the UK). This is true despite reductions in housework by women and increased participation of males in housework in the past 30 years. In the USA, men spend approximately a quarter less time than women do on housework every week (e.g. Panel Survey of Income Dynamics, 2005). In Australia, married women report roughly about two and a half times more housework hours than their partners (women covering about 70% of housework hours) (e.g. Baxter, 2005).
In addition, although the gender wage gap in a number of countries, including the USA, UK and Australia is narrower than 30 years ago, it is well known that it
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EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 403
has not fully converged. The gender wage gap in the UK has been narrowing but stood at approximately 17% in 2005 (Office of National Statistics, 2006), and there is evidence that the hourly gender wage gap of Australian full-time employees has widened since the 1990s (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2005). While the impact of individual and job characteristics on the gender wage gap has received much attention in the literature, the potential effect of housework on the wage gap is less studied. In this paper, we survey and evaluate the growing economic literature on the effect of housework on market wages. We identify major questions and evaluate empirical methods for estimation of the effect. We further identify pending research questions, and promising future research directions.
Theoretically, there are two main channels through which housework may reduce wages. First, housework may affect wages by influencing choices individuals make about their selection of job characteristics (and thereby via job-related compensating wage differentials). Individuals who spend more time on housework, particularly during the working week, may seek out jobs that offer more flexible work arrangements, such as shorter commuting time or greater flexibility in scheduling. These more flexible working arrangements are likely to be costly to firms and so wages may be lower in such jobs to compensate employers.
In addition, household roles may have a direct effect on earnings via allocation of effort and job choices – these direct linkages suggest that individuals with the same observable characteristics (education, experience, tenure, occupation) but different household responsibilities will earn different wages. Becker’s (1985) theory of the allocation of effort postulates that individual effort is limited, and that effort expended on housework necessarily reduces the amount of effort available for market work. Hence if work effort, productivity and wages are positively correlated, the wages of workers bearing greater household responsibilities will be lower than the wages of their less-burdened counterparts, even after controlling for relevant observable characteristics. Work effort may be broadly interpreted as the amount of energy and focus during a day’s work, or after-hours time for networking, informal meetings, up-skilling or travel for work. This second channel is examined directly in only one study, and indirectly through the study of the self-employed, which provides support for the effort channel.
The channel of compensating wage differentials has been traditionally examined in the literature through models that control for industry, occupation and other job- related fixed effects (FE). The effort channel however, has, received less empirical attention partly due to data limitations and modelling complications. As such, the effort channel is the relatively unexplored channel through which housework may contribute to the gender wage gap.
An additional avenue of investigation looks at why the housework variable may have different impacts for males and females and by marital status as the potential factor in explaining the gender wage gap. These studies further analyze whether threshold effects, the concavity of the housework–wage function or distinguishing between different types and timing of housework can help explain observed gender differences. Other major questions addressed in the literature are differences
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404 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
in the life-cycle aspects of the housework–wage effect due to the presence of young children, the effect of age and marital status and the impact for the self-employed.
The empirical literature on the link between housework and wages is growing, and while some important questions remain unanswered, it holds promise in further explaining the gender wage gap. In addition, despite a relatively small number of studies a reasonably clear picture on a number of issues is emerging.
It is well known that estimating the effect of housework on the wage rate poses a number of potential econometric problems. These problems include the endogeneity effects of the wage rate due to personal unobservables, and distinguishing between the mechanisms through which housework may influence the market wage rate.
In Section 2, we present the methodology and review the findings and issues surrounding major recent empirical studies of the impact of housework on the market wage. Section 3 examines data questions and future potential research directions relating to time-use data and modelling approaches. Section 4 provides concluding remarks.
2. Evidence on the Effect of Housework on Wages
2.1 Modelling Approach
In this section, we examine the general empirical modelling approach, its extensions and findings as a framework for interpreting the existing estimates. Many of the studies covered below are motivated by the gender wage gap.
Theoretically, the decision to engage in home production is intrinsically related to other joint decisions as affected by productivity in the labour market and productivity at home. As such, at any given time (and conditional on factors such as marital status and the number of children), housework, work effort and the wage rate are potentially jointly determined. Earlier theoretical models of house production (Becker, 1965; Gronau, 1977) generally focused on the home production choices of individuals, based on an exogenous wage rate and home production technology. Most importantly, the female wage affects the full (shadow) price of home-produced goods, and it thereby affects home production choices. Models of female wage determination, alternatively, focused on the importance of time spent on market work, work experience in particular, or interruptions in it (Mincer, 1974) and job characteristics, such as work flexibility.
In later developments, further foundations were laid for decisions regarding home production, job-related personal effort requirements and the wage rate to be jointly determined (Becker, 1985; Gronau, 1988). As such, persons with greater housework responsibilities select jobs that are less demanding and earn less. Moreover, individuals with more housework responsibilities are time and effort constrained and can provide less effort in their workplace, in its broader sense, including time to network or up-skill.
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An empirical model, which incorporates these joint relations and decisions, may potentially be expressed in the form of three jointly determined equations
Hi = a + bWi + c X i + ui (1a)
Ei = d + eWi + f Hi + g Zi + vi (1b)
Wi = h + i Hi + j Ei + kYi + εi (1c) where H represents housework hours per unit of time, E is a standardized measure of work effort, W is the log wage, X, Z and Y are vectors of identifying variables and u, v and ε are individual-specific error terms (where b < 0, e > 0, f > 0, i < 0 and j > 0). In this framework, housework is affected by the market wage (W). Housework choices in turn affect the wage rate through the effort channel (E) and through job constraints (e.g. time flexibility) to accommodate housework (H) in the wage equation.
The vector of X variables in the housework equation may include variables such as marital status and the number of young children. The identifying Z variables in the job effort equation may include factors such as the presence of job promotion prospects. Y variables in the wage equation may include education and those job characteristics that are unrelated to work effort and housework.
In practice, information on job effort has not been traditionally available. In addition, the identification of these structural models is somewhat problematic due to the lack of good instruments. For example, factors such as educational qualifications or the number of children can reasonably belong to all equations. As such, since many of the earlier ordinary least squares (OLS) models resemble equation (1c) or a variation of it, they tend to ignore potential endogeneity. Later models reviewed consist of a combination of studies with instrumental variable (IV) estimations for the effect of housework (H), or FE estimates for unobserved heterogeneity. The group of studies of augmented Mincer-type wage equations, which include the housework variable but do not control for work effort (1d), are effectively reduced-form wage equations, which result from the substitution of equation (1a) into (1b) and further into equation (1c):
Wi = α + b1 Hi + b2 X i + b3Yi + b4 Zi + ε′i (1d) where, for example, α = (h + j d)/(1 − j f ), b1 = i /[1 − j (e + f b)], b2 = jfc, and the error term ε′i = [ j (vi + εi )]/(1 − j f ) in relation to the coefficients in equations (1a)–(1c).
It is noteworthy that this reduced-form model (1d) is compatible with Gronau and Becker models. However, in the review that follows, it should be noted that in interpreting the majority of studies, which exclude job effort (E) and are estimated by OLS, such as (1d), the coefficient of the housework variable (b1) is the reduced- form coefficient of housework on the wage rate that is the composite of the effects of housework through housework-related job characteristics and work effort mechanisms. This is true, irrespective of whether or not FE or IV estimation with housework is adopted.1
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406 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
Earlier studies mainly used OLS equations that were generally based on (1c) or (1d) specifications. Among major earlier studies, Hersch (1991b) tests whether a housework–wage linkage exists via working conditions and job effort, based on the following standard empirical wage specifications estimated in two separate models:
Wi = β′Yi + δ′ Hi + ui (2a)
Wi = β′Yi + γ ′ Ei + δ′ Hi + vi (2b) where W
i is the natural log of the real hourly wage (of individual i), Yi is
the vector of human capital and individual characteristics, Ei is the vector of non-pecuniary job attributes and Hi is the vector of household responsibilities (ui and vi are random error terms in (2a) and (2b), respectively). The model includes four housework responsibility variables: hours spent on housework on workdays; hours spent on housework on non-workdays; hours spent on childcare on workdays; and hours spent on childcare on non-workdays. The study further includes a comprehensive set of job condition variables including measures of work- related risk factors, worker’s job responsibility, control over work time, training requirements and the job’s mental and physical requirements (Hersch, 1991b).2 It also controls for the number of children under 18 who live at home as well as for hours worked per week in a paid employment.
OLS estimates of (2a) and (2b) show that household responsibilities are not significantly related to men’s wages under either specification. However, for women, household responsibilities (on workdays) are significantly and negatively related to wages under both specifications. The study provides evidence of a negative relationship between housework and wages for women after controlling for a comprehensive set of household, individual and job characteristics. Controlling for job characteristics of paid work only decreases the negative housework–wage effect from −2.9% to −2.1%.
Hersch (1991b) further finds that the number of children in a household is negatively related to the wages of women after controlling for the direct impact of household responsibilities on wages. For men, the number of children in the household is positively related to wages but is significant only in specification (2b). It is possible that the direction of causality for males is in the opposite direction, i.e. that men with higher wages tend to have larger families.
Hersch and Stratton (1997) distinguish in their modelling between two mechanisms through which housework may affect wages: job effort and unobserved individual characteristics
Wi t = X ′i t β1 + β2 Hi t + ui t (3a)
ui t = ui + εi t (3b) where Wi t is the natural log of the real hourly wage, X i t is a vector of personal and work-related characteristics and Hi t is time spent on household activities. The error term has two components: ui , which represents unobserved characteristics of Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 407
individual i that affect wages in a fixed manner over time (such as innate ability), and εi t , the random error, assumed to be normally distributed.
The sample covers a relatively homogeneous population of white, married individuals aged 20–64 years, and is subsequently restricted to the sample of full- time employees. OLS estimates of (3a) show that housework has a statistically significant negative impact on wages for both husbands and wives, and the magnitude of this effect is twice as great for women (−0.55%) as it is for men (−0.28%).3 In comparison, the coefficient of a full week of previous work experience on the hourly wage rate is +0.05% for women and +0.06% for men.
The gender differences in the housework–wage relationship raise two interesting questions. First, why does housework affect women’s wages so much more than men’s wages? In addition, the question arises as to why this study finds statistically significant effects for men, while other studies do not (two previous studies by Shelton and Firestone (1988) and Hersch (1991b) found no statistically significant effects for men). Hersch and Stratton (1997) test whether these differences are due to explanatory variables or functional form by estimating specifications similar to those used in the above studies. They find that their estimates change very little. The PSID used in the study, unfortunately, does not contain a measure of job effort; hence Hersch and Stratton (1997) maintain that if this mechanism is responsible, housework will remain negatively related to wages after controlling for unobserved characteristics.4
2.2 Effects through Work Effort
Few direct measures of job effort are available in data sets. Therefore, rather than directly testing the job effort hypothesis, earlier studies postulate that, since housework remains negatively correlated with wages after controlling for a comprehensive set of other characteristics, the job effort mechanism is likely to be responsible (e.g. Hersch, 1991b; Hersch and Stratton, 1997).
At least one major study, Stratton (2001), attempts to directly control for job effort in the wage equation. The study uses the ESLS data set (Eugene–Springfield Labor Survey, and the data set as in Hersch, 1991b), but restricts the sample to female respondents. Based on the ESLS data set, the study constructs a job effort measure. The job effort measure is self-reported on an 11-point scale. This gives more variation than for example does the effort measure in the Quarterly Economic Survey data with a four-point scale, resulting in responses being clumped at the scale’s upper end, and with little variation. The study normalizes the job effort measure by comparing it to the effort expended on a typical hour of watching TV. The normalized job effort measure ( job effort/effort watching TV) results in an effort measure with a lower mean and higher variance than the non-normalized measure.
The study tests two linkages predicting a negative relationship between housework and wages: job effort, and job flexibility resulting in compensating wage differentials. Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
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The study estimates three empirical wage specifications
Wi = X i β + Hi γ + εi (4a)
Wi = X i β + Hi γ + Efforti α + ε′i (4b)
Wi = X i β + Hi γ + Efforti α + Flexii λ + ε′′i (4c) where Efforti is a measure of job effort, Flexii a measure of job flexibility and W is the log hourly wage.5 The model includes two housework variables: weekly housework hours on workdays, and on non-workdays.
OLS estimates of (4a)–(4c) result in significant negative relationships between weekly housework hours (on workdays) and the female wage. Furthermore, controlling for job effort and job flexibility only marginally affects the relationship between housework and wages (housework coefficient estimates are −0.005, −0.0052 and −0.0051 for (4a)–(4c), respectively, for an additional hour of housework per week). Specifications including controls for the presence of children of different ages as well as for time spent on childcare did not significantly improve the fit of the model or change the above results.
The evidence in Stratton (2001) therefore does not support the link between housework and wages via job flexibility or job effort. The former result is consistent with Hersch (1991b), who finds no evidence that the housework–wage relation is explained by compensating wage differentials. However, two limitations of the work effort data in the ESLS used in the study are relevant to these results. First, since the effort measure in ESLS is self-reported, it may be correlated with unobservable individual-specific characteristics (e.g. unobservables such as a dislike for the job or work in general). As such, the potentially positive coefficient for the work effort variable in the wage equation would, for example, be negatively biased by the effect of the unobservable dislike for work. This could result in the statistical insignificance of the work effort coefficient in this case, in particular with OLS estimation in the study (as opposed to individual-specific FE estimation). Second, since the ESLS survey is retrospective, the effort measure may be subject to a measurement error. For example, an over-reported work effort measure, as is common with retrospective data, would in turn result in the underestimation of the effort coefficient.
Therefore, since the above result is contrary to theoretical expectations, and self- reported effort measures may have been subject to misreporting and a measurement error, this question is not empirically resolved. In particular, further research (based on employer–employee and time use survey (TUS) data) can explore whether these results are sensitive to different measures of job effort.
2.3 Endogeneity of Housework
A major empirical concern in this literature is the potential endogeneity of the housework variable in the wage equation. Estimates of the coefficient on the housework variable would potentially be biased and inconsistent if housework Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 409
is correlated with the error term (Hersch and Stratton, 2002). This could occur for at least two reasons: for those on higher market wages the opportunity cost of home production is higher. They are therefore likely to substitute market purchases for home production, reducing time spent on housework, and thereby causing observed housework time to be correlated with the error term. This reverse causality is expected to affect OLS estimates in the literature. Another possible reason is that the correlation between housework and wages could be due to individual characteristics, such as innate ability. If, for example, individuals with higher innate ability specialize in market work, spending less time on housework, then the individual-specific component of the error term will be negatively correlated with housework. Both of these factors would cause the coefficient on the housework variable to be biased downwards, thus making housework appear to have a greater negative impact on wages than it actually does.
In relation to equations (3a) and (3b) above, endogeneity may be caused by the individual-specific part of the unobservables in the error term, ui (such as individual ability), in which case panel data and FE would be the desired method. Alternatively, endogeneity may be caused by the combined individual and time-specific parts of the error term, ui t , where IVs would be expected to be more effective in addressing potential endogeneity. Moreover, joint estimations of housework and wage determination modelling address reverse causality concerns.
The inverse hypothesized effect of the wage rate on housework is empirically verified in a different but related literature. For example, Gronau and Hamermesh (2001) and Hamermesh (2006) confirm the effect of the market wage on housework time and choice of technology in the USA.6 Williams and Donath (1994) and Williams (1999) use Australian Time Use Survey data to investigate the determinants of unpaid work. Based on OLS analysis, they find that wages are important determinants of the time spent on unpaid work, especially for women. In particular, they find that the wage rate of an individual has a negative effect on the time spent on unpaid work. They further find that the wage of one’s partner or other adult in the household has a positive effect on the amount of unpaid work time.7
Williams (1999) further analyses the factors that determine the time spent on eight types of unpaid work by nuclear households.8 He finds that the presence of children in a household tends to increase the time spent by women in most unpaid work activities, but for males the coefficient is only significant for childcare. In addition, the total amount of housework performed in a household is found to fall when the female wage increases. Furthermore, greater household income reduces time spent on all unpaid work activities except for childcare, which is relatively invariant to household income. The latter result is important in highlighting that the number of children in the household is a useful instrument for housework in wage equations. While estimates in these housework models are also potentially affected by reverse causality and, in their case, the potential endogeneity of the wage rate, they support the need for estimation methods that examine or address potential endogeneity of housework in the wage equations. Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
410 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
Hersch and Stratton (1997) use IVs and FE for housework to address the potential endogeneity of the housework variable in the wage equation. They use non-labour income, spousal characteristics and earnings, number and ages of children and size, type and ownership of residence as instruments for housework. Their results show that IV estimates are larger in magnitude than the OLS estimates for both men and women (wage reductions of −1.07% compared to −0.54% for full-time women, and −1.2% compared to −0.33% for full-time men). Sensitivity tests using different instrument sets find that results are remarkably stable for women, but are much less robust for men. Since the instruments explain little of the variation in housework time for men, the authors recognize that the IV estimates for men are likely to be imprecise and highly variable. FE estimates are consistently smaller (−0.15% for full-time women, and insignificant for men).
In an updated study using an expanded set of instruments, Hersch and Stratton (2002) find that in almost every specification they are unable to reject the hypothesis that housework is exogenously determined.9 They therefore conclude that there is little evidence that IV estimation is necessary.
As noted above, if endogeneity is caused by the individual-specific component of the error term, then FE estimates based on panel data will be consistent, providing an alternative estimation option to IV. In practice, the coefficient on the housework variable becomes smaller in magnitude and rarely achieves significance when FE estimation is used. However, since FE estimation aggravates errors in variables problems and requires the estimation of significantly more parameters, it is not surprising that short panel sample estimates, while generally negative, virtually never attain statistical significance. Nevertheless, Hersch and Stratton (1997) find, based on FE estimation for the sample of full-time married women in the PSID, that each hour of housework per week reduces the hourly wage by −0.17%. Similarly, Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2007) find, based on FE estimation for the sample of full-time married women in the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), that each hour of housework per week decreases the hourly wage by −0.14% (compared to their estimated effect of −0.74% with OLS).
Among the studies that use two-stage least squares (TSLS) estimation, Hundley (2001) finds that the coefficient on the housework variable is significant, and is in fact much larger in absolute terms than the OLS coefficient estimate for women. An exception is McLennan (2000) who finds that the negative significant OLS effect of housework on the wage rate for married white women becomes insignificant based on TSLS, IV and FE. Among instruments used in this study, the respondent’s sister’s hours of market work and housework are included.
Therefore, the evidence from the studies that address potential endogeneity through either IV or FE generally indicates that the observed negative effect of housework on the female wage remains significant, although it becomes smaller in magnitude compared to OLS estimates, as expected. A general concern remains over IV deficiencies and the search for the illusive ideal instrument! However, the evidence to date generally indicates that in models that include sufficient human capital and family and work-related variables, unobservables may be less significant, and therefore potential endogeneity is less of a concern in this case Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 411
than originally envisaged.10 Nevertheless, addressing unobserved heterogeneity and potential endogeneity in this literature is not resolved, and is expected to continue until clearer findings emerge.
We provide a summary and standardize estimated wage effects of housework across the studies reviewed in Table 1. Table 1 shows the percentage effect of an hour of housework per week on the hourly wage, and the data and estimation methods for males and females. Across 17 estimated models that use OLS and logarithmic wage specifications, an additional hour of housework per week is associated with a female hourly wage reduction ranging between −0.21% and −3.0% (with a mean effect of −1.15%). When McAllister’s (1990) estimate, based on a linear wage equation, is also included in the group of studies the mean effect is greater in absolute value (−1.57%). FE estimates result in a range of percentage reductions in the female hourly wage ranging between −0.07% and −0.41%, across five estimated models that use FE (with a mean percentage effect of −0.19%). IV and TSLS estimates show female wage reductions with a mean effect of −0.26%, across seven studies and estimations.
Based on the above group mean estimates (based on Table 1), if women spend one additional hour on housework per day (e.g. if men spend 5 and women 12 hours per week), housework would be associated with a gender wage gap of −8.0% (based on OLS), −1.3% (based on FE) and −1.8% (based on IV or TSLS), even if housework affects the wages of both genders equally. Alternatively, if we incorporate the finding verified in most of the studies in Table 1, that the female wage reduction associated with housework is at least twice as large as the effect on the male wage, the above estimates of the gender wage difference in this case increase to −11.0% (based on OLS), −1.8% (based on FE) and −2.5% (based on IV or TSLS). These estimates indicate that the existing evidence on the link between housework and the wage rate is non-trivial, and consistent across the group of studies. As such, it cannot be easily dismissed, despite estimation issues raised above.
2.4 Gender and Threshold Effects
There are three additional mechanisms for explaining the observed gender differ- ences in the effect of housework on the market wage. These mechanisms examine hypotheses regarding threshold effects, the concavity of the housework–wage function and the influence of different types and timing of housework on wages.
The threshold effect postulates that because small amounts of housework fit into almost any schedule, they will have little impact on wages, while substantial household responsibilities may infringe on market activities. Observed results suggest that if this threshold effect exists, it lies at a point beyond the number of hours men have typically spent on housework (an estimated 50% of women report 20+ hours per week on housework compared to only 8% of males) (Hersch and Stratton, 1997).
McAllister (1990) has shown for Australia that, based on the National Social Science Survey for both men and women who work full-time, domestic Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
412 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
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Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 413
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Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
414 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
T ab
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Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 415
H er
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Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
416 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
T ab
le 1.
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r) .
Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 417
commitments are associated with lower wages. In the sample of part-time workers, a similar effect is not observed.
Hersch and Stratton (1997) test the threshold hypothesis by allowing the effect of housework on wages to differ by the amount of time spent per week on housework. They find weak evidence of a threshold effect for women (with estimated wage reduction effects of −0.04%, −0.48% and −0.50%, corresponding to <10 hours, 10–20 hours and >20 hours per week spent on housework). Notably, the corresponding estimates for men are, in contrast, similar across time brackets (−0.26%, −0.35% and −0.25%).
If the housework–wage relationship is concave, a linear equation would yield a smaller coefficient on housework for men than for women, since women tend to spend more time than men on housework. However, when Hersch and Stratton (1997) estimate the wage equation including both housework and its quadratic form, they find no evidence of a non-linear relationship: the coefficient on the linear housework variable remains significant and of similar magnitude, and the coefficient on the housework quadratic term is insignificant. This evidence is consistent with the hypothesis that the differential results by gender of the effect of housework on wages arise from having different slope parameters rather than from being on different locations on the same housework–wage function.
As a second question, when only controlling for the number of hours spent on housework, studies could be masking the negative effect of specific types of housework on the wage. Hersch and Stratton (2002), using data on housework types, find that the negative impact of housework on men and women’s wages is primarily driven by time spent on ‘typically female’ housework, though men’s results are only marginally significant. ‘Typically female’ housework is specified as housework that a household member is more likely to be engaged in on a daily basis and usually cannot be postponed. Examples are meal preparation, washing dishes, cleaning, shopping and laundry. ‘Typically male’ housework includes outdoor and maintenance and auto repair. ‘Neutral’ housework includes payment of bills and driving others.
Along similar lines, the existing evidence supports the hypothesis that the timing of housework matters. Hersch (1991b), for example, finds that housework on workdays is significantly negatively correlated with wages for women, while being insignificant for men. There was no significant relationship between housework on non-workdays and wages for either men or women.
Hersch (2007) provides new support for the threshold and the timing effects of housework using data from the American Time Use Surveys (ATUS) for years 2003–2006. A major finding of the study is that housework of one or more hours on a daily basis has a significant decreasing effect on the wage rate for both males and females (with estimated wage reduction effects of −1.56% for full-time employed females and −0.93% for full-time employed males).11 The study further supports the hypothesis that the ability or choice to shift home production to days without market work is relevant in explaining the gender wage gap. Hersch (2007) also uses detailed occupational controls based on the ATUS to indirectly account for job effort required and finds that the housework effect on the wage rate remains Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
418 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
beyond the occupational effect. In addition, including home production in the wage equation increases the percentage of the explained gender wage gap for married persons by 7.6%.
The role of the timing and flexibility of housework is further supported based on TUS data from Denmark (Bonke et al., 2005). Bonke et al. estimate a traditional human capital model of hourly wages augmented by different aspects of housework responsibilities. The TUS data are matched to administrative income tax registers and labour market attachment registers for each of the years 1987–1991. They find evidence that timing and flexibility aspects matter for wages, even more so than the level of housework. These findings are stronger for married or cohabiting couples, and for workers on fixed time schedules.
An implication of these results is that, while the evidence suggests that the amount of housework performed is relevant to the wages of married women, the relative amounts of housework performed across gender, as influenced by the intra- household share of housework, are potentially more relevant in explaining and closing the gender wage gap. As such, policies that allow paternal leave or similar policies that facilitate an equal intra-household share of housework are expected to contribute to the reduction of the gender wage gap.
2.5 Marital Status
Most research on the effects of housework on the wage rate has focused on married persons. It is useful to compare the effects of housework by marital status to examine the sources of the observed effects for married persons. A finding that housework only affects the wages of married persons would suggest an interaction of marriage and housework that affects wages.12 If similar effects are found regardless of marital status, this would suggest the effect is due to the actual time/effort involved in housework. This question and its link to the type of or the intra-household allocation of housework is not fully resolved, however, and is expected to provide new avenues for future research.
Hersch and Stratton (2002) test the above hypothesis, by estimating the housework–wage relationship for both currently married and not-married persons using pooled cross-sectional US data from the 1987–1988 and 1992–1994 sweeps of the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH). Restricting their sample to employed persons, they estimate a standard wage equation stratified by gender and marital status, with controls for individual characteristics and controls for never- married, divorced, separated or widowed status. The study includes four housework variables: average time spent on home production per week in total; and time spent on ‘typically female’ housework, ‘typically male’ housework and ‘neutral’ housework.
They find that the housework–wage effect is significant for women and men and does not vary much within gender by marital status. The estimated percentage wage effect of the housework variable is −0.39% for married women and −0.29% for not-married women. For married men the effect is −0.14%, and for not-married men is −0.18%. They conclude that the negative effect of housework on the market Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 419
wage is driven by the actual time/effort involved in the housework rather than by the interaction of marriage and household activities, e.g. by partners specializing in market or non-market activities.
Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2007) use the BHPS and also find a negative effect of housework on wages for married women. However, in contrast to Hersch and Sratton (2002), they find no effect for a single woman. They propose that housework by single and married individuals might reflect other dimensions of housework in marriage. For example, married people might be constrained in the timing of housework because of the type of housework, and the need to synchronize leisure activities with their spouse. Evidence in their paper based on the UK TUS supports the hypothesis that married women (relative to single women and men) are more likely to engage in routine housework which is required at times that are at the margin of the workday, and may interfere with work. The inclusion of the housework variable in the wage equation (Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz, 2007, Table 3) explains a significant portion (16.7%–27%) of the gender wage gap.
2.6 Life-cycle Effects
Age is expected to be an important factor in the housework–wage relationship, since (among other things) younger married workers are more likely to have young children. In general, there may be less flexibility in the timing of housework when young children are present. Furthermore, effort associated with a typical household task might be more intensive when combined with the presence of young children, resulting in less effort available for other tasks, including paid work.
Keith and Malone (2005) use data from the PSID for young, middle-aged and older employed married workers, to investigate the effect of housework time on wages over the life cycle.13 OLS, FE and IV estimates show that young and middle-aged wives are the only groups for whom they find a significant (negative) housework–wage relationship. Each additional hour of housework per week reduces the wages of this group by 0.17%–0.41%. The authors reasonably hypothesize that it could be housework time in combination with childcare that is the true cause of the wage effects. The housework-time variable in the PSID does not include the number of hours per week directly spent on childcare. Therefore, as younger women are primary caregivers of children the effort they expend on housework may be greater than that of older women and men.
Excluding measures of fertility could bias estimates if children have an exogenous effect on wages, or if children and housework are positively correlated. Since younger couples are more likely to have children than older couples, the effort associated with home production for younger couples could potentially be understated. To explore this issue, the authors estimate further regressions controlling for the number and age of children in the household (younger than 3 years, 3–5 years, 6–13 years and 14–17 years). Results from OLS, FE and panel data IV models show that, for men and older women, including fertility variables in the wage equation does not affect the housework-time estimates, and the inclusion of housework time does not affect fertility estimates. However, for young and Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
420 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
middle-aged wives, including housework time in an equation that already controls for fertility did reduce the significance of some of the fertility estimates. The opposite is not true. This suggests that housework time has an independent effect on the wages of young and middle-aged wives.
Along similar lines, Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2007) note that married women with children in the UK spend three more hours per week on housework, and they earn less. They examine the hypothesis that the impact attributed to housework may in fact reflect the effect of the presence of children but reflected through housework. When they include controls for children and interaction effects with housework, they find that children are associated with lower wages for married women (4% per child). However, the coefficient for housework remains unaffected, supporting the conclusion that housework has an effect, independent of children.
2.7 Effects for the Self-employed
Analysis of the self-employed is of interest, since the self-employed may be able to adjust their work effort in response to changing needs to a greater extent than organizationally employed workers.
Two major studies address the effect of an individual’s type of employment on the housework–wage relationship by estimating the relationship between housework and wages separately for self-employed and organizationally employed workers (Hundley, 2000, 2001). The studies employ data from the National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972 (NLS-72) as well as the PSID 1989. OLS estimates of the standard annual earnings models confirm that self-employed annual earnings are negatively related to housework. Furthermore, the absolute value of the coefficient on the housework variable is larger for the self-employed relative to organizationally employed workers (−0.03 for self-employed women compared with −0.011 for organizationally employed women). For self-employed and organizationally employed men no significant effect of housework on the market wage is found (Hundley, 2000). This result is compatible with the work effort hypothesis and it is of interest in providing additional evidence that does not rely on self-reported effort measures.
Based on data from the PSID 1989 and 1990, Hundley (2001) further applies TSLS estimation to account for possible bias in OLS estimates due to the endogeneity of housework hours. The results are qualitatively similar to OLS: the results remain insignificant for men, while for women the coefficient on housework is significant (although surprisingly three times larger than the OLS coefficient estimate). The study also finds that the number of young children (children < 6 years) in the household negatively affects the earnings of self-employed females but has no effect on self-employed males.
3. Data Requirements and Future Directions
To properly account for housework hours and the type of housework performed, data requirements are an important issue. Therefore, a review of findings on the Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 421
housework–wage relationship and future directions is not complete without noting major and emerging data requirements.
Housework data have been traditionally available through either self-reported labour market survey data or specific TUS data. TUS respondents are asked to complete a diary accounting for their time over a given period (usually 24 or 48 hours). TUSs have opened up possibilities to address questions that could not be investigated before. These research questions include the division of unpaid work in the household, the proportions of time people spend on paid and unpaid work activities and leisure and what time of the day they do them. TUSs, in particular, lend themselves to the analysis of wage effects of housework.
That said, time-use diaries are potentially problematic if the survey week is not representative of a standard weekly work schedule. A major data requirement is to ensure that different days of the week and seasons are represented (Shelton and John, 1996). Another issue is dealing with tasks performed simultaneously. Some surveys (e.g. the New Zealand TUS) attempt to account for this by allowing respondents to record both primary and secondary activities (Statistics New Zealand, 1999).
An alternative method of collecting data on housework time is by respondents answering direct ex post questions such as how much time they spend on housework. This is the approach used in the expanded US surveys such as the PSID, Quarterly Economic Survey, ESLS and NSFH. Niemi (1993) compares data collected from TUS diary questions and direct questions and finds that direct questions typically produce higher estimates of time spent on unpaid work activities than TUS diary questions. This indicates that the US studies that use survey data may have underestimated the effect of housework on the wage rate.
Therefore, overall, in analysing the link between housework and wages, TUS data are highly desirable, since they provide a more detailed, and probably more accurate, break-down of paid and unpaid work activities than other survey data. However, many of the recent US studies that analyse the link between housework and wages use data collected from direct questions (e.g. Hersch, 1991b; Hersch and Stratton, 1997, 2002; Stratton, 2001; Deloach and Hoffman, 2002; Keith and Malone, 2005). A possible reason for this is that the sample size in TUSs tends to be much smaller than samples from surveys that elicit information through direct questions. For example, the sample size in the 1987 PSID (the data set used by Hersch, 1991a) was 7061 households, while the sample size in the study of TUSs (used by Shelton and John, 1996) was only 620 households.
Major TUSs in English-speaking countries include the ATUS conducted by the Census Bureau under a contract with the Bureau of Labor Statistics, as well as TUSs carried out at the University of Michigan and the University of Maryland periodically since 1965.14 However, most US studies on the housework–wage linkage have not used TUS data, possibly due to the smaller sample sizes available in these data sets (an exception is Hersch, 2007).
Canada has conducted TUSs as part of the ongoing annual survey programme of the General Social Survey (GSS). Each year this nationally representative survey focuses on a different core topic, with time use being one of the core areas.15 In Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
422 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
Britain, the first major TUS was conducted by the UK Office of National Statistics in 2000 (the UK Time Use Survey 2000).16 In 2005, a further time-use diary was collected but on a much smaller scale (National Statistics Online).
TUSs in Australasia include the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) and the New Zealand TUS. The ABS has conducted three TUSs, in 1987 (pilot), 1992 and 1997. The ABS TUS collects all of the same key information as the NZ TUS; however, the ABS TUS also collects information on the number and age of children in the household. The ABS TUS data have been used to examine the inverse relationship between housework and wages (e.g. Williams and Donath, 1994; Williams, 1999). The Japan Statistics Bureau conducts a TUS every five years (since 1976), and the Korea National Statistical Office conducted Korea’s first TUS in 1999, and conducted a second survey in 2004.
Finally, the Harmonised European Time Use Survey (HETUS), developed by Eurostat, also covers European non-English-speaking countries. HETUS provides a common methodological basis for European countries that intend to carry out TUSs, to ensure that the results are standardized and comparable between countries. This type of coordination across countries significantly increases the comparability of the data. Among countries that have already undertaken TUSs taking into account HETUS guidelines are Belgium, Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the UK.
The existing TUS data lend themselves to further this research area. Among the advantages of TUSs is the possibility of the timing, type of housework and sequence, not possible with other data sets. Among the disadvantages of most existing TUSs, on top of small sample sizes, is lacking or imperfect wage information.
As such, to satisfactorily examine the question of the mechanisms through which housework may explain the gender wage gap requires new approaches and data sets. In particular, linking time-use data across linked employee–employer data sets presents new opportunities to address important questions that remain unanswered. Employer data are important for information currently lacking, such as on work effort measures, or other job characteristics generally absent in employee labour market surveys. Importantly, connecting employer data with TUS data would provide independent (versus self-reported) data on work effort and relevant job characteristics. This is important, since job effort is the theoretically plausible mechanism of housework effect on wages, which has not been directly addressed. In addition, among advantages of such linked data is the potential to address endogeneity concerns with self-reported effort, and/or measurement error relating to work effort and job characteristics. This is expected to provide a promising avenue to further this research area.
4. Conclusions
The empirical literature on the link between housework and the wage rate is growing and, while important questions remain unanswered, it holds promise in further explaining the gender wage gap. In addition, despite a relatively Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 423
small number of studies a relatively clear picture on a number of issues is emerging.
For example, the existing literature supports the hypothesis that housework itself is negatively related to the female wage. Importantly, the evidence on women across models which incorporate OLS, IV, FE and TSLS provides sufficient evidence to cast serious doubt on the idea that the negative housework–wage relationship is only driven by endogeneity bias or individual-specific characteristics.
In addition, the negative housework–wage relationship is mainly driven by young and middle-aged women rather than older women, indicating that it is housework in conjunction with childcare that is the true cause of the negative effect of housework on wages. Estimated effects are greater for married women, but the effect generally persists across marital status, which suggests that the effect is due to the actual time/effort involved in housework.
Theoretically, housework is expected to affect wages through the two mechanisms of compensating wage differentials relating to chosen job characteristics, and through job effort. However, the current available empirical evidence fails to conclusively support the hypothesis of a direct housework–wage linkage via job characteristics (such as job flexibility resulting in compensating wage differentials), or job effort. Nevertheless, caution must be taken in interpreting the latter result, since the existing evidence on job effort has been based on indirect measures, or self-reported and retrospective surveys that may be affected by endogeneity and a measurement error. As such, further studies and new approaches are required to test whether the results concerning job effort are robust to different job effort measures and specifications. In particular, the housework–job effort channel is much less studied and it provides new avenues of research.
Since the study of the self-employed, which does not rely on self-reported job effort measures, is consistent with the job effort hypothesis, further research for both the organizationally employed and the self-employed is of interest in understanding the job effort mechanism.
The current literature suggests less or no apparent effect of housework on men’s wages. The threshold effect and the concavity of the housework–wage function do not currently offer adequate explanations of gender differences. In contrast, controlling for different types and the timing of housework explains some of the housework–wage effect, and promises to be a research direction deserving further study. Related to this question are the effects across marital status, and the mechanism of intra-household allocation of housework. In particular, in understanding the effect of housework on the gender wage gap, much may be gained from the analysis of the younger families where young fathers are also likely to be involved in childcare and related housework.
Although the mechanisms through which housework affects wages are uncertain, the evidence suggests that housework is an important factor in explaining the persisting gender differences in earnings, in particular with the presence of young children. Research remains necessary to shed light on the precise nature of housework–wage linkages. Central to the analysis are the types of housework that individuals are performing and their timing, as well as the intensity of effort Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
424 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
involved in different housework activities, since these are the areas that have shown the most potential to explain the housework–wage linkage.
As far as the gender wage gap is concerned, the existing evidence indicates that the housework–wage effect is a relevant factor, which has not been adequately addressed in the literature. This has been partly due to historical data limitations and estimation concerns that can be eliminated with recent developments in data set links. Since married women, even when working full-time, generally work more hours on housework and childcare at home, this question provides a new area of consideration for understanding and policy on gender wage differences. One of the implications of our results is that greater equality at home and in home production should lead to greater wage equality in the labour market. In this regard, changes in the gender intra-household share of housework are expected to be particularly relevant to changes in the gender wage gap and its analysis. Yet, much more needs to be done in this research area to address modelling issues and to capture the mechanisms through which housework impacts the wage rate.
A future step in understanding the mechanisms through which housework affects the wages of men and women requires linking detailed TUSs in conjunction with linked employer–employee data sets. TUS data provide a more detailed and possibly more accurate breakdown of an individual’s allocation of time, including types of housework, their timing and involvement in simultaneous activities. In addition, employer data provide relevant job-related information (importantly, by potentially providing independent, as opposed to self-reported, data on job characteristics and reported work effort). Such directions promise to be useful for advancing future research on the effect of housework on the market wage and the gender wage gap.
Acknowledgement
Sholeh A. Maani is Associate Professor of Economics, University of Auckland. Amy A. Cruickshank is currently an analyst at the New Zealand Treasury. This paper is not connected to her work at the Treasury and does not represent the views of the Treasury.
Notes
1. The negative OLS coefficient b1 for the reduced-form housework variable in (1d) is expected to be larger than the jointly determined housework coefficient i in (1c). b1 = i /[1 − j (e + f b)] > i in all cases when 0 < j < 1 (and since b < 0, e > 0, f < 0, i < 0, j > 0). In the case of TSLS estimation of the wage (W) and housework (H) equations, the TSLS coefficient for housework is equivalent to b′1 = (i + j f )/[1 − j (e)], which is also expected to produce a larger negative coefficient compared to the housework coefficient i in equation (1c) (with i < 0, j > 0, f < 0 and e > 0, and when 0 < j < 1).
2. The study used data from the Eugene–Springfield Labor Survey (ESLS) 1986, which surveys employees from 18 firms (mostly in manufacturing) in Oregon. No direct measures of job effort were used, but it was hypothesized that if housework remains negatively correlated with wages after controlling for a comprehensive set of other characteristics, then the job effort mechanism is likely to be responsible.
Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
EFFECT OF HOUSEWORK ON THE MARKET WAGE 425
3. The study uses data from the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics (PSID) in the USA for 1979–1987 to estimate the above empirical wage specification. The sample is limited to a relatively homogeneous population of white, married individuals aged 20–64 years, and subsequently restricted to the sample of full-time employees.
4. Standard labour theory also states that greater human capital investments are optimal for those who anticipate a longer work and payback period. Childcare is a major household task. Historically, women have borne the prime responsibility for childcare, they have been more likely to have discontinuous labour market participation and fewer total hours in the labour market than men, and this lower potential payback could give women less incentive than men to undertake human capital investment (see, for example, Hersch, 1991a). This potential indirect effect of housework, per se, has not received much attention in the literature.
5. Two measures of job flexibility were used based on the answer to two questions. First, ‘Is it possible to run a 30-minute errand during the work day without telling your employer/supervisor?’ and second, ‘Could you refuse to work overtime without being penalized in any way?’
6. While there is a large literature on the effect of the market wage on home production, in this paper our focus is elsewhere, on the housework–wage impact. Therefore, we are only interested in the inverse effect in relation to potential endogeneity or bias in OLS estimates of the housework coefficient.
7. Kalenkoski et al. (2007) look at the influence of wages on parents’ time in market and non-market work. They find that women increase their market time when their wage increases and decrease their market work time as their partner’s wage increases. However, this is only true on weekdays and there are no significant wage effects on women’s market work time on weekends. Men are relatively insensitive to both their own and their partner’s wages.
8. The eight categories of unpaid work are cooking, laundry, other housework, maintenance of capital, paperwork, transport, childcare, purchasing and associated travel.
9. Instruments for housework in the wage equation include parent’s education, mother’s work experience, ability and interest in performing household tasks, religious preferences, non-labour income, car ownership, home ownership and type of residence, perception of gender roles in the household, spouse’s background, and the number of other men and women of various relations living in the household.
10. Gronau and Hamermesh (2001) examine housework effects for married women across six countries. They find that the amount of housework significantly decreases with married women’s level of education. This indicates the importance of including education in reducing otherwise unobserved heterogeneity and potential endogeneity.
11. Women in the ATUS data report 53% more time spent on housework on a daily basis than men do. The effect is greater on market work days when women report 61% more time spent on home production than men do (Hersch, 2007).
12. For example, it would suggest that marriage allows more market and non-market work specialization, or that joint decisions of married couples about shared activities reduce their flexibility.
13. They include market time (lagged hours per week) as an independent variable in their estimating equation, since PSID data (except for 1985–1987) measure the number of hours worked per week at the respondent’s main job by the number of hours worked in the previous year, rather than the current year.
Journal of Economic Surveys (2010) Vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 402–427 C© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
426 MAANI AND CRUICKSHANK
14. Pioneering contributions to time-use research and data collection were made by F. Thomas Juster (University of Michigan), John Robinson (University of Maryland) and Jonathan Gershuny (Oxford University).
15. The two primary objectives of the GSS are to gather data on social trends and to provide information on specific social policy issues (Statistics Canada). Thus, TUSs were conducted in the GSS Cycle 2 1986, Cycle 7 1992, Cycle 12 1998 and Cycle 19 2005. These cycles of the GSS involve a general questionnaire and a time-use questionnaire that asks respondents to report their activities in a diary format.
16. This survey collected data for two diary days, one weekday and one weekend day, and recorded primary and secondary activities for market and non-market activity categories.
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__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._WHAT IS THE EFFECT OF HOUSEWORKON THE MARKET WAGE, AND CAN ITEXPLAIN THE GENDER WAGE GAP?.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/The Effects of Transitions in Marital Status on Men's Performance of Housework.pdf
The Effects of Transitions in Marital Status on Men's Performance of Housework
Author(s): Sanjiv Gupta
Source: Journal of Marriage and Family , Aug., 1999, Vol. 61, No. 3 (Aug., 1999), pp. 700-711
Published by: National Council on Family Relations
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SANJIV GUPTA University of Michigan
The Effects of Transitions in Marital Status on
Men's Performance of Housework
Using data from the two waves of the National Survey of Families and Households, I analyze the impact of transitions in marital status on changes in men's time spent in housework. The transitions occur among five marital statuses: never married, cohabiting, married, separated, and widowed. I find that men reduce the time they spend in routine housework when they form couple households and increase it when they leave couple households. In contrast, women increase the time they spend doing housework when they enter coresidential unions and reduce it when they exit. This finding suggests that, with respect to housework time at least, the formation of households with adult part- ners of the opposite gender remains more to men's advantage than to women's.
"Suddenly men are a hot topic." So begins Ger- son's recent study (1993) of changes in men's commitments to their families and work. There is
growing scholarly interest in the erosion of men's roles as primary breadwinners and their undertak- ing a more complex and differentiated set of fa- milial responsibilities, including those of house-
Population Studies Center, University of Michigan, 426 Thomp- son Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 (sangupta@umich.edu).
Key Words: cohabitation, divorce, gender, housework, marriage.
hold labor (e.g., Coltrane, 1996). Despite this in- creasing interest in men's family roles, however, our knowledge of the dynamics of men's house- work behavior remains meager. Although we know that there have been substantial changes at the aggregate level-men's housework hours per week increased from an average of 4.6 in 1965 to almost 10 in 1985 (Robinson, 1988)-the existing empirical literature is practically silent on the possible causes of changes in individual men's housework behavior.
Specifically, previous research has ignored the effects of transitions in household and marital sta-
tus on individuals' performance of housework. With the exception of South and Spitze (1994), the quantitative literature has examined only the divi- sion of housework in existing couple households (Berk, 1985; Blair & Lichter, 1991; Coverman, 1985; England & Farkas, 1986; Huber & Spitze, 1983; Shelton & John, 1993). Hence, although we know something about the hours that men and women in couple households spend doing house- work, we do not understand how those hours are affected by household formation or dissolution.
I report the first multivariate longitudinal analysis to date of the impact of transitions in mar- ital status on men's time spent doing housework. I use data from both waves of the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) to answer the questions: How do men change their housework time when they move in and out of marital or co- habiting unions with women, and how do those changes compare with changes made by women who experience transitions in marital status?
Journal of Marriage and the Family 61 (August 1999): 700-711 700
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
My longitudinal analysis provides a better understanding of the causal link between marital status and housework time than does existing cross-sectional research. The temporal ordering of transitions in marital status and changes in house- work time is relatively unambiguous. Although it is possible that men and women change their housework hours in anticipation of such transi- tions, it is more likely that the transitions precede changes in housework time. Hence, I provide a clearer specification of the causal relationship be- tween marital status and housework time than has
been available to date.
BACKGROUND
I draw on the ideas of doing gender, a perspective that views domestic labor as a process by which individuals define their gender identities. In their seminal article on this concept, West and Zim- merman (1987) argue that gender should be un- derstood as "a routine accomplishment embedded in everyday interaction" (p. 125). That is, gender is enacted and affirmed continuously by individuals through their interactions with other individuals. Coresidential heterosexual unions are the smallest
interactional units in which individuals establish
their gender identities through daily activities, for example, their performance of housework.
A few studies of housework have examined
the empirical implications of doing gender. Brines (1994) finds that husbands who are economically dependent on their wives do less housework than average. She argues that these husbands are prac- ticing "gender display" by resisting domestic labor precisely because of their gender-atypical circum- stances. Berk (1985) also concludes that house- work is a gender-coded activity and that the hetero- sexual couple is a gender factory.
Although Brines and Berk present suggestive evidence for the doing of gender, they restrict their analyses to married-couple households. By includ- ing nonmarital households in their analysis of housework time, South and Spitze (1994) have performed the most comprehensive empirical test of doing gender to date. Using the first wave of the NSFH, South and Spitze find that the gender gap in time spent doing housework between mar- ried men and women is larger than that between single men and women, and they conclude that "men and women must be 'doing gender' when they live together" (p. 344).
Yet they do not establish exactly why the gender gap in housework is wider between married indi-
viduals. It is possible that their cross-sectional results are influenced by certain compositional character- istics of their samples of men and women in differ- ent marital statuses. It could be, for example, that the men who spend less time doing housework while they are single are more likely to marry or that the women who do more housework before
they marry are also the women who are more likely to marry. This possibility is especially salient at younger ages. On the other hand, perhaps men re- duce the amount of time they spend on housework when they marry, or perhaps women increase their housework time after they marry, or both. Because South and Spitze's data do not include the house- work time of individuals before they enter their ob- served marital statuses, we cannot choose among these possibilities.
I make two improvements on South and Spitze's research. First, I use both waves of the NSFH data, thereby eliminating the compositional effects that might confound the results of cross- sectional models. Because it is more plausible that men and women alter their housework performance in response to changes in their marital statuses rather than in anticipation of such changes, my analysis yields a better understanding of the true causal relationship between marital status and time spent doing housework.
Second, I focus my analysis on changes in the time spent on female-typed housework. The "fe- male" tasks tend to be "unrelenting, repetitive, and routine" (Thompson & Walker, 1989). They have to be performed frequently, often daily, and at fixed times. By contrast "male" tasks, such as outdoor work and auto maintenance, tend to be more flexi- ble in terms of time and frequency of performance and often contain a leisure component (Schooler, Miller, Miller, & Richtand, 1984). Given that most of the day-to-day work involved in household maintenance is of the "female" kind, changes in in- dividuals' performance of this type of domestic labor are of special interest from the perspective of doing gender.
I test the following principal hypothesis:
Hypothesis: Men decrease their housework hours when they enter coresidential unions with women and increase their housework
hours when they leave unions.
The corresponding hypothesis for women is that they increase their performance of domestic labor when they enter unions with men and decrease it when they exit. The hypothesis will be false if
701
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Journal of Marriage and the Family
men's housework hours are not affected by their transitions in marital status. It will also be false if
the housework hours of both men and women are
affected by transitions in marital status in the same direction. For example, if men reduce their housework hours when they enter unions but women do, too, then neither can be said to be doing gender. In that case, both men and women are simply taking advantage of economies of scale in housework.
I examine how housework is affected by entry into marriage and cohabitation not only for never- married men, but also for men with prior marital experience. In their study of husbands' contribu- tions to housework, Ishii-Kuntz and Coltrane (1992) find that remarried men participate in mun- dane chores more than other men. They speculate that it is the incomplete institutionalization of re- marriage that leads to weaker gender norms, and, therefore, to the greater involvement of husbands in daily housework in households with remarried husbands. I determine if divorced men really change the amount of time that they spend in rou- tine chores when they remarry.
I also compare the effects of the transition into marriage and cohabitation on housework. Although the gender role attitudes of unmarried cohabitors are less conventional than those of married indi-
viduals (Axinn & Thornton, 1992; Rindfuss & VandenHeuvel, 1990), it appears from the cross- sectional research that cohabiting and married men do not spend significantly different amounts of time on family work (Shelton & John, 1993). The evidence for women is mixed. Although Shel- ton and John find that cohabiting women spend less time doing housework than married women, South and Spitze's study (1994) does not show this. My longitudinal analysis provides additional evidence of the differences between housework
hours in cohabitation and marriage. Finally, I analyze the changes in time spent in
housework by men and women who move from cohabitation to marriage. Sanchez, Manning, and Smock (1998) find that among cohabitors, men's earnings and women's housework hours increase the odds of marriage. This suggests that cohabitors who marry may be more conventional in their gender roles than cohabitors as a whole. I determine whether this possibility is reflected in changes in the time spent doing housework by cohabitors who marry-whether, for example, cohabiting men who marry reduce their housework hours, compared with cohabiting men who do not marry.
DATA AND METHODS
Sample
I use the two waves of the NSFH, NSFH1 and NSFH2, that were conducted in 1987-1988 and 1992-1993. The first consists of data from inter-
views with a national sample of 13,008 male and female respondents who represent the noninstitu- tional population of the United States who are 19 years old and older. There is a main sample of 9,637 households from which one adult was ran- domly selected to be the primary respondent. In addition, members of minority groups (African Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Chicanos), single parents, persons with stepchildren, cohabiting per- sons, and recently married persons were oversam- pled. Of the 13,008 respondents in NSFH1, 5,227 are male and 7,881 female. In NSFH2 3,875 males and 6,133 females were reinterviewed (Sweet, Bumpass, & Call, 1988; Sweet & Bumpass, 1996). My sample consists of 2,975 reinterviewed men and 4,973 reinterviewed women.
Dependent Variables
I analyze two dependent variables, changes in in- dividuals' total housework hours and changes in the hours they spend on "female" chores. Data for housework hours come from respondents' answers to nine questions on the self-administered ques- tionnaire. The questions are identical in both waves and ask how many hours the respondent spent doing nine tasks during the week immediately preceding the survey (preparing meals, washing dishes, housecleaning, washing and ironing, shop- ping, doing outdoor chores, paying bills, maintain- ing the auto, and driving). I add the responses to all questions to get total housework hours, and I add the responses to the first five questions to get the number of hours spent on so-called female chores. Time spent caring for children is not included separately because the NSFH does not have these data for all respondents who have children. Its omission probably biases my results downward.
Analysis
My models consist of first difference equations in changes in housework time. Changes in marital status are the main independent variables. This method has two principal advantages. First, by controlling for all individual-specific factors that are constant over time, it eliminates certain kinds of omitted variable biases in cross-sectional re-
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
suits (Bj6rklund, 1989). Suppose that individual tastes for housework affect both housework per- formance and marital status. It could be, for exam- ple, that women with a greater than average desire to do housework are also more likely to marry. In that case, the cross-sectional effect of being mar- ried on the housework hours of women observed
by South and Spitze (1994) may be biased due to housework preferences not measured directly in the NSFH. My analysis controls for unmeasured individual traits that may affect both housework performance and marital status, as long as their ef- fects do not change over time.
Another important unmeasured variable that may affect housework performance is gender role socialization in childhood (Blair, 1992a, 1992b; Cunningham, 1998; White & Brinkerhoff, 1981). Previous cross-sectional studies, including South and Spitze (1994), do not control for socialization because most data sets, including the NSFH, do not include information on the respondents' time spent doing housework during childhood or time spent by their parents doing housework. My mod- els control for the effects of childhood experiences of housework as long as those effects do not change over time.
The second advantage of my models is that by using changes, rather than levels, as dependent variables, I eliminate systematic biases in level measurements of housework time (Allison, 1994; Bj6rklund, 1989; Liker, Augustyniak, & Duncan, 1985). Juster and Stafford (1991) find that retro- spective data of the kind in the NSFH suffer from a systematic overestimation bias, compared with time-use diary data. Robinson and Godbey (1997) suggest that both men and women overestimate their housework time by as much as 50%. My de- pendent variables, however, are differences be- tween housework hours at two points in time and are, therefore, independent of the overestimation bias (assuming that the bias for each individual does not change over time).
The first difference equations are obtained by subtracting two cross-sectional equations for housework hours, one for each time. Consider the
following models for Yi(1) and Y(2), representing an individual's housework hours at NSFH1 and
NSFH2, respectively:
Y(1) = Po(1) + P3Si(1) + PXi(l) + 3zZi + ri(l) (1) Y/(2) = P1(2) + P1S/(2) + xP,X(2) + P,ZZ + Ei(2) (2)
Here Si(1) and Si(2) are categorical variables rep- resenting the marital statuses of individual, i, at
NSFH1 and NSFH2, X,(l) and X,(2) are the val- ues of all other time-varying measured characteris- tics (e.g., employment hours), and Zi represents the values at both times of all unchanging measured variables (e.g., race or ethnicity). The error terms, ?i, include unmeasured factors such as tastes for
housework and gender role socialization. Taking the difference Y(2) - T(1) yields an
equation in which the dependent variable is the raw change in Y:
25
A=Y = Ap ,,+ + +AX, + Ai j,k = 1
(3)
Here, Tk represents the transition from marital sta- tus j to status k. Because the marital status vari- ables, Si(l) and Si(2), have five categories each, the matrix representing S,(2) - Si(l) has 25 ele- ments, the Tjks. Each 7jk equals 1 if the individual makes that transition, and it equals 0 otherwise. A positive value for pjk indicates that the transition results in an increase in the individual's house-
work time. A negative value corresponds to a re- duction in time spent doing housework. Note that the constant variables, both measured and unmea- sured, drop out of the difference equation if their effects are time invariant. In particular, housework tastes and childhood experience of housework drop out of the difference of the error terms, A?i. Systematic time-invariant measurement errors in both dependent and independent variables-for example those due to inflated housework times- also drop out.
The Tjks represent only the transitions between marital statuses at Time 1 and Time 2. Although it is possible for individuals to experience many tran- sitions between the two times, I cannot determine the distinct effects of all these transitions because
respondents in both waves were asked about their housework hours only for the week preceding the survey. Therefore, I analyze the changes in indi- viduals' housework time that occur as a result of
the most recent transition. Further, I make the sim-
plifying assumption that the effects of coresiden- tial unions on an individual's housework time are
independent of his or her partner, so that the T for being married or cohabiting at both times equals 1, even if the individual changes partners. Like- wise, the value of the T representing the transition from cohabitation to marriage equals 1 for people who make that transition, even if they marry someone other than their cohabiting partner.
In the actual model, there are fewer than 25 Tjks because some transitions are impossible, not
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Journal of Marriage and the Family
substantively meaningful, or represent very few cases. The impossible transitions are the exits from the married, separated-divorced, and widowed statuses into the never-married categories. The tran- sitions from cohabiting into separated-divorced and widowed are excluded because there is an inter-
vening status, namely marriage. The transition from separated-divorced to widowed is excluded be- cause it is not meaningful, and the one from wid- owed to cohabiting is excluded because there are fewer than five individuals who experience it. The reference categories consist of men and women who are married at both times.
Independent Variables
The main independent variables in my models are the Tjk variables that represent transitions in mari- tal status. I also use the same control variables
used by South and Spitze (1994). These include changes in age, employment, school enrollment, education, family earnings, numbers of male and female children, and male and female adults in the household, other than partners. (I impute values for employment hours and income to avoid losing cases due to missing information. The imputation does not affect my model coefficients signifi- cantly.) Note that changes in the numbers of chil- dren are true absolute changes only in the case of infants-new births-and teens, who become adults. All other changes are due to the age pro-
gression of existing children, though a small num- ber consists of newly adopted children or children who have entered the household by some other means.
RESULTS
Tables 1 and 2 show the breakdown of changes in female housework hours by type of marital-status transition for men and women, respectively. (De- scriptives for total housework time are available from the author.) Table 3 presents descriptions of the control variables. It appears that never-married men increase the time they spend doing routine housework when they enter cohabitation or mar- riage, but never-married women increase their housework time by more than 7 hours when they enter coresidential unions. Exiting unions seems to have the expected effects, increasing men's house- work time and reducing women's.
Effects of Transitions on Housework Hours
The multivariate results for changes in female housework time are shown in Table 4. Those for
changes in total housework time are omitted for brevity. Model 1 includes only the marital-status transition variables, and Model 2 adds the control variables. The coefficients of the marital-status
transitions represent the effects of those transitions, compared with the reference category, which
TABLE 1. CHANGES IN MEN'S FEMALE HOUSEWORK HOURS BY TRANSITION IN MARITAL STATUS
Marital Status, Never Separated NSFH, Wave 1 Married Cohabiting Married or Divorced Widowed
Never married M 2.0 0.9 0.3 NA NA 1.3 SD 9.3 7.4 10.3 9.4 n 32 64 175 562
Cohabiting M 0.0 2.5 0.4 NA NA 1.0 SD 6.8 9.2 7.9 8.2 n 23 51 81 155
Married M NA 2.2 0.8 5.0 7.2 1.3 SD 9.5 7.7 12.5 12.3 8.2 n 37 1597 157 29 1820
Separated or divorced M NA -5.4 -2.0 0.0 NA -1.0 SD 10.0 12.5 9.7 10.6 n 28 107 215 350
Widowed M NA NA -13.1 NA -1.7 -3.0 SD 5.6 11.7 11.0 n 10 78 88
M 1.9 0.6 0.5 2.1 0.7 0.9 SD 9.1 8.7 8.2 10.9 11.9 8.8 n 346 180 1970 372 107 2975
Note: All means and standard deviations are weighted by the NSFH (Wave 2) person weight. Numbers of cases are un- weighted.
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
TABLE 2. CHANGES IN WOMEN'S FEMALE HOUSEWORK HOURS BY TRANSITION IN MARITAL STATUS
Marital Status, Never Separated NSFH, Wave 1 Married Cohabiting Married or Divorced Widowed
Never married M -0.5 7.5 7.1 NA NA 2.0 SD 16.9 15.8 15.9 16.6 n 471 60 170 701
Cohabiting M -10.6 2.3 2.8 NA NA 1.1 SD 19.0 19.0 17.0 17.9 n 20 52 102 174
Married M NA -6.3 -2.2 -6.3 -11.4 -3.1 SD 18.7 17.4 17.4 20.1 17.5 n 49 2094 203 136 2482
Separated or divorced M NA 3.1 1.2 -3.6 NA -2.1 SD 16.9 18.3 17.7 17.8 n 65 223 735 1023
Widowed M NA NA 7.2 NA 0.3 0.6 SD 13.9 18.7 18.5 n 22 571 593
M -0.9 2.1 -1.0 -4.2 -1.9 -1.6 SD 17.0 17.5 17.3 17.6 18.9 17.6 n 491 226 2611 938 707 4973
Note: All means and standard deviations are weighted by the NSFH (Wave 2) person weight. Numbers of cases are un- weighted.
TABLE 3. CONTROL VARIABLES
Men Women
M SD M SD
Change in number of adult females in household -0.001 0.502 0.025 0.529 Change in number of adult males in household -0.024 0.542 0.039 0.494 Change in number of children aged 0-4 years in household -0.007 0.801 -0.076 0.805 Change in number of children aged 5-11 years in household 0.111 0.680 0.031 0.856 Change in number of female children aged 12-18 years in household 0.044 0.444 0.002 0.580 Change in number of male children aged 12-18 years in household 0.051 0.456 0.013 0.582 Change in employment hours -2.768 22.461 -0.521 21.613 Change in family earnings ($1000s) 10.536 38.415 7.369 35.042 Change in years of education 0.142 0.628 0.154 0.609 Entry into school 0.029 0.043 Exit from school 0.054 0.048 Change in age (years) 5.858 0.628 5.854 0.622 Change in age2 (divided by 100) 4.993 1.749 5.217 1.921 n 2975 4973
Note: All means and standard deviations are weighted by the NSFH (Wave 2) person weight. Numbers of cases are un- weighted.
comprises individuals who are married at both times. What we are interested in, however, are the effects of transitions from an initial status, com- pared with the effect of remaining in that same status, not compared with the effect of remaining married. (It is possible for the effect of a transi- tion from a status to be significant compared with the impact of remaining married, the omitted cat- egory, but not compared with the effect of re- maining in that status.) In particular the transi- tions of greatest interest are the ones into and out of cohabitation and marriage. Therefore, I use the
coefficients from Model 2 to calculate the effects
of entry into and exit from coresidential unions. The results are displayed in Tables 5 and 6.
In these tables, the first row for each NSFH1 status shows the effects of transitions from that
status to an NSFH2 status on the total time spent doing housework. The second row shows the ef- fects of the same transitions on time spent doing female-typed housework. The effects of the transi- tions are obtained from Tables 4 and 5 by subtract- ing the coefficient for staying in a given status from the coefficients for exits from that status.
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Journal of Marriage and the Family
TABLE 4. MULTIVARIATE RESULTS FOR CHANGES IN FEMALE HOUSEWORK HOURS FOR MEN AND WOMEN
Men Women
Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2
Independent Variable b SE b SE b SE b SE
Transitions in marital status From never married to
Never married 0.72 0.55 0.39
Cohabiting -1.43 1.15 -2.50 Married -1.71 0.72* -3.10
From cohabiting to Never married 1.21 1.91 1.69
Cohabiting 2.04 1.28 1.94 Married -0.32 1.04 -0.53
From married to
Cohabiting 0.60 1.50 0.39 Married (reference category) Separated or divorced 4.64 0.76*** 5.15 Widowed 6.52 1.68*** 6.01
From separated or divorced to Cohabiting -7.19 1.74*** -7.94 Married -4.03 0.91*** -4.13
Separated or divorced -1.19 0.66 -1.33 From widowed to
Married -12.88 2.89*** -13.22 Widowed -2.11 1.06* -2.43
Control variable
Change in number of adult females in household -2.51
Change in number of adult males in household -0.46
Change in number of children aged 0-4 years 0.23 Change in number of children aged 5-11 years 0.13 Change in number of female children aged 12-18 years -0.60
Change in number of male children aged 12-18 years -0.04
Change in employment hours -0.04 Change in family earnings ($1000s) 0.00
Change in years of education 0.19 Entry into school -0.46 Change in age (years) -0.28 Change in age2 (divided by 100) 0.07
Constant 0.50 0.22* 1.73 R2 0.04 0.07
2975 2975
0.68 0.96 0.91 0.83 0.97
1.18* 8.63 2.36*** 7.41 2.34**
0.81*** 7.70 1.43*** 4.09 1.50**
1.95 -6.13 4.06 -5.95 3.99
1.29 1.11 2.51 0.29 2.49
1.04 4.26 1.83* 2.02 1.82
1.51 -2.48 2.61 -1.58 2.56
0.86*** -3.82 1.32** -2.89 1.35*
1.74*** -9.50 1.59*** -8.90 1.63***
1.72*** 2.08 2.26 1.94 2.23
0.91*** 2.00 1.27 1.73 1.27 0.73 -1.18 0.76 -0.25 0.78
2.87*** 6.88 3.87 6.35 3.79 1.13* 0.99 0.84 1.73 1.02
0.35***
0.33
-1.72 0.50***
0.12 0.54
0.23
0.28
3.32 0.35***
2.31 0.35***
0.38
0.38
0.01***
0.18 0.46
1.04 0.46** -0.12 0.01***
0.00 0.00 0.01 0.29 -0.86 0.42* 0.61 -2.16 0.85*
0.27 0.49 0.42
0.12 -0.36 0.18* 1.56 -1.92 0.38*** -2.69 2.36
0.02 0.07 4973 4973
*p<.05. **p<.01. ***p <.001.
For example, the effect of the transition from being separated to cohabiting on men's total house- work hours is equal to the coefficient for the move from separation to cohabitation minus the coeffi- cient for remaining separated, or -6.3 - (-1.0) = -5.3 hours. (The subtraction is necessary because the coefficients in Tables 4 and 5 represent the ef- fect of the transition, compared with that of remain- ing married, not compared with that of remaining separated.) That is, separated men reduce their
total housework time by 5.3 hours when they enter cohabiting unions. The statistical significance of the transition is determined by a t test for the equality of the two coefficients. Cells corresponding to ex- cluded transitions are marked NA.
Tables 5 and 6 show that entering coresidential unions reduces men's total housework hours and
female-typed housework hours and increases women's hours. Exiting coresidential unions tends to increase men's housework time and decrease
n
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
women's, although not all transitions are signifi- cant. The tables show that the time individuals
spend on female-typed housework is more sensitive to transitions in marital status than the time they spend on all chores. For example, never-married men do not reduce their total hours spent doing housework significantly when they enter marriage, but they do decrease their female-typed house- work time by 3.5 hours. Never-married women do not change their total housework hours when they enter marital unions, but they increase their female- typed housework time by 3.3 hours. Accordingly, in the discussion I focus on the results for changes in female-typed housework hours.
Effects of Transitions to Unions
In Table 5, we observe that all varieties of single men are inclined to reduce their female house-
work hours when they enter unions. Never-married men reduce the time they spend doing female chores by 2.9 hours when they enter cohabitation and by 3.5 hours when they enter marriage or by 28% and 33% from the NSFH1 average for never- married men of 10.5 hours. Separated or divorced men reduce their female housework time by 6.6 hours and 2.8 hours when they enter cohabitation and marriage, respectively, or by 45% and 19% compared with their baseline average. The differ- ence between these two effects is significant at the 5% level. Widowed men experience the most sub- stantial decrease in their female housework time
when they remarry-10.8 hours or 65% from their average at NSFH1. (Only 10 men experience this transition, however.) In all cases, the actual pro- portionate changes are likely to be higher, given that the baseline averages are probably biased up- ward due to respondent overestimation.
The effect of transitions into unions on time
spent by women doing female-typed housework is the opposite of the effect of those transitions on
time spent by men. In contrast to men, however, only never-married women increase their house- work time when they enter cohabitation and mar- riage. The housework hours of separated, divorced, and widowed women do not change significantly when they form unions. The housework time of never-married women increases by 6.6 hours when they enter cohabitation and by 3.3 hours when they marry (i.e., by 34% and 17%). The difference in the two coefficients is not significant. This find- ing contradicts that of Shelton and John (1993), who claim that cohabiting women spend less time doing housework than married women, but it is congruent with the multivariate results of South and Spitze (1994).
Effects of Transitions out of Unions
Table 6 shows that exits from cohabitation do not
affect the housework time of either men or women.
Exits from marriage, however, have sizeable effects on the housework time of both men and women, in opposite directions. Men increase their female housework time by 5.1 hours when they separate or divorce or by 61% over their baseline average. The increase is somewhat larger for men who become widowed, 6.0 hours or 71% above the NSFH1 aver- age for married men. Taken with the findings for the transitions from separation and widowhood to marriage, these results suggest that separated and widowed men who enter new unions do not carry their housework experiences into these new unions. That is, men increase their female housework time when they leave marriage, but they reduce it again when they enter coresidential unions. Al- though we cannot know this for certain with just two waves of data, it is a plausible inference.
In contrast to men, women reduce the time they spend on female tasks when they exit marriage into separation or widowhood by 2.9 and 8.9 hours, respectively. Given the higher baseline av-
TABLE 5. EFFECTS OF ENTRY INTO CORESIDENTIAL UNIONS ON HOUSEWORK HOURS
Marital Status, NSFH, Wave 2
Cohabiting Married
Marital Status, NSFH, Wave 1 Type of Housework Men Women Men Women
Never married Total -1.7 6.7* -2.4 2.4 Female -2.9* 6.6** -3.5*** 3.3*
Separated or divorced Total -5.3* 1.1 -0.4 0.8 Female -6.6*** 2.2 -2.8** 2.0
Widowed Total NA NA -8.8* 1.9 Female NA NA -10.8*** 4.6
*p<.05. **p <.01. ***p <.001.
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Journal of Marriage and the Family
TABLE 6. EFFECTS OF EXIT FROM CORESIDENTIAL UNIONS ON HOUSEWORK HOURS
Marital Status, NSFH, Wave 2
Never Married Separated or Divorced Widowed
Marital Status, Type of NSFH, Wave 1 Housework Men Women Men Women Men Women
Cohabiting Total -3.3 -6.9 NA NA NA NA Female -0.3 -6.2 NA NA NA NA
Married Total NA NA 5.3*** -1.9 4.1 -8.8*** Female NA NA 5.1*** -2.9* 6.0*** -8.9***
*p <.05. **p <.01. ***p <.001.
erages for women, compared with men, these de- creases represent proportionately smaller changes of 9% and 27%. The large effect for widowed women most likely is due to their older average age. Separate tests (not shown) for the interactions be- tween age at NSFH1 and transitions in marital sta- tus support this conjecture.
Other Transitions
The transition from cohabitation to marriage does not affect either men's or women's housework
time. Among those who are in the same status at both times, only widowed men experience signifi- cant changes in their housework time. They reduce their total housework time and female housework
time by 3.2 and 2.4 hours, respectively. Women who are in the same statuses at both times do not
change either their total housework time or their female housework hours. These multivariate re-
sults contradict the unadjusted diagonal means in Tables 1 and 2, which show, for example, that men who are never married at both times increase
their housework by a substantial amount.
Control Variables
Comparing Models 1 and 2 in Table 4, we see that the effects of transitions in marital status on men's
housework time are not affected greatly by inclu- sion of the control variables. The effects of some
transitions on women's housework hours, however, are attenuated by the controls. For example, the effect of the transition from being never married to being married increases women's female house- work time by 6.7 hours in Model 1 but by only 3.3 hours in Model 2. This is due largely to the close relationship between making that transition and having additional children. Among the women who make the transition, more than 40% have an additional infant child at NSFH2, but among women who remain never married, only 9% do.
Because each additional child aged 0-4 years adds more than 3 hours to women's female house-
work time, the effect of the transition itself is re- duced considerably.
From Model 2 in Table 4, we see that the only independent variables that affect changes in men's housework hours, other than transitions in marital status, are changes in the number of adult women in their households and changes in their employment hours. Every additional adult female in the house- hold (other than spouse or partner) reduces men's housework time by about 2.5 hours. Because the size of this effect is comparable with that of entry into coresidential unions, it is fair to say that men's housework hours respond almost identically to the addition of women in their households, whether these women are partners, mothers, or sisters. What matters is that they are women. Changes in the number of adult males have no effect.
With the exception of changes in the number of young children, which translate into an extra hour
of total housework time per child, men's house- work time is impervious to changes in the number of children. Neither entry into school nor changes in completed years of education affect men's housework time. Every additional hour of paid employment, however, reduces men's total house- work time by 0.04 hours and reduces their female- typed housework time by 0.05 hours or by 3 min- utes. Conversely, every reduction of 1 hour in paid employment increases men's female housework time by 3 minutes. Changes in family earnings have no impact.
Women's housework hours, unlike men's, re- spond to several control variables. The sharpest contrast with the results for men is in the effects
of changes in the number of children. Every addi- tional child aged 0-4 years adds 3.3 hours to women's total housework time and 3.8 hours to their female housework time. The effects are re-
duced somewhat as children grow into the age range of 5-11 years, but they remain substantial.
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
As children become teenagers, it is only male chil- dren who continue to add to women's housework
time. Presumably, female children begin to partic- ipate in the performance of household chores as they age and, therefore, do not add to women's housework time.
Also in contrast to the results for men, changes in years of education do affect women's house- work time. Every additional year of education re- duces it by an hour. Entering school also has a substantial impact, leading to a decrease of about 2.0 hours. A separate test for a significant differ- ence in the magnitudes of the effects of entering school and exiting school gave a null result. The effect of exiting school, therefore, is to increase women's housework time by 2.0 hours. Every extra hour of paid employment results in a de- crease of 7 minutes in women's housework time.
It would take an increase in paid employment of more than 20 hours a week (e.g., a change from part-time to full-time work) to offset the effect of the transition from being never married to being married. For women, as for men, changes in family earnings have no effect.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Figure 1 summarizes the effects of entering and exiting coresidential unions on the housework
time of men and women. The average effect on men's housework time of all significant transitions to cohabitation and marriage, weighted by the numbers of men experiencing transitions, is -3.6 hours. The corresponding figure for women is +4.2 hours. These effects correspond to a reduction of 29% for single men and an increase of 17% for single women, compared with their baseline aver- ages. The transitions out of cohabitation and mar- riage reverse the directions of these effects and in- crease men's housework time by +5.2 hours, or by 61%, and reduce women's by -5.3 hours, or by 16%.
These results show that the gender disparity in the performance of domestic labor goes beyond differences in the average levels of housework performed by men and women. As doing gender suggests, both men and women change their house- work behaviors when they enter or leave coresi- dential unions. The absolute and proportionate changes in housework time due to transitions in marital status are large, and the proportionate ef- fects are likely to be even larger because of the probable inflation of baseline averages. The con- clusion is inescapable. Men substantially reduce their housework time when they enter coresiden- tial unions with women, and women increase theirs when they form unions. Moreover, it is the time that individuals spend doing female-typed house-
FIGURE 1. AVERAGE EFFECTS OF ENTRY INTO AND EXIT FROM CORESIDENTIAL UNIONS ON FEMALE HOUSEWORK HOURS
Change in Time Spent on Housework (in hours)
-6
Union Entry
Union Exit
-4 -2 0 2 4
I :: :::;: :;:: ::: ::: :.::::::: .:::::::: 1
:: .. ..... I.. t I I ' ? .... .... ....... ........
6
S Men ] Women
: :::::::::: :::: : ::::::::::: ::: :J::::::: ::::: ::::::: ::: :::: ::::::::: ::::: ::::::::: : ::: :: :::b:: ::*: : :::::::::::::::::::::::
......,.....,................,....
:::::::::::.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::: ::: . .I....... .,. .. .,.,. . .. .. . .. . . ..
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Journal of Marriage and the Family
work-the backbone of household life-that is
most sensitive to transitions in marital status.
These findings constitute strong evidence for a causal relationship between marital status and housework time and are generally congruent with South and Spitze's (1994) cross-sectional study. My longitudinal analysis has the advantage, how- ever, of being less susceptible to biases inherent in cross-sectional models. It controls for unmeasured
variables, such as housework preferences and cer- tain kinds of gender role socialization, that may confound cross-sectional results. Hence, it shows how transitions in marital status affect individuals'
housework behavior independently of such un- observables.
My analysis is limited by the fact that there are only two waves of the NSFH. Thus I cannot deter- mine the impact of many union transitions on changes in men's housework time. Moreover, the two waves of data are 5 years apart. Ideally, the period between waves would be shorter, so that the temporal ordering of union transitions and changes in housework hours could be determined more exactly. (Although other longitudinal data sets, such as the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, do have housework data at shorter intervals, they do not have the actual numbers of hours spent doing particular tasks.)
Despite these limitations, my analysis yields in- formation that simply cannot be obtained from cross-sectional models. For example, it strongly suggests that separated and widowed men do not carry their increased load of housework into new coresidential unions. Rather, they reduce their housework time when they cohabit or remarry. Be- cause the two waves of the NSFH data do not fol-
low the same men into separation and then into subsequent unions, this result is not conclusive, but certainly the inference is plausible. It implies that, at least with respect to housework, separated and widowed men have a greater incentive to remarry than do separated and widowed women.
In addition, the results show that entry into co- habitation induces changes in housework behavior that are no less gender typical than does entry into marriage. Never-married men reduce their house- work time by almost the same amount when they enter cohabitation or marriage, but separated men actually decrease their housework time by a greater amount when they cohabit than when they marry. Never-married women increase their housework
time by a greater amount when they cohabit than when they marry, though the difference is not sta- tistically significant. It appears, therefore, that the
fact of entry into a coresidential union is of greater consequence for housework time than the form of that union. Further, the transition from cohabitation
to marriage has no impact on either men's or women's housework time.
Finally, my findings suggest that there are no true economies of scale in housework. Of all the
possible ways in which men and women form couple households, there is none that results in a reduction of both partners' housework time. There are transitions to coresidential unions that result
in a sum of the partners' housework hours that is smaller than the sum of their individual (pre-union) housework hours. For example, when a divorced man marries a divorced woman, their total female- typed housework time is reduced by 2.8 hours. In all such transitions, however, only the men reduce their housework hours, and in transitions to unions
that lead to a sum of the partners' housework hours that is greater than the sum of their individual hours, the addition comes entirely from increases in the women's housework hours. Compared with the sum of their individual pre-union housework hours, for example, there is a net increase of 3.7 hours (= 6.6 - 2.9) in the female housework time of a never-married man and a never-married
woman who form a cohabiting union. This is due not to increases in the housework time of both
partners, but it is only due to an increase in the woman's housework time.
Although it is not possible to extrapolate from these individual-level findings to draw conclusions about macrosocial trends, it is not unreasonable to speculate about their implications. In their study of family change in the U.S., Goldscheider and Waite (1991) argue that men's willingness to undertake more responsibility for household labor may be the fundamental condition for the creation of "new
families." They suggest that women are deferring marriage because they are looking for husbands who will share the housework burden more
equally:
"New families" are only possible, however, if men will share in family work more directly-in- cluding performing household tasks. A rewarding family environment rests on careful coordination and hard work, and women are beginning to re- sent having to take it all on alone.... They are likely to have become much choosier because they fear the double burden of work and home- not just because they can now "afford" to be choosy. (p. 5)
My analysis implies that women have good reason to be selective in their choice of male partners
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Marital Transitions and Men's Housework
with respect to housework performance. This is not to diminish the importance of the increases in men's housework hours that have occurred during the last few decades. Yet any optimism about this development must be tempered by the fact that, with respect to housework time at least, the for- mation of households with adult partners of the opposite gender remains more to men's than to women's advantage.
NOTE
The material in this article was presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association at San Francisco, May, 1998. I am indebted to Pamela Smock, Jennifer Cornman, Ted Mouw, and anonymous reviewers for their comments.
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Blair, S. L. (1992a). Children's participation in house- hold labor: Child socialization versus the need for
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Blair, S. L. (1992b). The sex-typing of children's house- hold labor: Parental influence on daughters' and sons' housework. Youth and Society, 24, 178-203.
Blair, S. L., & Lichter, D. T. (1991). Measuring the divi- sion of household labor: Gender segregation of house- work among American couples. Journal of Family Is- sues, 12, 91-113.
Brines, J. (1994). Economic dependency, gender, and the division of labor at home. American Journal of Sociology, 100, 652-688.
Coltrane, S. (1996). Fatherhood, housework, and gender equity. New York: Oxford University Press.
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England, P., & Farkas, G. (1986). Households, employ- ment, and gender: A social, economic, and demo- graphic view. New York: Aldine.
Gerson, K. (1993). No man's land: Men's changing com- mitments to family and work. New York: Basic Books.
Goldscheider, F. K., & Waite, L. J. (1991). New families, no families? The transformation of the American home. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Huber, J., & Spitze, G. (1983). Sex stratification: Children, housework, and jobs. New York: Academic Press.
Ishii-Kuntz, M., & Coltrane, S. (1992). Remarriage, stepparenting, and household labor. Journal of Family Issues, 13, 215-233.
Juster, F. T., & Stafford, F. P. (1991). The allocation of time: Empirical findings, behavioral models, and problems of measurement. Journal of Economic Lit- erature, 29, 471-522.
Liker, J. K., Augustyniak, S., & Duncan, G. J. (1985). Panel data and models of change: A comparison of first difference and conventional two-wave models.
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Robinson, J. (1988). Who's doing the housework? American Demographics, 10, 24-28.
Robinson, J. P., & Godbey, G. (1997). Time for life: The surprising way Americans use their time. University Park: Pennsylvania State University.
Sanchez, L., Manning, W. D., & Smock, P. J. (1998). Sex-specialized or collaborative mate selection? Union transitions among cohabitors. Social Science Research, 27, 280-304.
Schooler, C., Miller, J., Miller, K. A., & Richtand, C. N. (1984). Work for the household: Its nature and conse- quences for husbands and wives. American Journal of Sociology, 90, 97-124.
Shelton, B. A., & John, D. (1993). Does marital status make a difference? Journal of Family Issues, 14, 401- 420.
South, S. J., & Spitze, G. (1994). Housework in marital and nonmarital households. American Sociological Review, 59, 327-347.
Sweet, J. A., & Bumpass, L. L. (1996). The National Survey of Families and Households-Waves 1 and 2: Data description and documentation [on-line]. Avail- able: http://ssc.wisc.edu/nsfh/home.htm
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Thompson, L., & Walker, A. J. (1989). Gender in families: Women and men in marriage, work, and parenthood. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51, 845-871.
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- Issue Table of Contents
- Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 61, No. 3, Aug., 1999
- Front Matter [pp. 555 - 810]
- Parenting
- Nonresident Fathers and Children's Well-Being: A Meta-Analysis [pp. 557 - 573]
- Unpacking Authoritative Parenting: Reassessing a Multidimensional Construct [pp. 574 - 587]
- Boundary Ambiguity and Coparental Conflict After Divorce: An Empirical Test of a Family Systems Model of the Divorce Process [pp. 588 - 598]
- Adolescents' Well-Being as a Function of Perceived Interparental Consistency [pp. 599 - 610]
- Marital Quality
- Marital Perceptions and Interactions Across the Transition to Parenthood [pp. 611 - 625]
- Parental Conflict and Marital Disruption: Do Children Benefit When High-Conflict Marriages Are Dissolved? [pp. 626 - 637]
- Status and Income as Gendered Resources: The Case of Marital Power [pp. 638 - 650]
- Personality and Marital Adjustment: Utility of the Five-Factor Model of Personality [pp. 651 - 660]
- Intergenerational Relations
- The Micropolitics of Care in Relationships between Aging Parents and Adult Children: Individualism, Collectivism, and Power [pp. 661 - 672]
- Race and Ethnic Variation in Norms of Filial Responsibility among Older Persons [pp. 674 - 687]
- Caregiver Burden from a Social Exchange Perspective: Caring for Older People after Hospital Discharge [pp. 688 - 699]
- Household Work
- The Effects of Transitions in Marital Status on Men's Performance of Housework [pp. 700 - 711]
- Meaning and Measurement: Reconceptualizing Measures of the Division of Household Labor [pp. 712 - 724]
- Multiple Roles and Psychological Distress: The Intersection of the Paid Worker, Spouse, and Parent Roles with the Role of the Adult Child [pp. 725 - 738]
- The Intersection of Time in Activities and Perceived Unfairness in Relation to Psychological Distress and Marital Quality [pp. 739 - 751]
- Of General Interest
- Historical Changes and Life Course Variation in the Determinants of Premarital Childbearing [pp. 752 - 763]
- Do Men's Characteristics Affect Whether a Nonmarital Pregnancy Results in Marriage? [pp. 764 - 773]
- Childhood Migration and Social Integration in Adulthood [pp. 774 - 789]
- Do Fertility Intentions Affect Fertility Behavior? [pp. 790 - 799]
- Feedback
- Further Discussion of the Effects of No-Fault Divorce on Divorce Rates [pp. 800 - 802]
- Did No-Fault Divorce Legislation Matter? Definitely Yes and Sometimes No [pp. 803 - 809]
- Book Reviews
- untitled [pp. 811 - 812]
- untitled [p. 812]
- untitled [p. 813]
- untitled [pp. 813 - 815]
- untitled [p. 815]
- untitled [pp. 815 - 816]
- untitled [p. 816]
- Back Matter
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._The Effects of Transitions in Marital Status on Men's Performance of Housework.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Gender and the household division of labor- employment and earnings variations in Australia.pdf
from the SAGE Social Science Collections. All Rights Reserved.
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Gender and the household division of labor- employment and earnings variations in Australia.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Timing and flexibility of housework and men and women’s wages.pdf
The Economics of Time Use D.S. Hamermesh and G.A. Pfann (Editors) © 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1016/S0573-8555(04)71003-2
CHAPTER 3
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages
Jens Bonkea, Nabanita Datta Gupta3 and Nina Smithb
"Danish National Institute of Social Research, Herluf Trollesgade 11, DK-1052 Copenhagen, Denmark E-mail address: jeb@sfi.dk; ndg@sfi.dk
bCIM, IZA, DIW and Aarhus School of Business, Prismet, Silkeborgvej 2, DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denmark
E-mail address: nina@asb.dk
Abstract
We analyze the wage effects of housework by estimating quantile regressions on a Danish time-use survey merged to register data. Housework has negative effects on women's wages and positive effects on men's wages, except at the top of the conditional wage distribution. The timing and flexibility of housework are more important than the amount, and women, particularly at the high end of the distribution, who time their housework immediately before or after market work or perform contiguously spaced home tasks earn significantly lower wages. These effects are even stronger for couples and for workers on fixed as opposed to flexible time schedules.
Keywords: wages, housework, time use, quantile regressions
JEL classifications: D13, J16
3.1. Introduction
Despite the fact that Danish women's participation in the labor market has increased rapidly since the 1970s, the division of work within the household still remains unequal. Currently in the 25-45 age group, almost 84% of women participate in the labor market, compared to 90% of men; but Danish time-use data from 1987 show that men still spend less time on
44 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
housework on weekdays compared to women in coupled households: 81 min a day for men and 171 min for women. Although these figures have become more equal over time, the different roles of men and women within the household may still be expected to influence the amount of effort and their achievement on the job. For the US, Hersch (1991), Hersch and Stratton (1997, 2000), Noonan (2001) and Stratton (2001) have documented that the amount of time spent on housework has a negative effect on wages. For Canada, Phipps et al. (2001) also find that the amount of housework has a negative effect on the earning capacity of women.
The effect of housework activities may vary across the wage distribution. Especially for men and women in higher ranking positions holding demanding jobs, it may be impossible to combine the job with a large amount of housework or inflexible housework tasks. The very compressed wage structures in the Scandinavian countries and high tax levels imply that the price of market services (domestic help, restaurant visits, etc.) is very high. The market for private services may not even exist in the Scandinavian countries, contrary to the US, which has a fairly well- functioning market for most household services. This may induce even high-income families in Scandinavia to undertake more housework and do- it-yourself work compared to families in, for instance, the US. However, it may not be the amount of housework alone, which influences the labor market performance of men and women. The timing and flexibility of housework may also have negative effects on earnings and careers, especially at the higher end of the qualification distribution, and thus this may be one explanation of an increasing unexplained gender wage gap at the upper end of the wage distribution in Denmark and Sweden (Albrecht et al., 2003; Datta Gupta et al, 2003).
Earlier studies, mainly from the US, have documented that housework has a different effect on male and female wages and that the type of housework also matters (Hersch and Stratton, 2000; Noonan, 2001; Stratton, 2001). However, none of these previous studies has incorporated timing and flexibility aspects of housework and their effects on wages. When housework is done during the day may be just as important for wages as the amount of housework.1 Housework that is timed relatively close to market work hours may have more punitive effects on wages than housework that is timed farther away from market work hours, because
There are a number of other questions for which the issue of timing can be important. For instance, Hamermesh in this volume analyzes the demand for temporal variety or its absence, routine, and finds that economic incentives are important in decisions of timing of daily activities.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 45
individuals may need to interrupt their market work hours in order to undertake such activities or experience higher levels of stress or fatigue while trying to balance the conflicting needs of the job and the household.
In this study, we examine the wage effects of having flexibility with respect to one's housework and test whether or not these effects differ for men and women. Most previous studies have constrained the effect of housework to be the same at all points in the wage distribution. We estimate a traditional human capital model of hourly wages augmented by different aspects of housework responsibilities, including timing and flexibility as well as job characteristics. In contrast to the previous literature, we fully characterize the housework-wage relationship along the conditional wage distribution by using a quantile regression approach.
Unlike some of the previous studies in this area (Hersch and Stratton, 1997, 2000), we do not model the endogeneity of housework. Clearly, housework (both the amount and timing) may be potentially endogenous to wages, as those with higher wages typically do less housework and more market work, and this biases the coefficient of housework in a wage regression that treats housework as exogenous. We were unable to find suitable instruments for housework hours in the data we have available (see Section 3.5). Therefore, we concentrate here on introducing the notion of flexibility and timing of housework and testing their effects at different points along the conditional wage distribution. The analysis is based on merged register and survey data, i.e. the Danish 1987 Time-Use Survey (TUS) for information on household activities and market work, and on administrative registers for information on wages and labor market characteristics for the period 1987-1991 for the individuals included in the TUS.
In Section 3.2, we sketch a theoretical model which states a relationship between market wages, the amount of housework and the flexibility of time devoted to market work and housework and discusses the implications of this model. In Section 3.3, the time use and register data applied in the study are described, and Section 3.4 presents some descriptive analyses of Danish time-use patterns. In Section 3.5, an empirical model is presented. The results from the estimation are presented in Section 3.6, and Section 3.7 offers a conclusion.
3.2. Theoretical model
In one of his seminal papers, Becker (1985) discusses the importance of the allocation of home time and the resources and effort devoted to market work:
Earnings in some jobs are highly responsive to changes in the input of energy, while earnings in others are more responsive to changes in the amount of time.... Persons
46 / . Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
devoting much time to effort-intensive household activities like childcare would economize on their use of energy by seeking jobs that are not effort intensive, and conversely for persons who devote most of their household time to leisure and other time-intensive activities (Becker, 1985, p. S49).
The allocation of time within the household is assumed to be determined by comparative advantage. Women are assumed to be more productive in certain types of housework, especially child production and childcare. A key assumption in the Becker model is that the individual allocates a given amount of time and effort to different activities, for instance housework, leisure time and market work. Becker shows that given these assumptions, the individual will devote less effort to the job the more housework is done at home, and this explains that usually women earn lower market wages than men.
The Becker model has been criticized because of the assumption of a given amount of effort. It could be that individuals, who derive utility from their job and devote a lot of effort to the job, also devote more effort at home. Or the other way around, some individuals who spend many hours on housework activities spend few hours on passive leisure activities, for instance watching television, and may devote more effort to their job (Bielby and Bielby, 1988; Stratton, 2001). Thus if the amount of effort is not exogenously given, the implications of the Becker model become more ambiguous. Since the causality in the Becker model is that housework affects effort, which affects wage rates, one should expect that, controlling for effort, the direct effect of housework on wages might disappear. However, empirical studies which combine information on effort variables, housework and wage rates indicate that including information on effort does not reduce the significance of housework (see Stratton, 2001).
Instead of focussing on effort, we turn our attention to the importance of timing and flexibility of housework in this study. Many housework activities have to be performed at regular points in time each day. If there are babies or young children in the family, a number of tasks, such as preparing food, eating, bathing the children, preparing the children for school, etc. are time-inflexible tasks that have to be done each day at fairly rigid points in time. The same holds for activities like picking up children from day care centers, sport activities, etc. which may imply that the parent has to leave the job earlier in the afternoon. If employees are required to be present at meetings in the morning and late in the afternoon, this may have consequences for job and career. Other types of household activities, such as do-it-yourself work, are much more time flexible and can even be done on weekends. Therefore, it is important to focus on the
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 47
flexibility and the timing of housework activities and not just on the amount of housework. If due to tradition, comparative advantage or other reasons women more often undertake daily routine tasks that need to be done at regular points in time, while men do housework tasks that can be relegated to weekends or late in the evening, women will tend to be less flexible with respect to their market jobs and have less potential for career advancement than men.
The importance of timing and flexibility in household activities depends on how easy it is to substitute between the time of household members and market services. Despite young children being time consuming and implying time inflexibility, parents are in principle able to substitute part of the care. The same holds for other household activities. For example, sending children to childcare centers during working hours or hiring a nanny are possible strategies, as are visiting restaurants, employing a cleaner to take care of daily cleaning tasks, etc. However, substitution depends, among other things, on the prices of services bought in the market. A compressed wage structure and a high indirect tax rate imply high prices of most household services in Denmark. Thus many households cannot afford much substitution for their housework time, and high-income families who can afford these services often face thin and poorly functioning service markets.2 For these reasons, we expect that timing and flexibility of daily housework tasks like childcare, food preparing, cleaning, etc. are important factors affecting career develop- ment, especially in families with younger children whose needs are particularly time inflexible.
It is not an easy task to define flexibility, since the notion may have a number of dimensions to it, such as variability or stability over time, uncertainty with respect to future work requirements, etc. For instance, temporal stability with respect to the timing of housework activities may imply that the individual has a high degree of certainty with respect to when she is able to undertake market activities. On the other hand, temporal stability can also imply that she is inflexible and, for instance, has to leave the job early in the afternoon each day in order to pick up children. Further, the concept of flexibility depends on whether flexibility is viewed from the perspective of the employer or the employees.
2 The typical marginal income tax even on low-skilled workers exceeds 50%, VAT is 25%, and thus the tax wedge is high. In an empirical analysis based on German and US data, Schettkat (2003) demonstrates that a much larger tax wedge in Germany compared to the US may explain why the Germans undertake much more housework and do-it-yourself work and less market work compared to Americans.
48 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
Flexibility from the employer's perspective will typically mean inflexi- bility from the employee's perspective.3
According to these considerations, we have the following definition for flexibility: the ease with which an individual can alter the timing of daily work or housework according to the needs of the employer (flexibility devoted to market work) or the family (flexibility devoted to non-market activities). Thus the amount of flexibility that the individual has at his or her disposal for work depends in part on the nature and type of work or housework, in part on family background characteristics, in part on job characteristics and in part on unobserved factors such as tastes for work. We assume that each individual can allocate a given amount of flexibility to market work, housework or to leisure activities, personal care, sleep, etc. Thus, besides allocating a fixed amount of time each day to market work, housework and leisure, the person has to decide how flexible he or she wants to be at the job and how much flexibility he or she reserves for the family, household tasks and leisure time. Thus flexibility which is devoted to the job or to housework can be thought of as an additional input, which increases the value of each hour spent working in the market or at home.
Assume, in line with the Becker model, that the individual can distribute the total time allocation, f, to three activities, market work (m) and two types of housework activities ( j = 1 , 2 ) where activity 1 is much more flexible than activity 2, i.e. activity 1 demands to a much larger extent than activity 2 that it is undertaken at given times during the day. For instance, activity 1 may be routine tasks like food preparing and cleaning, while activity 2 is do-it-yourself work.4
' i + ' 2 + fm = f (3-1)
Further, parallel to the time constraint the individual is assumed to have a given amount of flexibility (normalized to 1), which can be allocated to the three activities,
Fl+F2 + Fm=l. (3.2)
3 However, in some cases the employer and the employee may bargain more or less explicitly about the timing and flexibility of market work, for instance by having flex-time working schedules where the worker is allowed to decide when to come to work in the morning or when to leave the job, or the worker may be allowed to work at home (distance work) during part of the working time. If there exists this type of (implicit) contract between the employer and the employees, the negative trade-off between flexibility at work and flexibility at home may be loosened, as is the case in most academic jobs. 4 We abstract away from the leisure choice which is irrelevant for the purposes of our model.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 49
We assume that the output or the value (/,) of each of the housework activities and market work depends on the human capital acquired for each of these production processes, HCj(j = m, 1,2). Further, the value depends on the time (hours) and flexibility devoted to the activity (/y and Fj). For simplicity, we assume a Cobb-Douglas production function for the value of time and flexibility devoted to the housework and market work activities
Ij^UCjFptj-* 0' = m,l,2)
where o-j is the flexibility intensity of activity j . Denoting/- = F;/ry, i.e. the flexibility per hour, which can be shown to be a constant because of the Cobb-Douglas assumption, one gets the hourly wage rate in activity./ as
Wj = HCjf? U = m , l , 2 ) .
The size of oj is crucial for determining the endogenous variable j j . We assume <Tj < 1, fory = m, 1,2, and further that o-j > <r2 and <rm > a2. Thus, non-market activity 1 and market work are assumed to be less flexible than non-market activity 2. The ranking between non-market activity 1 and market work depends on which types of activities and jobs are considered. If the job is very demanding with much responsibility, <rm is large (though smaller than 1 in order to be sure that more hours of work always imply a higher market income, If), while less demanding jobs are represented by lower values of crm. Analogously, if there are young children in the household, household activities may be relatively time inflexible. In the Becker model, oj is treated as exogenous, but in a more general model the variables reflecting flexibility intensities should be considered endogenous. The flexibility intensity of non-market activities may be determined by endogenous fertility, and the flexibility intensity of market work by endogenous sector and occupational choices.
By introducing a traditional home production function approach for the two household goods (j = 1,2), see Appendix A3, and maximizing utility defined over these two goods subject to income, time and flexibility constraints, one can derive the demand and supply functions for market goods and services (xj), time devoted to the market and housework activities (/,), and flexibility in market and housework activities (fj) as functions of the endowment of human capital in different activities (HC;), flexibility intensities, OJ, prices and non-wage income. Focussing only on market wages, the observed market wage may be written as
wm = wm(HCm, crm, fm(a-i, <r2, <rm, Z)) (3.3)
where Z is a vector of the additional variables that determine flexibility (/m) devoted to market work. Parallel to the Becker model, one can show
50 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
that the amount of flexibility devoted to the job is a negative function of the flexibility intensity demanded in the housework activities:
| ^ = n a m , 2 < 0 , (3-4)
ba) o-m(l - o-m)<r/
i.e. the relative flexibility devoted to the job is larger the smaller the o}, because the housework activities are less flexibility demanding. For a given value of <7m, i.e. for a given type of job, a person who undertakes flexibility-intensive non-market activities, o) close to 1, will devote less flexibility to the job than a person who engages in non-market activities with a low value of aj. This effect is larger, the more demanding the job is, i.e. the larger is trm.
3.3. Data
Our main data source, the Danish TUS, 1987 is a simple random sample of about 3600 adult Danish people aged 16-74. It contains demographic and socio-economic information on the current work behavior in the labor market for all persons, i.e. the amount of hours, including overtime and hours in supplementary jobs, in a normal working week. The sample used here includes employed individuals who filled out a time diary during a working weekday or during a weekend day. For the sample with information on a working weekday, we exclude individuals with less than 1 \ h of continuous work during the diary day. For individuals observed on a weekend, we apply the general restriction that they must be employed, but place no restriction on the hours typically worked on a weekend day. This leaves us with a sample of 2102 employed individuals, 1356 observed on working weekdays and 746 individuals observed during a weekend day.
In the time diary the respondents record the main activity (i.e. work, sleep, recreation, housework, etc.) in 15 min intervals for the full 24 h period prior to the interview day. In addition to market work 10 different categories of housework and several categories of leisure activities are identified among the 39 activities (see Appendix B3).
The TUS is matched to administrative income-tax registers and registers on labor-market attachment for each of the years 1987-1991. Thus we are able to trace career development for a period of 4 years after the survey was collected. The register data include information on the person interviewed in 1987, and on the spouse in a couple household. For each of the years 1987-1991 we have information on annual earnings and other income, actual labor-market experience, sector (public or private), occupational
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 51
position, education, number and age of children, and information on spousal income and labor market variables. If the interview person changes civil status (and spouse) and/or acquires more children, this is registered, and information on new spouse or child is included in the data. In Appendix C3, sample means for the years 1987 and 1991 are shown for the variables included in the estimation.
The register information allows us to calculate hourly wage rates by dividing annual earnings by annual employed hours. Thus, our earnings measure suffers from the traditional weakness attributed to this measure, i.e. measurement error in hours is transmitted to the wage variable. The wage rate variable (which is measured in 1987 prices, Danish Kroner) includes overtime payments but excludes pension payments not included in registered annual earnings. The Danish pension payments rules changed over the period, and these changes affect the level of measured wage rates. Therefore in the empirical model presented below we include year-specific indicators in order to catch these changes in the overall level of the observed wage rates.
3.4. The amount and timing of housework activities
Table 3.1 shows the number of minutes spent on different activities during the day distributed by quartiles of the male and female wage distributions. The upper figures show hours on working weekdays (Monday-Friday), and the lower figures show hours on weekend days (Saturday-Sunday). On working weekdays, men in the upper quartile of the wage distribution spent on average 8.9 h on paid work, while women spent about 6.6 h. For men, there is a clear pattern, in that the higher the position in the wage distribution, the more the market work, whereas for women, we do not observe this tendency. Women in the upper wage quartile do not have more paid work on average than women in the second and third quartiles. Looking at housework, women in the upper quartile do slightly less housework, about 2.7 h compared to the lower quartiles (3 h in the lower quartile) on working weekdays.5 For men, we do not observe this pattern. Men in the lowest quartile work slightly fewer minutes than men in the other quartiles.
5 Gronau and Hamermesh (2001) find that the amount of housework decreases with educational level for married women in all countries included in their study. Interestingly, the only exception from this pattern is Sweden, where the most educated women do more housework than women with a medium level of education.
s to § IT
§
I s
Table 3.1. Average number of minutes spent on different activities ? during a working weekday (Monday -Friday: upper figures) and a weekend day (Saturday-Sunday: lower figures), 1987
Activity Men Women
Quartile in Male Wage Distribution 1987 (Min/Day) Quartile in Female Wage Distribution 1987 (Min/Day)
1st Quartile 2nd and 3rd Quartiles 4th Quartile All 1st Quartile : 2nd and 3rd Quartiles 4th Quartile All
Housework (4-10,24,35,36) 70 91 73 81 180 170 164 171 107 136 148 132 196 188 190 191
Food preparation (4,5) 23 27 25 25 66 65 61 64 26 37 40 35 73 71 69 71
Cleaning, etc. (6,7) 6 5 5 5 40 38 37 38 12 11 10 11 43 46 50 46
Childcare and child transp. 5 11 11 10 21 25 17 22 (8,24) - direct 4 8 21 10 23 22 9 21
Childcare and child trans. 39 101 96 84 151 150 155 151 (8,24) - indirect 144 208 209 193 234 276 318 277
Shopping, services, etc. (35,36) 16 21 15 18 30 26 26 27 23 18 25 21 19 15 25 19
Do-it-yourself work and 21 27 17 23 24 15 22 19 gardening (9,10) 42 61 53 55 37 34 27 33
Paid work, incl. transp. 457 489 536 493 350 398 396 386 (11,25,28) 55 88 109 85 48 67 67 62
Number of observations 180 343 181 704 156 333 163 652 95 223 90 408 83 166 89 338
Only individuals who were employed during th« i survey week are included. The numbers given in parentheses refer to activity types, see Appendix B3. Childcare and child transportation - indirect is i not included in total housework.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 53
Looking at the different housework activities, there is a clear gender division of work. Women tend to engage in food preparation and cleaning activities, while men do more do-it-yourself activities, particularly on the weekends.6 This raw empirical evidence confirms the hypothesis that women tend to have more routine activities which are rather inflexible, in the sense that they have to be done each day, while men tend to have more time- flexible activities. During weekend days women and men increase their housework activity, especially in the upper wage quartile. Women, mainly in the upper wage quartile, seem to do the cleaning work on the weekend, while men do a lot of do-it-yourself work and gardening on the weekend.
In order to look more closely at the timing of housework activities and market work, we calculate the distribution of time spent on market work, housework and other activities (sleep, personal care, leisure time) at each quarter of the day. Figure 3.1 shows these distributions for men and women on working weekdays and weekend days. The housework profile is clearly double-peaked: during the morning (about 10AM) and about dinner time (6PM) a relatively large proportion of women's time (30-40%) is spent on housework, both on weekends and working weekdays. For men, the pattern is different. They spend only about 10% of their time on housework during the morning on working weekdays, but on weekends it is mainly during the morning that men work at home. During working weekdays, men tend to do more market work than women early in the day and late in the afternoon, while women on average do more housework early in the morning and late in the afternoon.
The observed pattern in Figure 3.1 may confirm that women are less flexible at their jobs, since they tend to time more market work late in the morning and early in the afternoon (when the children are probably at school or at a day care center) compared to men. However, we do not know
6 Time spent on (direct) caring for children is surprisingly small, partly due to the fact that both parents and non-parents are included in the sample (see for instance Gronau and Hamermesh, 2001, where the time allocation in six countries, Australia, Israel, the Netherlands, Sweden, the US, West Germany, is shown). Danish men and women seem to spend much less time on their children compared to these countries. Another reason is that parents typically record a lot of activities done simultaneously with childcare in other categories than childcare (as housework, leisure or other). As the survey contains explicit information on who in the family is present when the different activities are performed, we are able to identify a much larger amount of indirect childcare (childcare performed as the secondary activity), as shown in Table 3.2. The definition of housework used in this paper includes only direct childcare. However, in Table 3.6 we test the robustness of our results to an expanded definition of housework in which time spent on both direct and indirect childcare is included.
54 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
whether the people would have been able to time their market work and housework differently, and whether it is the timing of housework or market work that determines the allocation of time during the day. Instead, in Table 3.2 below we try, by combining the type of activity and timing information from the time diaries, to identify different indicators of the flexibility of housework and market work activities.
According to Table 3.2, women do more housework before they go to work and more housework just after they have left their jobs than men. On average, women spend 37 min doing housework before they start at their job (including travel) and 100 min after they leave the job. For men the same figures are 14 and 44 min. Men have longer breaks between their job
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 55
and their housework, and a much larger proportion of men than women do not undertake any kind of housework before their paid work (65% of men and 33% of women). The majority of housework is done after the paid work has been finished, but 52% of the males and 22% of the females do not undertake any housework when they arrive home after paid work.
This evidence gives some indirect empirical support to our hypothesis that women tend to be more inflexible in their jobs because they have more housework tasks that need to be done at inflexible points in time. In fact, much casual evidence supports these findings that women more than men hurry home after work to pick up children or do the shopping. In Denmark shopping hours are limited, and most
Si 60
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3"
Table 3.2. Housework before and after market work and breaks between housework and market work during a working weekday (Monday-Friday), 1987
Men Women
Mean (Min) Standard Deviation Mean (Min) Standard Deviation
Housework before market work8
Housework after market work* Morning break, conditional on doing housework
before market workb
Afternoon break, conditional on doing housework after market work6
14 44 42
66
34 66 55
79
37 100 34
48
56 87 35
68
No housework before or after market work 0 < break < 30 min 30 min < break ^ 60 min 60 min < break ^ 90 min Break > 90 min
Before (Morning) (%) 65 22 10 2 1
After (Afternoon) (%) 52 26 9 6 7
Before (Morning) (%) 33 47 15 3 2
After (Afternoon) (%) 22 54 11 6 7
All 100 100 100 100
"Paid work is restricted to a period of more than 90 min including transportation time. bTime between household work and first period of paid work (paid work restricted to a period of more than 90 min of work) cTime between last period of paid work (paid work restricted to a period of more than 90 min of work) and housework.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 57
stores close by 5:30 or 6:00 PM, while day care centers close at 5:00 PM. As it is typically women who are responsible for shopping and picking up the children, the effect of these restricted hours may reduce women's flexibility more than men's.7
3.5. Empirical model
According to the theoretical model above, the hourly wage rate observed is given by wm = wm(HCm,<rm, fm{<ru<r2,(rm,Z)). Thus, we estimate a human capital wage function, where we successively include more detailed information on housework activities (HW) and job-specific and household- specific factors which capture a), i.e. explain flexibility-intensity aspects (F)- The wage functions are estimated by quantile regression methods (Koenker and Bassett, 1978; Buchinsky, 1998), where we specify the 0th quantile of the conditional wage distribution given X and housework variables HW as a linear function of the covariates
GrfLn(Wa|Xa),HW,)
= )3o(0)+Xl-,i3(0+HWIr 1(0+^72(0), ^=(0.1,0.5,0.9)
<2e(e,rlX,/,HW,-,F,-,)=0, Xit is a vector of (time-varying) explanatory variables included in traditional human capital functions, HW,- a vector of time-use variables from 1987, Fit a vector of time-varying variables determining flexibility intensity, and j3(0), «f(Q) and ^(0) are parameter vectors to be estimated. The subscripts i = l , . . . , n and t— 1987,...,1991, index the individual and time, respectively, and eit is an error component. The use of quantile regressions allows the marginal effect of housework to vary across the quantiles of the conditional wage distribution, consistent with the evidence suggested by the raw data in Table 3.1. Standard errors are obtained through 200 bootstrap repetitions, based on Koenker and Bassett (1978) algorithms.
As individuals are observed repeatedly over time, the data should in principle be corrected for individual effects. However, a simple differencing technique cannot be applied here, because differencing the quantiles of the conditional wage distribution would yield the effect of additional HW, e.g. on the 0th quantile of the conditional distribution of
A study of the lifting of shopping hours constraint in the Netherlands shows that women are most affected by the relaxation of such laws and increase their market hours the most following the change, both due to their employment in the retailing sector and also due to their increased work hours in other sectors (Jacobsen and Kooreman, this volume).
58 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta andN. Smith
within-person wage differences, rather than the effect of HW on the conditional wage distribution. The quantile estimates obtained from differenced data are not equivalent to quantile estimates from data on levels (Arias et al., 2002). In a survey on quantile methods Koenker and Hallock (2001) also caution against additive random effects, as the quantile of convolutions of random variables is likely to be intractable. Thus as of yet, quantile methods have not been applied to panel data, although one study by Chay (1995) applies minimum distance methods to unrestricted quantile regressions of several cross-sections.
Another consideration is that time use is observed only in 1987. We assume that the 1987 time allocation gives a reliable picture of the allocation of time for the 4 consecutive years after, or at least we assume that the allocation of time in 1987 had effects on the consecutive wage development. Thus we analyze how time allocation affects wages in the medium run. Note that this means that each person's time-use measure appears multiple times in the quantile regression equation, leading to the random disturbance in the regression being correlated within person groups. As pointed out by Moulton (1990), the consequence may be that standard errors are biased downwards (and f-statistics biased upwards), leading to spurious conclusions about the significance of the aggregate time-use measure in the wage equation. While a test of the importance of this correlation and correction of standard errors could be attempted in an OLS wage regression, the quantile method is not yet as well developed to take account of this problem. However, we devise an informal test of the significance of this problem below.8 Further, in Table 3.6, Model 3b, we explore the sensitivity of our findings to this assumption when we replicate the analysis on the sub-sample of individuals who remain married or
As an informal test, we have estimated the basic model (Model 1, see below, including the housework variable) on two different samples. Sample 1 contained one-third of the observations (about 635 individuals) observed repeatedly in the years 1987,1989 and 1991. Sample 2 contained the pooled sample of the first third of the individuals observed in 1987, the second third of the individuals observed in 1989 and the last third of the individuals observed in 1991, i.e. a pooled sample consisting of three independent cross-section samples observed in either 1987,1989 or 1991 (about 1300 distinct individuals). When we compare the estimated standard errors from these two samples, we do not find any systematic differences. For instance, the estimated standard error on the coefficient of the amount of housework at thelOth percentile is 0.017 (0.016) for women (men) in Sample 1, while the same figure in Sample 2 is 0.007 (0.010). For none of the estimated variables do we find large differences between results from the two samples. We take this as (imprecise) evidence that our standard errors are not greatly underestimated, despite estimating our model on a pooled sample of highly dependent cross-sections.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 59
cohabiting throughout the sample period, as for these individuals, we expect little change in housework duties to occur over the sample period.
Yet another problem is that the housework variables may be endogenous. Those with higher market wages may do fewer hours of housework and more market work, and we may therefore obtain biased estimates of the wage effects of housework (see Hersch and Stratton, 1997, 2000). We have therefore experimented with instrumenting the housework variables. As instruments we used a number of register variables for the years 1986 and 1987 (number of rooms in the house, number and age of children, number of adults in household, own unemployment experience during the year, different characteristics of the spouse, household income and the square value of all these variables).9 However, our tests on the validity of our instruments in all the different specifications we tried came out negatively, i.e. we were unable to find valid instruments according to the test procedure described in Bound et al. (1995).10
3.6. Results
3.6.1. Amount of housework
The results from estimating simple quantile regression wage functions including the amount of housework are shown in Tables 3.3 and 3.4. First, a basic human capital model, Model 1, including the total amount of housework, is shown in Table 3.3. In this model, as well as in the following models that extend it, we pool the samples of men and women and interact all human capital variables (which include education, experience and paid work hours), housework variables, family, sector and occupational variables by the gender variable. Year indicators, the regional indicator variable and the constant term are not interacted with gender. Further, we include an indicator variable, 'woman,' in order to get an estimate of how much the constant term for women deviates from the male constant.
9 Following Arias et al. (2002), we use a two-stage quantile regression estimator, in which the first stage is described above, where we project endogenous HW on the space spanned by the instruments which are assumed to be uncorrelated with the error term. In the second stage we estimate a quantile regression of log wages on the projected HW obtained in the previous stage and on the other exogenous regressors. The two-stage quantile estimator has been shown to be asymptotically consistent in previous studies. The correction of the standard errors requires the estimation of a sparsity function using non-parametric techniques or bootstrapped versions of the same. 10 Hersch and Stratton (1997) also test for endogeneity of housework and conclude that they cannot reject that the amount of male housework is exogenous to their model, while they reject exogeneity for female housework.
s
s to
b
&
Table 3.3. Model 1: human capital variables and observed amount of housework on working weekdays
10th Quantile 50m Quantile 90th Quantile
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Educational level 2 0.039* (0.016) 0.126* (0.017) 0.032* (0.009) 0.051* (0.010) 0.006 (0.019) 0.018 (0.026) Educational level 3 0.160* (0.024) 0.121* (0.022) 0.146* (0.018) 0.109* (0.021) 0.068* (0.034) 0.014 (0.047) Educational level 4 0.208* (0.017) 0.221* (0.025) 0.146* (0.010) 0.168* (0.020) 0.098* (0.032) 0.193* (0.062) Educational level 5 0.473* (0.022) 0.473* (0.022) 0.408* (0.032) 0.463* (0.025) 0.340* (0.034) 0.451* (0.047) Experience, years 0.042* (0.005) 0.065* (0.004) 0.012* (0.003) 0.040* (0.004) --0.009(0.007) 0.027* (0.007) Experience squared/100 -0.096* (0.018) --0.166* (0.013) -0.010(0.009) --0.104* (0.012) 0.065* (0.029) --0.072* (0.021) Market work, daily hours 0.001 (0.002) 0.006* (0.002) -0.001 (0.001) 0.009* (0.002) --0.001 (0.002) 0.006 (0.003) Housework, daily hours -0.003(0.004) 0.011* (0.004) -0.006* (0.002) 0.000 (0.002) 0.010* (0.004) --0.014* (0.006) Constant term, year dummies, Yes Yes Yes
woman indicator and region
Pseudo R2 0.235 0.196 0.187 t
Number of observations 7718
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Table 3.4. Model 2: human i capital variables, household, occupational and r sector variables, and amount of housework on working weekdays
10th Quantile 50th Quantile 90th Quantile
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Educational level 2 0.045* (0.019) 0.118* (0.019) 0.022(0.011) 0.029* (0.015) -0.011(0.021) -0.010(0.021) Educational level 3 0.150* (0.031) 0.156* (0.029) 0.121* (0.016) 0.119* (0.024) 0.013 (0.045) 0.079* (0.030) Educational level 4 0.212* (0.022) 0.188* (0.033) 0.100* (0.018) 0.100* (0.018) 0.057 (0.048) 0.035 (0.053) Educational level 5 0.410* (0.034) 0.464* (0.041) 0.217* (0.042) 0.272* (0.025) 0.175* (0.073) 0.265* (0.055) Experience, years 0.040* (0.005) 0.051* (0.005) 0.013* (0.003) 0.030* (0.003) -0.007(0.006) 0.020* (0.006) Experience squared/100 - 0 . 0 9 3 * (0.018) - 0 . 1 2 9 * (0.016) -0.016(0.012) --0.072* (0.010) 0.050* (0.024) -0.052* (0.020) Market work, daily hours -0.002(0.002) 0.006* (0.002) -0.002(0.001) 0.003* (0.001) -0.007* (0.003) 0.003 (0.002) Married or cohabiting 0.012 (0.017) 0.096* (0.018) -0.000(0.009) 0.019* (0.012) 0.036 (0.019) 0.043* (0.018) One child aged less than 10 years 0.010 (0.018) - 0 . 0 2 3 (0.017) -0.015(0.010) 0.024 (0.013) -0.015 (0.023) 0.042 (0.022) Two or more children aged 0.017 (0.019) 0.012 (0.020) -0.013(0.013) 0.023* (0.015) -0.023 (0.032) 0.016 (0.027)
less than 10 years Public sector -0.007(0.014) - 0 . 0 8 1 * (0.014) - 0 . 1 0 1 * (0.009) --0.160* (0.010) -0.187* (0.022) - 0 . 2 4 2 * (0.028) Salaried, high level 0.089* (0.022) 0.144* (0.026) 0.196* (0.028) 0.323* (0.023) 0.228* (0.067) 0.380* (0.042) Salaried, medium level -0.008(0.017) 0.087* (0.021) 0.087* (0.015) 0.133* (0.016) 0.098* (0.048) 0.084* (0.025) Skilled workers -0.084(0.092) -0.010(0.023) 0.042 (0.041) 0.097* (0.017) -0.045 (0.087) 0.056 (0.029) Unskilled workers, medium level 0.000 (0.022) 0.067* (0.019) 0.000 (0.013) 0.044* (0.021) -0.044(0.023) 0.014 (0.032) Unskilled workers, low level - 0 . 1 0 6 * (0.034) - 0 . 1 2 4 * (0.032) -0.034(0.025) 0.003 (0.023) 0.018 (0.057) 0.037 (0.057) Housework, daily hours -0.005(0.005) 0.013* (0.004) - 0 . 0 0 3 (0.003) 0.003 (0.004) 0.009 (0.006) -0.007(0.006) Constant term, year dummies, Yes Yes Yes
woman indicator and region
Pseudo R2 0.259 0.249 0.264 Number of observations 7718
•Denotes significance at the 5% level here.
62 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
Since we estimate the coefficients of the pooled conditional wage distribution, the female indicator is interpreted as a partial measure of the unexplained gender wage gap in the model concerned.1 In the next step, we extend the basic model by adding job and household characteristics variables which are supposed to capture flexibility and flexibility-intensity aspects of different household and market activities (fj and oj in Model 2) in Table 3.4.
In the basic model in Table 3.3, the total number of hours spent on housework activities is investigated. This model is basically in line with Hersch (1991), except that we use a quantile regression approach. Table 3.3 shows that the amount of housework has a negative effect on the hourly wages of women and a positive effect on the hourly wages of men, except at the 90th percentile of the conditional wage distribution where this is reversed. However, the effect of housework on wages is only significant for women at the 50th and 90th percentiles and men at the 10th and 90th percentiles. For women at the 50th percentile, the results indicate that one more hour of daily housework reduces the hourly wage rate significantly by about 0.6%, and for men at the 90th percentile by about 1.4%. Therefore, the group that appears to be most strongly penalized is men at the high end of the conditional wage distribution. Surprisingly, for women at the upper end of the conditional wage distribution the effect is significantly positive. Compared to the US studies by Bielby and Bielby (1988), Hersch (1991), Hersch and Stratton (1997) and Stratton (2001), which do not find negative effects of housework for men but only for women, our results for Denmark are more mixed.12
11 By estimating gender-specific coefficients on the human capital variables, we implicitly assume away the part of the unexplained gap that is due to differences in returns to the human capital variables. Thus, the coefficient on the female indicator should be regarded as a lower bound on the true unexplained gap. Indeed, the agender gaps found in the data are smaller than those found in previous studies for Denmark, 0.8% at the 10th percentile, -0.01 % at the 50th percentile and - 1 2 % at the 90th percentile. Moreover, these gaps turn positive or disappear when market work hours are included in the wage regression.
We are hesitant to conclude that gender differences in paid work hours account for the wage gap in Denmark, in part because including paid work hours in the wage regression may introduce potential endogeneity, and in part because, from the argument above, significant gender differences still exist in the returns to human capital variables (see Table 3.4 below). These differences by convention should also be included in the unexplained gap. 12 To compare our findings more closely with those of the US studies mentioned above that employ simple or augmented OLS regressions, we also run the pooled OLS estimator of the model in Table 3.3. The coefficient of housework is negative and insignificant for women (-0.0002), and positive and insignificant for men (0.003). Thus in the pooled model, the signs match those found in the US studies.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 63
Looking at the other variables in the wage function, we find with a few exceptions that women receive a lower return on their human capital, education and experience and market work hours at all points of the conditional wage distribution. The wage profile across experience levels is steeper at the lower end of the conditional wage distribution, while at the upper end it is flatter for men but steeply increasing for women (significant and positive squared term to experience).
In the next step, we extend the basic model with variables that may capture flexibility-intensity aspects. The variables selected are indicators for one and two or more children aged less than 10 years, indicators for being married or cohabiting, occupational categories and employment in the public sector. The occupational indicators are expected to reflect that the level of flexibility demanded from the job, and thus the wage rate, varies according to occupational position. The public sector variable is expected to capture their more flexible working conditions (more care days for sick children, flexible working time schedules, more rights concerning parental leave, etc.). The public sector is typically less demanding regarding the flexibility of the workers. The interpretation of these additional variables should be handled carefully, however, since they may be endogenous to the model. However, for the same reason as for the housework variables, we have not instrumented them.
Table 3.4 below shows that the housework coefficients become (numerically) slightly smaller and lose significance when family and job characteristic variables are included in the model, except at the lowest quantile.13 Men at the 10th percentile still experience a 1.3% increase in wages for every additional hour of housework. Further, in contrast to Table 3.3, women at the highest quantile no longer face a significant positive effect of housework on wages. The coefficients of the classic human capital variables are not altered much by the inclusion of more variables in the wage function. The additional variables reflecting family background are not significant for women. Married women or women with at least one child aged less than 10 do not earn less than single women or women without young children, whereas men get a marriage premium in the sense that they earn significantly higher wages than other men.14
Exactly the same patterns are found for Sweden (see Albrecht et al., 2003).
In the corresponding pooled OLS estimates of this model the coefficient on housework is 0.0005 (s.e. = 0.002) for women and 0.006 (s.e. = 0.003) for men. 14 The absence of a family gap in women's wages in Denmark has been documented by Datta Gupta and Smith (2002).
64 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
Men as well as women who are employed in the public sector are strongly punished, especially at the high end of the conditional wage distribution.
The coefficient of the public sector variable is - 1 9 % for women and - 2 4 % for men at the 90th percentile. Since more than 50% of Danish women (about 20% of Danish men) are employed in the public sector, the public sector indicator variable to a large extent explains the gender wage gap. However, the public sector variable may capture that individuals who prefer a family friendly job to a demanding job with a high wage choose to work there.15 In the same way, the coefficients on the occupational variables that indicate large wage differentials between occupational categories may reflect the endogeneity of occupational status.16
3.6.2. Timing and flexibility of housework
In Tables 3.5 and 3.6, we try to measure flexibility of housework more directly. We also experiment with measuring flexibility and timing aspects in alternative ways. One indicator of having low flexibility on the job and giving higher priority to family tasks may be that the individual does housework both before and just after being at the job. Thus in Model 3 we add an indicator variable to the amount of housework, which assumes the value of one for persons who, based on their time diaries, are observed to fulfill this criterion.
In Nielsen et al. (2003) the wages of Danish men and women are analyzed in a switching regression approach where choice of sector is considered endogenous to the wage determination. The result is that the effects of young children and periods out the labor market turn significantly negative. 16 One further experiment splits housework activities into more detailed groups and analyzes whether there are significant differences in the wage effects of activities that are assumed to be more or less flexibility intensive. Housework categories are: food preparation, dish washing, etc.; cleaning, etc.; childcare and child transportation; do-it- yourself work; and shopping, services, etc. (see Table 3.1). Our expectation is that food preparation, cleaning and childcare are less flexible activities than do-it-yourself work, and therefore these activities may have more negative effects on the wage growth. (See Noonan, 2001 for similar evidence from US data.) The results show that our expectations are to some extent fulfilled. However, women at the high end of the conditional wage distribution are not penalized more for doing routine tasks like cleaning and food preparation activities. On the contrary, cleaning activities have a positive and significant effect on women's wages at the 90th percentile! One explanation for this may be that women with demanding jobs can move the more inflexible cleaning tasks to the weekend or purchase cleaning services in the market despite the high prices of these services, and that on weekdays they therefore only undertake time-flexible cleaning activities that are not damaging to wages.
9
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Table 3.5. Selected results from models reflecting timing and flexibility aspects, extended model, Model 2
10th Quantile 50th Quantile 90th Quantile
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Hours of housework Indicator for morning and
afternoon housework
Hours of housework Average spell length
of housework
Model 3: both morning and afternoon housework (No. of observations 7718) -0.002(0.004) 0.013* (0.004) -0.002(0.002) 0.004(0.004) 0.014* (0.005) -0.032* (0.014) -0.002(0.012) - 0 . 0 3 3 * (0.008) -0.020(0.011) -0.046* (0.018)'
Model 4: contiguity of housework spells (No. of observations 7718) -0.006(0.005) 0.002(0.007) 0.0005(0.003) -0.001(0.006) 0.019* (0.007)
0.028(0.051) 0.071* (0.029) -0.036(0.023) 0.018(0.021) -0.089* (0.041)
-0.006(0.005) - 0 . 0 3 7 * (0.021)
-0.010(0.006) 0.018 (0.029)
•Denotes significance at the 5% level here. Model 2, see Table 3.4.
ON
S CO © 3
J5*
§ o
•§
& a ft.
I
Table 3.6. Specification tests involving flexibility of housework model, extended model, Model 2
10th Quantile 50th Quantile 90th Quantile
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Model 3a: Including interactions with work schedule flexibility (No. of observations 7718) Hours of housework -0.001(0.004) 0.014* (0.003) -0.002(0.002) 0.003(0.003) 0.011* (0.005) -0.006(0.006) Indicator for morning and 0.029(0.036) 0.108* (0.031) 0.076(0.065) 0.054* (0.025) 0.150* (0.040) -0.027(0.197)
afternoon housework X flexible work schedules
Indicator for morning and - 0 . 0 3 5 * (0.014) -0.004(0.015) -0.034* (0.008) - 0 . 0 3 1 * (0.012) - 0 . 0 5 3 * (0.019) -0.038(0.020) afternoon housework X fixed work schedules
Model 3b: married and cohabiting individuals only (No. of observations 5715) Hours of housework -0.007(0.005) 0.009* (0.004) -0.004(0.003) -0.002(0.004) 0.009(0.005) -0.006(0.005) Indicator for morning and - 0 . 0 4 3 * (0.017) -0.015(0.016) - 0 . 0 4 3 * (0.010) -0.012(0.012) - 0 . 0 6 3 * (0.019) - 0 . 0 4 8 * (0.023)
afternoon housework
Model 3c: housework including indirect childcare (No. of observations 7718) Hours of housework -0.004* (0.002) 0.007* (0.002) -0.001(0.001) 0.004* (0.002) 0.004(0.003) 0.002 (0.003) Indicator for morning and - 0 . 0 3 1 * (0.014) 0.007(0.013) - 0.032* (0.008) -0.024* (0.011) -0.038* (0.019) -0.035(0.021)
afternoon housework
•Denotes significance at the 5% level here. Model 2, see Table 3.4.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 67
The first two rows of Table 3.5 below show the results of this estimation. This aspect of timing and flexibility clearly has an effect on observed wages, and the effect is much more negative and significant for women than for men, except for men at the upper end of the conditional wage distribution. Further, the effect on wages of housework before and after work is considerably larger than the effect of the level of housework. The wages of women who do housework just before and after their job are on average 3.2% (3.3%) lower than for other women at the 10th (50th) percentile of the conditional wage distribution. At the 90th percentile, the effect is as large as —4.6% for women and —3.7% for men.
Apart from the timing aspect, another way to capture the notion of flexibility of housework is to measure the contiguity of housework spells, since some tasks need long periods of time in order to be completed satisfactorily. Thus, we try to come up with an objective measure of whether or not housework requires contiguous time blocks by taking an average over the individual's spells of housework over the course of the day. This variable, the average spell length of housework, is tried in place of the timing indicators but along with the quantity of housework in Model 4 which appears in the lower panel of Table 3.5 above. We expect that individuals who do tasks that appear to take more contiguous time (longer average housework spell) will be penalized more than people who have on average shorter spells of housework chores. The results from this model indicate particularly that women at the high end of the conditional wage distribution are penalized for having a higher average housework spell, and this penalty is large, around 9%. Other groups, however, appear not to be penalized for the contiguity of their housework spells.
In Table 3.6 we return to the first definition of flexibility and test the sensitivity of our findings to alternative specifications and alternative sample definitions. First, the notion of time flexibility introduced in Table 3.5 assumed that individuals who did housework before and after the job were constrained by its dictates to cut down their work hours, and therefore that the effects on productivity and hence wages of such behavior were necessarily negative. However, the causation could go the other way, in that some employees can bargain flexible work schedules with their employers, affording them the flexibility to time their work and housework according to the changing needs of the family or employer. In fact, this type of bargain could increase productivity and wages, because it may increase job satisfaction without conflicting with the demands of the employer. In order to try to distinguish between these hypotheses, we use additional information from the TUS in which
68 / . Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
individuals are asked whether or not their jobs require fixed work schedules or flexible work schedules that are a part of a bargain made with the employer.17
Around 6% of men and 3% of women report having flexible work schedules that are determined through bargaining with the employer. Model 3a in Table 3.6 shows that when the indicator for doing housework just before or just after the job is interacted with having fixed or flexible work schedules, exactly as predicted, negative effects arise for those (significant mostly for women) on fixed work schedules, while positive effects arise (significant mostly for men) for those who have flexible work schedules. Thus, it may be important to distinguish whether the. timing of housework just before or after work is flexibly chosen by the individual or enforced upon the individual as a result of time-inflexible household duties or family responsibilities.
Another way to analyze whether the flexibility of housework matters is to restrict the samples to groups that are more homogenous with respect to flexibility. One hypothesis is that married people face many more routine tasks that make them less flexible than single people because they have to coordinate the timing of housework tasks like food preparing, shopping, etc. with their spouse. We expect this effect to exist especially for women. For men, an opposite effect from being married can arise if the wife takes the main responsibility for activities at home. This may increase the flexibility that married men devote to their jobs. In Model 3b we therefore restrict the estimation to include only married or cohabiting persons.
One weakness of our sample is that the time-use information for 1987 is used for the subsequent 4 years. The allocation of time may, of course, be affected during the period if the person changes civil state (or undergoes other major changes). However, when restricting our sample to individuals observed as non-singles, we may partly take account of the lack of annual time-use information, and, if civil state affects the flexibility of work, we should expect to see stronger results with respect to the wage effects of housework, especially at the upper end of the female wage distribution. For men, we may find the opposite if their wives are mainly responsible for
17 The actual question is: do you have fixed work hours or variable work hours? The choices given are fixed daytime work hours, fixed evening/night work hours, variable daytime work hours and variable evening/night work hours. For those who answer some type of variable hours, a further question probes the actual nature of varying work hours, i.e. shift work (two shifts), shift work (three or more shifts with weekend breaks), shift work (three or more shifts without weekend breaks), varying according to employer's plan, varying according to the bargain with the employer, including flex-time. Only the last group is considered to be on flexible work schedules.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 69
time-inflexible housework. According to Table 3.6, this is in fact the case. Hours of housework become more negative for all groups and, in fact, are no longer significantly positive for women at the 90th percentile. Regarding time flexibility, the effects become stronger for women and slightly weaker (although still negative) for men except men at the 90th percentile. At the 90th percentile, the coefficient of morning and afternoon housework becomes large for married or cohabiting individuals, — 6.3% for women and —4.8% for men. The indicator for doing housework immediately before and after the job also becomes more negative for married women at the other points of the conditional wage distribution, although less negative for married men.
These findings indicate that, given the prevalence of assortative mating, at the high end of the distribution there is more sharing of housework between partners, so that both partners are affected by the coordination problem. At other points married women are penalized more and married men less, perhaps because in this case it is women who are mainly responsible for the 'balancing act/
As a final test of the robustness of results to alternative definitions, in Model 3c in Table 3.6 we experiment with a different measure of housework, one that includes both direct and indirect childcare activities, childcare that is done simultaneously with other housework or leisure activities. The mean values for indirect childcare can be seen in Appendix C. For example, while men (women) in 1987 spent 0.16 (0.36) h on direct childcare and child transportation, the numbers for indirect childcare are much higher, 2.07 (3.24) h. One reason for taking this into is that childcare activities are typically the most widespread type of secondary activity that individuals engage in and, as such, capture the wage effects of multi- tasking within the household. If such dual tasking increases stress or fatigue, we would expect more negative effects of the amount and timing of housework than when these activities are not accounted for. The results show, however, that the coefficients on the amount and timing of housework are not appreciably altered in Model 3c compared to Model 3. We conclude that recoding housework to include secondary activities that involve children as childcare does not change the results and that the wage effects of flexibility are not appreciably altered if tasks are done simultaneously with children.
3.7. Conclusion
In this study we analyze whether the amount and timing or flexibility of housework have negative effects on the wages of men and women. We find, as in US studies, that housework has negative effects on the wages of
70 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
women and positive effects on the wages of men, except at the high end of the conditional wage distribution. At the 90th percentile housework has a positive effect on the wages of women and a negative effect on the wages of men. In fact, high-wage men receive the largest wage penalty for doing housework, namely, a wage loss of 1.4% for each additional hour of housework done during the weekday.
The coefficient on housework becomes numerically smaller and less significant when family and job characteristics are added to the model. These characteristics can be thought of as indirectly measuring flexibility intensity. Of these, public-sector employment is particularly important, especially at the high end of the conditional wage distribution. At the 90th percentile public-sector employed women earn 19% less than private- sector employed women, while the same figure for men is 24%. Since unions in the public sector prioritize non-wage benefits such as long maternity leave with full wage compensation, care days, flexible working schedules, and during recent years even reduced hours instead of wage increases, the large negative effect of public sector employment may indirectly reflect the importance of flexibility and home responsibilities.
When looking directly at timing and flexibility, we find evidence that they matter for wages, in fact considerably more than the quantity (amount) of housework. Women (and to a smaller extent men) who do housework activities immediately before or after their job have significantly lower wage rates, especially at the upper end of the conditional wage distribution, where the wage penalty for women is 4.6% and 3.7% for men. Further, high-wage women whose average housework spells requires contiguous blocks of time face a wage penalty of 9%. It is important, however, to distinguish whether the timing of housework just before or after work is flexibly chosen by the individual or enforced upon the individual as a result of time-inflexible household duties or family responsibilities that cannot be moved. Only the latter appear to be damaging to productivity and wages.
The wage effects of flexibility are numerically larger for married or cohabiting women but slightly smaller for men in such households, except at the 90th percentile. There the coefficient of morning and afternoon housework becomes large for both married men and married women, — 6.3% for women and - 4 . 8 % for men. This asymmetry may indicate that, assuming assortative mating behavior, there is more sharing of housework tasks at the high end of the distribution, so that both partners are negatively affected by the coordination problem, but that lower down the distribution women take more responsibility for coordinating home activities.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 71
Finally, we test the robustness of our housework measure to an alternative definition of childcare. The expanded definition includes both direct childcare as well as childcare that is recorded as a secondary activity done simultaneously with other housework or leisure activities. The results show that re-measuring housework to take into account secondary childcare activities does not alter the conclusions appreciably. Dual- tasking does not appear damaging to wages.
Our study is the first to try to quantify the effects of timing and flexibility of housework on the wages of men and women. The main finding seems to be that women more than men are penalized for inflexibility, and that this is most pronounced at the high end of the conditional wage distribution. Due to the very compressed wage structures in the Scandinavian countries and high tax levels, which in turn imply high prices of market services (domestic help, restaurant visits, etc.), even high-income families in Scandinavia undertake more housework and do-it- yourself work compared to families in the US, for instance. At the same time, the early closing of shops and day care institutions imparts a certain degree of inflexibility to women's daily schedules, which our study shows has negative effects on earnings and the career, especially at the higher end of the qualification distribution. This may be one explanation for the increasing unexplained gender wage gap at the upper end of the wage distribution in Denmark.
Acknowledgements
The project has received financial support from the Danish Social Research Council (FREJA). Thanks to Daniel Hamermesh, Jean Yeung, Joyce Jacobsen, Leslie Stratton and participants at the IZA conference, May 2002 and May 2003, and the EALE conference 2002, for many helpful comments. Astrid Wurtz has done most of the computational work.
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Datta Gupta, N., R. Oaxaca and N. Smith (2003), "Swimming upstream, floating downstream: the different trends in the US and Danish gender wage differentials in the 1980s and 1990s", IZA Discussion Paper #756, IZA, Bonn.
Gronau, R. and D. Hamermesh (2001), "The demand for variety: a household production perspective", NBER Working Paper No. 8509.
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Hersch, J. and L. Stratton (1997), "Housework, fixed effects, and wages of married workers", Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 32, pp. 285-307.
Hersch, J. and L. Stratton (2000), "Housework and wages", Discussion Paper No. 300, Harvard Law School, Cambridge.
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The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 73
Appendix A3. Theoretical model - the maximization problem
We assume the household produces two services (j = 1,2), which are determined by two production functions that combine market goods or services bought in the market, *,-, with efficiency units of time, /,, y = 1,2:
Zj = Zj(Xj,Ij). (A3.1)
The individual is assumed to maximize her utility function which is a function of the produced goods and services Z\ and Z^
U=U(ZUZ2) (A3.2)
The budget constraint is given as
Pixi + p2x2 = wm(/m)fm + F, (A3.3)
where Y is the non-wage income of the household, which in this single- person model may include earnings of the spouse, since we do not model interactions between the spouses with respect to effort and time allocation.18
Maximization of Equation (A3.2) with respect to the choice variables xjtfjt and tj subject to the time and flexibility constraints (3.1), (3.2) and the production functions (A3.1) and (A3.3) gives the first-order conditions
~bZ'bxL" XxPj = Vxi " XxPj = ° f ° r ; = l ' 2
S § S " A ^ ^ = ^ " A ' " ^ = o for;,=l'2 A*wm - A, - \ffm = 0 (A3.4)
bU bZj blj % r dwj . _ . . " .
^ ^ ^ " V , = ^ " V > = 0 for;-1,2
Ktm-TT1 ~ A/rm = 0
where \x, An and Ay are the marginal utilities of income, time and flexibility. The second and third conditions state that the marginal utility of one extra hour spent on non-market activity j or market work must equal the marginal cost of the hour (A,) plus the flexibility cost related to
The sample does not include information on spouses, so we are unable to model time allocation between spouses.
74 J. Bonke, N. Datta Gupta and N. Smith
this hour (Ay, fj). The fourth and fifth conditions, which relate to one extra unit of flexibility spent on non-market activities and market work, Equation (A3.4) and the budget constraints define the demand and supply functions for Xj, fj, and tj as functions of endowment of human capital in different activities, flexibility intensities, prices and non-wage income.
The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages 75
Appendix B3. Activities recorded in the Danish Time-Use Survey 1987
1. Sleep 2. Personal care 3. Eating 4. Food preparation 5. Dish washing 6. Household upkeep 7. Care for clothes 8. Childcare 9. Construction and repair 10. Gardening 11. Employment at home 12. Homework 13. Reading newspapers 14. Reading periodicals and books 15. Hobbies 16. Visit by family (at home) 17. Visit by friends and others (at home) 18. TV and video 19. Radio 20. Music 21. Socializing with family 22. Resting 23. Other at home (telephone, etc.) 24. Transporting a child 25. Travel to/from work 26. Travel to/from school or university 27. Other travels 28. Employment 29. School or university 30. Participatory activities 31. Sports 32. Trips 33. Visit family 34. Visit friends and others 35. Shopping 36. Services 37. Restaurant 38. Entertainment and culture 39. Others (outside home)
3
s
i I I 1 1
Appendix C3
Table C3.1. Sample means
Men ^ Women
1987 1991 1987 1991
Log hourly wage rate 4.734 (0.349) 4.859 (0.333) 4.511 (0.301) 4.651 (0.293) Daily hours of
Total amount of housework, working weekdays 1.354 (1.720) 2.845 (2.129) Total amount of housework, weekend days 2.194 (2.286) 3.175 (2.419) Total amount of housework, new def, weekdays 2.753 (3.227) 5.368 (4.317) Total amount of housework, new def, weekend 5.411 (5.253) 7.789 (6.034)
Food preparing (4,5) 0.481 (0.652) 1.109 (0.936) Cleaning (6,7) 0.122 (0.436) 0.679(1.116) Childcare and child transportation (8,24) 0.162 (0.580) 0.363 (0.909) Childcare, indirect 2.066 (3.387) 3.235 (4.016) Shopping, services, etc (35,36) 0.319 (0.729) 0.402 (0.727) Do-it-yourself work (9,10) 0.581 (1.483) 0.393 (1.081) Paid work, working weekdays 8.217 (3.972) 6.430 (3.635) Paid work, weekend days 1.414 (3.393) 1.035 (2.651) Indicator for housework both before and after paid work 0.151 (0.358) 0.334 (0.472) Average spell length of housework 0.411 (0.471) 0.511 (0.347) Average spell length of paid work 1.613 (1.668) 1.283 (1.239) Indicator for flexible work schedules 0.062 (0.241) 0.028 (0.165) Education, 9-10 years 0.321 (0.467) 0.261 (0.439) 0.402 (0.491) 0.348 (0.477) Education, 11-12 years 0.488 (0.500) 0.530 (0.499) 0.365 (0.482) 0.390 (0.488) Education, 13-14 years 0.042 (0.201) 0.050 (0.217) 0.046 (0.210) 0.050 (0.218) Education, 15-16 years 0.096 (0.295) 0.104 (0.305) 0.164 (0.371) 0.186 (0.389)
3
a" S '
OQ
& 3 ft.
ST
s
I a. ft 3 ft.
s 3 ft 3 ft.
3 s
3
to
Education, 17-18 years 0.054 (0.226) 0.056 (0.229) 0.022 (0.147) 0.026 (0.158) Years of experience 13.954 (7.271) 16.875 (7.622) 10.336 (5.913) 13.440 (6.473) Years of experience squared/100 2.475 (2.031) 3.428 (2.572) 1.418 (1.431) 2.225 (1.924) Controls for Copenhagen 0.306 (0.461) 0.306 (0.461) 0.366 (0.482) 0.375 (0.484) Public employment 0.230 (0.421) 0.220 (0.414) 0.467 (0.499) 0.475 (0.500) One child aged 0 - 9 years 0.120 (0.347) 0.151 (0.358) 0.197 (0.398) 0.187 (0.390) Two or more children aged 0 - 9 years 0.096 (0.295) 0.113(0.317) 0.125 (0.331) 0.125 (0.331) Married 0.711 (0.453) 0.760 (0.427) 0.768 (0.422) 0.793 (0.406) Age < 25 0.150(0.357) 0.062 (0.242) 0.130(0.337) 0.028 (0.165) 25 =s age < 35 0.268 (0.443) 0.249 (0.433) 0.296 (0.457) 0.273 (0.446) 35 =s age < 45 0.263 (0.441) 0.289 (0.454) 0.296 (0.457) 0.318 (0.466) 45 < age < 55 0.203 (0.403) 0.251 (0.434) 0.186 (0.389) 0.261 (0.439) 55 ^ age 0.116(0.320) 0.149 (0.356) 0.091 (0.288) 0.120 (0.326) No. of rooms per adult in household 4.220 (1.588) 4.233 (1.567) 4.300 (1.648) 4.424 (1.568) No. of children aged 0 - 2 years 0.098 (0.309) 0.123 (0.357) 0.137 (0.369) 0.132 (0.354) No of children aged 0 - 2 years squared 0.105 (0.370) 0.143 (0.491) 0.155 (0.489) 0.143 (0.435) One adult in household 0.142 (0.349) 0.154 (0.361) 0.137 (0.344) 0.148 (0.356) Two adults in household 0.616 (0.487) 0.657 (0.475) 0.674 (0.469) 0.659 (0.474) More than two adults in household 0.242 (0.429) 0.189 (0.392) 0.189 (0.392) 0.193 (0.395) Other income 0.021 (0.064) 0.028 (0.074) 0.014 (0.024) 0.019 (0.037) Spouses income if present 84.245 (75.569) 112.790(90.308) 171.106 (143.350) 206.840 (172.085) Indicator for spouse present 0.289 (0.453) 0.240 (0.427) 0.232 (0.422) 0.207 (0.406)
Number of observations 1116 1009 999 897
Selected years: 1987 and 1991.
- Chapter 3. The Timing and Flexibility of Housework and Men and Women's Wages
- 3.1. Introduction
- 3.2. Theoretical model
- 3.3. Data
- 3.4. The amount and timing of housework activities
- 3.5. Empirical model
- 3.6. Results
- 3.7. Conclusion
__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Timing and flexibility of housework and men and women’s wages.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood in West Germany.pdf
MICHAEL KÜHHIRT University of Mannheim
VOLKER LUDWIG University of Mannheim*
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty
for Motherhood in West Germany
Previous research suggests that household tasks prohibit women from unfolding their full earning potential by depleting their work effort and limit- ing their time flexibility. The present study inves- tigated whether this relationship can explain the wage gap between mothers and nonmothers in West Germany. The empirical analysis applied fixed-effects models and used self-reported infor- mation on time use and earnings as well as monthly family and work histories from the German Socio-Economic Panel (1985 – 2007, N = 1,810; Wagner, Frick, & Schupp, 2007). The findings revealed that variation in reported time spent on child care and housework on a typ- ical weekday explains part of the motherhood wage penalty, in particular for mothers of very young children. Furthermore, housework time incurred a significant wage penalty, but only for mothers. The authors concluded that policies designed to lighten women’s domestic workload may aid mothers in following rewarding careers.
The wage penalty for motherhood—that is, the negative effect of having children on
Mannheim Centre for European Social Research and Graduate School of Economic and Social Sciences, University of Mannheim, A5, 6, D-68131 Mannheim, Germany (mkuehhir@mail.uni-mannheim.de).
*Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim, A5, 6, D-68131 Mannheim, Germany.
Key Words: fixed-effects models, housework/division of labor, income or wages, maternal employment, motherhood, work – family balance.
women’s hourly wages—presents a major obstacle to further improvements in women’s career prospects and thus to an amelioration of gender inequalities persisting in labor markets throughout the industrialized world (Budig & England, 2001; Gangl & Ziefle, 2009; Harkness & Waldfogel, 2003). As a consequence, the mechanisms driving mothers’ wage disadvantages have already been the subject of much research. Even so, the motherhood penalty remained significant in most studies after controlling for women’s human capital and job characteristics (Anderson, Binder, & Krause, 2003; Avellar & Smock, 2003; Budig & England; Gangl & Ziefle; Glauber, 2007; Waldfogel, 1997; Ziefle, 2004).
In the present study, we assessed whether part of the residual wage penalty results from mothers’ heavy domestic workload (Baxter, Hewitt, & Haynes, 2008; Craig & Mullan, 2010), a factor whose importance has not been fully explored in the literature. Previous research has begun to demonstrate that both former involvement in family work and institutional arrangements regulating coverage and duration of maternity leave play an important role in explaining mothers’ wage disadvantages (Ruhm, 1998; Waldfogel, 1998a; Ziefle, 2004); however, several theoretical arguments suggest that daily household responsibilities may continue to hamper mothers’ career progress after they return to the labor market. Domestic tasks may reduce work effort (Becker, 1991, pp. 54 – 79), conflict with job schedules (Anderson et al., 2003), and constrain the number of feasible work tasks (Stratton, 2001). These arguments
186 Journal of Marriage and Family 74 (February 2012): 186 – 200 DOI:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2011.00886.x
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 187
are underpinned by empirical research that has documented a detrimental effect of household work on earnings (Coverman, 1983; Noonan, 2001; Shirley & Wallace, 2004).
In light of this background, we expected the wage gap between mothers and childless women to narrow after accounting for individual variation in time spent on housework and child care during a typical weekday. Furthermore, mothers of toddlers should incur the largest penalties net of differences in human capital and job characteristics, because caring for young children is a particularly strenuous and inflexible task (Hill & Stafford, 1980; Kimmel & Connelly, 2007). Finally, we hypothesized that routine housework is likely to have a detrimental effect on work life and wages, in particular for mothers, because tasks associated with raising children cannot be postponed to evenings or weekends (Noonan, 2001).
In our empirical analysis, we focused on sin- gle and partnered women from West Germany. We used self-reported information on time use and earnings as well as monthly family and work histories drawn from the 1985 through 2007 waves of the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP). Contrary to the United States and even Scandinavia, since 1986 the German state has provided an exceptionally generous, universal maternity leave (see Henninger, Wim- bauer, & Dombrowski, 2008, and Morgen & Zippel, 2003, for an overview of German family policy and its consequences for female employ- ment). At the same time, West Germany still pales in comparison to East Germany, most of northern Europe, and France regarding the availability of public child care, in particular with respect to full-time care and prekinder- garten slots. With private sector alternatives far less developed than, for instance, those in the United States, child care and associated house- hold tasks remain for the most part in the hands of families. As in most industrialized countries, German women still perform the lion’s share of unpaid work in the home, despite men’s increas- ing participation in the last 40 years (Hook, 2006). As a consequence, women’s employ- ment—and, notably, mothers’ employment—in West Germany is marked by relatively long career breaks and a low full-time participation rate. Given the German institutional setting, one would therefore expect strong wage effects of having children. A recent study indeed found the motherhood wage penalty to be much larger
in West Germany than in Britain and the United States (Gangl & Ziefle, 2009).
PREFERENCES, LABOR MARKET BEHAVIOR, AND DISCRIMINATION
Previous empirical studies of the motherhood wage penalty have focused primarily on three factors on the supply side: (a) lower motivation or career orientation of mothers (see Budig & England, 2001, for a discussion), (b) deficits in human capital resulting from career breaks after childbirth (Mincer & Ofek, 1982), and (c) mothers trading higher earnings for work conditions that help them combine work and family after reentry into the labor market (Becker, 1991). To assess the explanatory power of these factors, models to estimate the motherhood penalty have included measures of education, work experience, job tenure, number and duration of employment breaks, and a variety of job characteristics. Fixed-effects (FE) regression models have been used to control for time-constant, unobserved preferences.
Nonetheless, a residual effect of the number of children on hourly wages remained in most studies. For the United States, Waldfogel (1997) analyzed data of the National Longitudinal Survey of Young Women for the period 1968 through 1988. After controlling for education, work experience, and part-time employment, she found a wage penalty of 4% for mothers with one child and of 12% for those with two or more children. In the same data, accounting for type of industry and financial resources outside the labor market reduced the effect to 3% and 5.5%, respectively (Anderson et al., 2003). The analysis of more recent U.S. data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) from 1982 to 1993 still yielded a wage penalty on the order of 4% per child, even after controlling for a large number of job characteristics (Budig & England, 2001). Avellar and Smock (2003) compared the penalty across birth cohorts, using National Longitudinal Survey of Young Women and NLSY79 data covering the period 1975 through 1998. The results showed no decline in the unexplained effect in the United States. In several Scandinavian countries, on the contrary, differences in human capital and type of job seem sufficient to explain the motherhood wage penalty. After controlling for education, work experience, and time out of the labor market,
188 Journal of Marriage and Family
no significant wage effects of having children appeared in Denmark from 1980 to 1995 (Datta Gupta & Smith, 2002) or in Sweden in the early 1990s (Albrecht, Edin, Sundström, & Vroman, 1999). A recent Norwegian study using firm-level employer – employee data (Petersen, Penner, & Høgsnes, 2010) reported a wage penalty of merely 0.6% for mothers with one child and 1.4% for those with two or more children in the period 1990 through 1996 after accounting for firm, occupation, and exact job unit. These relatively small motherhood penalties may result from institutional settings particular to the Scandinavian welfare state that combines maternity leave of moderate duration with a high level of state-subsidized child care (Waldfogel, 1998b).
Comparative research has shown that the introduction of short maternity leave periods in the United States and Great Britain may mitigate the wage loss at reentry into the labor force (Waldfogel, 1998a). Nevertheless, Baum (2002) still found a remaining wage penalty of 2.4% in the NLSY79 data after controlling for the duration of maternity leave. For Germany, Ziefle (2004) analyzed the motherhood penalty with SOEP data from 1984 to 1999. She reported a significant motherhood penalty of 1% per child after including controls for occupation and industry, as well as the cumulative duration of employment breaks. In this study, the adverse effects of long career breaks became obvious. According to Ziefle’s estimates, German women incurred a wage loss of 4.8% for each year of maternity leave. Given that the maximum duration of maternity leave was extended to 3 years in 1992, this result implies strong negative policy effects on mothers’ careers.
In contrast to Ziefle (2004), a recent comparative study (Gangl & Ziefle, 2009) showed that only women in Britain and the United States face significant wage losses after family-related work interruptions (defined as time out of the labor force while the youngest child was younger than age 6), whereas in West Germany these employment breaks were not associated with a decline in wages. Nevertheless, West German mothers incurred by far the largest wage penalty after accounting for the aforementioned factors on the supply side. Gangl and Ziefle hypothesized that German employers may discriminate against mothers in order to compensate for the costs of long maternity leave periods. In fact, scholars have
referred to discrimination to explain the residual motherhood wage penalty in the United States as well (e.g., Budig & England, 2001; Correll, Benard, & Paik, 2007). Nevertheless, attributing the residual wage effects of motherhood entirely to discrimination may be inadequate, because empirical research to date has not fully explored the role of women’s increased domestic workload after childbirth (Baxter et al., 2008; Craig & Mullan, 2010).
Domestic Work and Women’s Wages
Several theoretical arguments suggest that the time and effort devoted to raising children and maintaining the home affect women’s wages. The most prominent argument posits that strenuous domestic work depletes a woman’s energy and thus causes distraction and exhaustion on the job (Becker, 1991, pp. 54 – 79). In an early cross-sectional study, Bielby and Bielby (1988) examined self- reported measures of work effort of women and men in the 1973 and 1977 Quality of Employment Surveys (QES). Their results suggested no negative association between child care or housework hours and work effort; nevertheless, caring for preschool children reduced women’s reported effort. A replication study with Swiss data (Engelhardt & Jann, 2004) revealed a negative impact of child care on work effort, but no effect of housework hours. Moreover, the effect of child care turned nonsignificant after job characteristics were taken into account.
Nonetheless, other studies repeatedly have found a negative association between domestic work and earnings. In a small cross-sectional sample drawn from the 1977 QES, each hour of domestic work per week reduced women’s weekly income by 0.5% (Coverman, 1983). In a similar but more recent sample from the 1996 Indiana QES, 1 hour of child care and housework per week were associated with a 0.6% and a 1% drop in annual earnings, respectively (Shirley & Wallace, 2004). Noonan (2001) used two waves of the National Survey of Families and Households and estimated FE models of hourly wages on housework hours to control for unobserved heterogeneity. She found a negative wage effect of traditionally female household tasks (i.e., cooking, doing laundry, and cleaning) of 0.5% per weekly hour. Strikingly, the effect of children on wages was
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 189
not statistically significant in any of these three studies after including housework measures in the models.
These findings indicate that there might be mechanisms by which family life interferes with work that were neglected by Becker’s (1991) concept of work effort. According to Greenhaus and Beutell (1985), work – family conflict may not only be the only result of the strain associated with the obligations of family roles; inflexible schedules in both domains also may cause time pressures. On one hand, daily family responsibilities are likely to make it difficult to work inflexible or odd hours (Anderson et al., 2003; Bonke, Datta Gupta, & Smith, 2005). Anderson et al. concluded that inflexible working hours and not reduced work effort caused the residual wage penalty, because in their analyses medium-skilled mothers, who faced the most rigid working hours on average, suffered the strongest disadvantages. On the other hand, time constraints resulting from household tasks may keep mothers from participating in work-related training activities or from fulfilling job tasks involving travel (Stratton, 2001).
Interestingly, Noonan (2001) found that only housework traditionally performed by women had a negative impact on wages: Domestic tasks typically done by men (i.e., maintenance work) did not significantly affect wages in her study. The findings were similar for men and women. Noonan concluded that routine housework is much less time flexible than men’s domestic work, which, in most cases, can easily be moved to the weekend so it does not interfere with work life.
The Present Study
If the arguments outlined above hold true, then individual variation in child care and housework hours should explain part of the residual motherhood penalty found in most countries, including the United States and Germany. Little is known about the role of current involvement in family work with regard to the wage penalty for motherhood, because empirical studies have not shown how the effect of having children on wages changes after accounting for women’s time in domestic work. In the present study, we addressed this issue by adding self-reported time spent on housework and child care during a typical weekday to regression models commonly
used to estimate the motherhood wage penalty. If the domestic workload after childbirth is an important contributing factor, then the effect of motherhood on wages should decline as a consequence.
Moreover, the residual motherhood penalty should be strongest for mothers of younger children, because providing care for younger children sets a particularly strict schedule and is most energy intensive (Hill & Stafford, 1980; Kimmel & Connelly, 2007). Of course, disad- vantages of mothers due to career breaks and (repeated) job changes are likely to accumulate as the children grow older, resulting in larger overall wage penalties due to having older chil- dren (Budig & Hodges, 2010, pp. 720f.). Once differences in job type and industry are con- trolled for, in addition to education and work experience, the wage penalty in the United States in fact seems to decline with the age of the chil- dren (Anderson et al., 2003). In our analysis, we used an observation window of up to 20 years to assess changes in the size of the wage penalty as children grow older.
Last, for mothers, housework may have a particularly adverse effect on wages, whereas for childless women household tasks may pose no career obstacle. Similar to maintenance work usually done by men, for which no association with wages was found (Noonan, 2001), in the absence of children it may be possible to postpone routine household tasks to evenings or weekends so that they do not interfere with one’s work life. To evaluate this hypothesis, our analyses included time spent on both routine housework and maintenance work. In addition, we investigated whether the effect of reported routine housework hours on hourly wages depends on the presence of children.
To estimate the motherhood wage penalty, we compared the wage trajectories of initially childless women who became mothers during the observation period with those of women who remained childless. We also controlled for changes in relationship status because of its high correlation with fertility, time use, and wages. In accordance with previous research (Budig & England, 2001; Budig & Hodges, 2010; Gangl & Ziefle, 2009; Ziefle, 2004), we used education, work experience, and tenure with the current employer to capture differences in human capital. To control for diverging job choices of mothers and nonmothers, we included measures of working hours, occupational prestige, and
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firm size, as well as variables indicating self-employment, employment in the public sector, and participation in vocational training. Employment histories that correlate with family formation and career outcomes are measured by the number of past employer changes as well as the cumulative duration of employment breaks in connection with maternity leave and with being a homemaker.
METHOD
Data
We used waves 1985 through 2007 of the SOEP (Wagner, Frick, & Schupp, 2007), a survey of nationally representative households that has been conducted annually since 1984 (mainly by means of computer-assisted personal interviews). The data contain information about household members’ labor market characteris- tics at the time of the interview as well as on their family and work histories from age 16 onward. In contrast to most large-scale panel surveys, the SOEP contains respondents’ reported time use, including hours of housework and child care on a typical weekday. Therefore, it is well suited to address the questions raised in this article.
The focus of our analysis on women during their childbearing years led us to exclude all but the 1960 through 1974 birth cohorts (17,078 women, 72.2% of female respondents from 1985 to 2007). From the remaining 6,583 women, we deleted 1,422 (21.9%) living in the area of the former East Germany, because high rates of the provision of public child care might mitigate the impact of motherhood on the domestic workload of women and thus distort the results of our analyses. By considering only observations from years in which women were working at least 1 hour per week we further reduced the sample by 926 (17.9%), leaving 4,235 employed West German women who ranged in age from 16 to 47. The deletion of observations with missing data resulted in the loss of 705 (16.6%) of these women. Additionally, we further dropped observations with implausible values (e.g., childless women with maternity leave experience) and those belonging to the upper and lower 0.5 percentiles of the wage distribution (i.e., hourly wages above ¤45.23 [∼64.22 USD] or below ¤2.20 [∼3.12 USD]), thus losing 59 (1.4%) and 20 (0.5%)
more women, respectively. To analyze how motherhood affects women’s wages, we also excluded women who had already been mothers in the year with the first valid observation (1,412 women, 32.9%) and those who provided only one observation (249 women, 5.9%). Hence, we were able to analyze data from 1,810 women, who were observed for 7.6 years on average, yielding a total of 13,843 individual-years.
Compared with the full sample of 4,235 employed West German women in their childbearing years, women in the final sample were slightly younger and more often single. Mainly because of the restriction to initially childless women, there were also fewer mothers in the final sample, especially those with two or more children. As a consequence, the proportion of women working full time was higher, whereas average child care and housework hours, as well as the mean duration of employment breaks, fell short of those in the full sample.
In Table 1 we provide descriptive statistics for the final sample regarding the real hourly wage and the explanatory variables. The ‘‘Mothers’’ column refers to observations from 622 women who became mothers, whereas the ‘‘Nonmothers’’ column includes data from the 1,188 women in our sample who remained childless. There were 456 mothers who were observed while they had one child and 339 mothers who were observed with two or more children. Finally, the sample included 173 mothers who were observed first with one child and again, later, with two or more children. Because mothers remained in the sample for 10 years on average, and thus roughly 3.5 years longer than nonmothers, they provided nearly as many individual-years. Of the 6,238 individual- years provided by mothers, 2,696 years were prebirth observations. Furthermore, there were 1,801 postbirth observations from mothers with one child and 1,741 individual-years from mothers with two or more children. We should note that the prospective design of the SOEP and the resulting attrition among respondents may have led women who had children after they had dropped out of the sample to be included in the ‘‘Nonmothers’’ group.
Taking into account the whole observation period, mothers earned merely ¤0.25 (∼0.36 USD) per hour less than nonmothers. More obvious discrepancies emerged regarding time use and employment breaks. Even including their prebirth observations, mothers reported
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 191
Table 1. Women’s Characteristics by Motherhood Status: Descriptive Statistics
Mothers Nonmothers
Variable M SD M SD p�a
Deflated hourly wage (¤)b 11.39 5.26 11.64 5.60 .01 One child 0.29 0.45 Two or more children 0.28 0.45 Family responsibilities
Reported daily child care (hours) 3.55 4.99 0.03 0.35 .00 Reported daily housework (hours) 3.11 1.79 2.19 1.32 .00 Reported daily maintenance (hours) 0.44 0.69 0.29 0.66 .00 Maternity leave (years) 1.17 1.54 Homemaker (years) 0.61 1.51 0.07 0.54 .00
Job-related variables No. changes of employer 1.83 1.68 1.23 1.45 .00 Full-time employment (>35 hours) 0.52 0.50 0.87 0.34 .00 Part-time employment (16 – 35 hours) 0.32 0.47 0.10 0.31 .00 Marginal employment (<16 hours) 0.16 0.37 0.03 0.16 .00 Self-employed 0.03 0.17 0.02 0.15 .00 Public sector 0.27 0.44 0.29 0.45 .02 Occupational prestige score (SIOPS) 42.82 11.41 43.93 11.34 .00 Currently in vocational training 0.05 0.21 0.10 0.30 .00 Firm with ≤ 20 employees 0.35 0.48 0.30 0.46 .00 Firm with 21 – 200 employees 0.24 0.43 0.25 0.43 .46 Firm with 201 – 2000 employees 0.19 0.39 0.22 0.41 .00 Firm with >2,000 employees 0.21 0.41 0.23 0.42 .03
Human capital Work experience, full time (years) 6.06 4.27 7.27 6.26 .00 Work experience, part time (years) 2.53 3.54 0.77 2.07 .00 Job tenure (years) 5.51 5.33 5.44 5.33 .45 Education (years) 11.84 2.38 12.27 2.62 .00
Control variables Never-married single 0.19 0.39 0.46 0.50 .00 Cohabiting 0.13 0.34 0.22 0.42 .00 Married 0.62 0.49 0.26 0.44 .00 Separated, divorced, or widowed 0.05 0.22 0.05 0.22 .91 Age 30.89 6.76 29.37 6.85 .00
N individuals 622 1,189 N individual-years 6,238 7,605
Note: Values are rounded. Nonmothers include women who may have had children after sample participation. SIOPS = Treiman’s (1977) Standard International Occupational Prestige Score.
aFrom a two-tailed t test. bAs of September 4, 2011, ¤1.00 = 1.42 USD.
almost 4 hours of routine housework and child care per day, roughly 2 hours more than nonmothers. Mothers’ previous employment breaks amounted to almost 2 years, whereas nonmothers rarely interrupted their careers for family reasons. Despite statistical significance, there was only a small difference between mothers and nonmothers regarding reported time spent doing maintenance work.
With respect to job-related characteristics, we observed that motherhood was associated with a pronounced cut in working hours. Whereas 87% of nonmothers worked full time, 48% of mothers were either employed part time or held a marginal job. The prestige of jobs held by mothers was also slightly lower than that of those held by childless women. Moreover, most mothers worked in small firms, with 20 or fewer
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employees, where wages are typically lower than in bigger firms. Women without children were distributed more equally among the different firm sizes.
We also noted differences between moth- ers and nonmothers in terms of human capital. Although mothers, on average, were 1.5 years older than women without children, they gath- ered 1 year less of full-time work experience. Additionally, mothers had 2.5 years of part- time work experience, whereas childless women spent less than 1 year in part-time employment. Mothers also attained less formal education than nonmothers.
Last, mothers were married in more than 60% of the observations, compared with only 26% of the observations provided by women without children. The latter were predominantly never-married singles. Because sexual orientation could not be determined for all SOEP respondents, both the mothers and nonmothers possibly included lesbians.
Measures
The dependent variable of this study was the natural logarithm of the deflated gross hourly wage, reflecting women’s productivity over the life course. Respondents in the SOEP reported the income from their primary job in the month preceding the interview, excluding any additional payments (i.e., vacation bonus or back pay), but taking into account earnings from overtime. We calculated hourly wages by dividing the gross monthly income by 4.35 times the reported weekly working hours at the primary job. If actual working hours were not available, we added up reported contractual working hours and overtime.
To estimate the effect of motherhood on wages, we used two different specifications. First, we constructed two dummy variables indicating whether, at the time of the interview, a woman had one child or two or more children. As an alternative measure, we introduced the number of children disaggregated into five age groups covering typical stages in the life of children. The first variable counted children younger than 3 years, whereas the next three variables included the number of children eligible for preschool (3 – 6 years), primary school (7 – 10 years), and secondary school (11 – 15 years), respectively. The last group consisted of children age 16 years and
older. By using the latter approach we attempted to capture a decreasing effect of children on wages following a decline in the demand of domestic labor as children grow older (Hill & Stafford, 1980; Kimmel & Connelly, 2007). Both specifications were created from monthly birth histories the female respondents completed during each interview. A drawback of using these birth histories was their omission of stepchildren and adopted children.
To assess the impact of family responsibil- ities on the wages of mothers, we introduced measures of former and current involvement in housework and child care. Former involvement was measured by the duration of employment breaks: years on maternity leave and years spent as a homemaker. These variables were constructed from monthly activity calendars col- lected in each survey wave. Respondents were asked to report on their employment and nonem- ployment activities during each month of the last calendar year. The categories were full-time and part-time employment, apprenticeship, further education, unemployment, retirement, mater- nity leave, school and university, community service and military service, and homemaker, as well as a residual category. In construct- ing the duration of employment breaks, periods for which respondents reported any other activ- ity besides maternity leave and homemaking were not taken into account. Information on current involvement in family work was col- lected with the question ‘‘How many hours do you spend on the following activities on a typical weekday?’’ Among the activities pre- sented to the respondents were housework (i.e., cooking, doing laundry, cleaning), errands (i.e., shopping, trips to government agencies, etc.), child care, and maintenance work (i.e., repairs in and around the house, gardening). Until 1990, housework and errands were combined into one category. Therefore, we summed up the time spent on these activities for the years after 1990 to derive a measure of routine housework. In the 1984 survey, housework and child care were subsumed under a single category, which was the reason why we excluded the first wave of the SOEP from the analysis. Further activities included in the questionnaire every year, which we did not use in the analysis, were education or further training; job, apprenticeship, or sec- ond job (including commuting); and hobbies. We also did not use the time spent on ‘‘care
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 193
of persons in need of care,’’ because the cat- egory was added only in 2001. In addition to the main effects of housework, child care, and maintenance work on wages, we modeled an interaction between the number of children and reported housework hours to capture differences concerning the intensity and time flexibility of routine housework for mothers and nonmothers.
Our control variables included reported age (linear and squared term) and marital status. Marital biographies were collected as monthly history data in the same way as the activity cal- endar. We distinguished among never-married singles; cohabiting women; married women; and women who were separated, divorced, or widowed. As measures of human capi- tal we used years of education, full-time and part-time work experience, and tenure with the current employer. We relied on gener- ated measures available in the SOEP that were based on self-reported educational degrees and the monthly activity data. For the experience and tenure measures we included an addi- tional squared term. To control for the differ- ent job choices of mothers and nonmothers, we added measures of current working hours (<16, 16 – 35, >35 hours) that were con- structed from the variables used to calculate the hourly wage. Furthermore, we included Treiman’s (1977) Standard International Occu- pational Prestige Score, as provided by the SOEP, which is generated from self-reports of respondents’ current industry and occupation. We created the cumulative number of changes of employer on the basis of yearly data on occupa- tional changes between interviews. Finally, we included firm size (≤20, 21 – 200, 201 – 2,000, >2,000 employees) and dummy variables indi- cating whether the respondent had participated in vocational training, worked in the public sec- tor, or was self-employed at the time of the interview. These variables were all derived from self-reported information. In each model, we also included 23 indicators of the survey year.
Analytic Strategy
For our multivariate analysis, we estimated linear FE panel regression models (e.g., Wooldridge, 2010). In our baseline model, we regressed (log) hourly wages onto dummy vari- ables for one child and for two or more children, age and age squared, and indicators of the survey year. FE models use multiple observations per
person to decompose the error term of a linear regression model into a time-constant error term, vi , and an error term, εit , that varies over time. The model is given by the following equation:
log(wageit ) = α + β1child1it + β2child2it + γ1ageit + γ2age2it + wavej it δj + vi + εit ,
where β1 and β2 denote the motherhood penalty for one child, respectively, for two or more children. Applying the FE within- subject transformation—that is, subtracting the individual-specific mean of each variable from its actual value in each time period—eliminates the time-constant error component vi from the equation. Hence, we estimated the following equation:
�log(wageit ) = β1�child1it + β2�child2it +γ1�ageit + γ2�age2it +�wavej it δj + εit ,
where �(.) denotes deviations from the individual- specific mean. Including indicators of the survey wave in the regression model also controls for changes in the wage structure over (calendar) time, affecting both mothers and nonmothers (i.e., period effects). This allowed us to assess the impact of motherhood against a common wage trend. Similarly, age effects gave a base- line wage profile against which the motherhood penalty could be singled out. We interacted age and its square with indicators of the birth cohort (1960 – 1964, 1965 – 1969, and 1970 – 1974) to account for the trend toward steeper wage tra- jectories for women over time.
Because the FE estimator builds solely on intraindividual change (i.e., within-subject variation), it rules out any bias due to time-constant unobservables. Estimates of the motherhood penalty thus are not biased by any individual factors affecting fertility decisions, time allocation, and market wages constantly over the life course. Although coefficients are also not affected by sample selectivity that is caused by individually stable factors, sample selection that evolves over time may bias the results. For example, low-wage women might opt out of the labor force after childbirth, thus biasing the effect of motherhood toward zero.
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We corrected our models for dynamic sample selection, as proposed by Wooldridge (1995) and implemented by Gangl and Ziefle (2009), but the selection correction did not affect the main conclusions of the analysis. Therefore, we decided to report conventional FE estimates. The consistency of our models still rests on the assumption that the impact of unobservables, such as career orientation, does not change over time.
RESULTS
Number of Children and Women’s Wages
The data in Table 2 show the effect that the number of children had on wages that was obtained from FE regressions after successively adding different explanatory variables. In the table we also report the coefficients for family-related employment breaks and current involvement in domestic work. Model 1 took into account age and period effects only. Using this specification, we obtained a large penalty of about 16% (= [e−.178 – 1] × 100) for one child and of 29% for two or more children. Already from this first model it seems clear that unobserved stable differences in career orientation between mothers and childless women do not explain the lower wages of mothers.
Model 2 included the variables capturing differential investment in market-specific human capital as well as indicators for current marital status. These factors accounted for another portion of the wage loss associated with motherhood, reducing the wage penalty slightly, to 14% and 24%, respectively. A test of the hypothesis that mothers earn less because they sort themselves into mother-friendly jobs with low pay was provided by Model 3. Including the job-related variables (cf. Table 1) hardly reduced the effect of having one child. The effect of having two or more children, on the other hand, further declined to 17%. Mothers’ job choices seemed to be significantly affected only by higher parity (i.e., affected only by higher order births). Although the included job characteristics were important predictors of women’s wages, as shown by the large increase in explained variance, they did little to account for mothers’ wage disadvantages. Thus, the residual effect of having children was still strong and significant.
In the next step, we included measures of former family-related employment breaks. In
Model 4, years on maternity leave and years as a homemaker, without formal employment, had a strong impact on wages. Hence, the time in women’s lives devoted mainly to raising children and doing housework decreased their future earning potential. In part, this explains why mothers earn less than nonmothers. This refinement of the model reduced the wage penalty for having one child to 8% and to 9% for having two or more children. In this model, the penalty did not increase substantially after the birth of a second child, pointing to a remaining effect of the motherhood status rather than of the number of children.
With Model 5, we went beyond the existing literature by introducing detailed measures of women’s current engagement in family work, to further decompose the residual wage penalty for motherhood. We estimated the motherhood penalty net of reported time devoted to daily domestic work. The results suggested that a woman’s wage decreases by 1% for each hour spent on routine housework during the working day. In addition, each hour devoted to child care was associated with 0.3% lower wages. Like in previous research in the United States (Noonan, 2001), time spent on maintenance work had no significant wage effects. Most important, these factors further reduced the residual motherhood wage penalty. The effects of having one child and those of having two or more children both decreased to −6%. Interestingly, and as one would expect, the effect of years on maternity leave became smaller when we used this specification. In Germany, for most of the period 1985 to 2007, maternity leave was granted from 2 months before childbirth to 3 years after childbirth. Because this is the time when child care is most intensive, part of the effect of maternity leave was explained by time devoted to these daily routine tasks. According to our estimates, the first year of maternity leave decreased the woman’s wage by 4%, the second year decreased it by 8%, and the third year decreased it by 12%. These figures are similar to those reported earlier for Germany (Ziefle, 2004). For 1, 2, and 3 years of homemaking, Model 5 predicted that wages are lowered by 4%, 8%, and 11%, respectively.
In sum, employment breaks and current family work explained more than half of the wage penalty for motherhood remaining after controlling for human capital and job characteristics. Including the three measures of
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 195
Table 2. Summary of Fixed-Effects Regression Analyses Predicting Women’s Log Real Hourly Wage from Number of Children and Covariates (N = 13,843 Individual-Years From 1,810 Women)
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5
Variable B SE B SE B SE B SE B SE
One child −.178∗∗ .019 −.148∗∗ .021 −.127∗∗ .021 −.083∗∗ .030 −.059∗ .030 Two and more children −.339∗∗ .029 −.268∗∗ .034 −.184∗∗ .032 −.090† .048 −.063 .047 Daily child care (hours) −.003∗ .001 Daily housework (hours) −.011∗∗ .003 Daily maintenance (hours) −.002 .005 Maternity leave (years) −.049∗ .023 −.047∗ .023 Maternity leave squared .002 .003 .002 .003 Homemaker (years) −.045∗∗ .016 −.043∗∗ .016 Homemaker squared .001 .001 .001 .001 Other explanatory variables
Job-related variables No No Yes Yes Yes Human capital No Yes Yes Yes Yes Marital status No Yes Yes Yes Yes Age and survey year Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
R2(within subject) .394 .421 .578 .580 .581
Note: All models include age, age squared, and 23 indicator variables for the survey year. Marital status includes the categories never-married single; cohabiting; married; and separated, divorced, or widowed. Human capital is measured by years of education, full-time and part-time work experience, and job tenure. Job-related variables are number of changes of employer; working hours; occupational prestige (Treiman’s [1977] Standard International Occupational Prestige Score); firm size; and indicator variables for self-employment, employment in the public sector, and participation in vocational training.
†p < .1. ∗p < .05. ∗∗p < .01.
domestic work in the analysis further reduced the effect of having one child by one fourth and the effect of having two and more children by one third. Because women who did not have children themselves reported very little time spent on child care, the measure was, to some degree, collinear with the number of children. As a sensitivity test, we reestimated Model 5, including only person-years of mothers after the first birth. The coefficients for all types of domestic work remained virtually unchanged in this model. Each hour of housework reduced the wage by 1% (p = .02). The effect of child care remained at −3% (p = .05), whereas the effect of maintenance work was still not significant (p = .78). Therefore, we are confident that time spent on housework and child care indeed lowers mothers’ wages and thus helps explain the wage gap between them and nonmothers.
Children’s Age and Women’s Wages
In the next step of the analysis, we looked at the variation of the motherhood penalty as the children grow older and investigated whether
time dedicated to housework and child care accounted for the time path of the penalty. In Table 3 we show the results of regression analyses in which we substituted the dummy variables for having one and for having two or more children from the models in Table 2 by disaggregated linear measures of the number of children belonging to five age groups; otherwise, the model specifications were the same as those in Table 2. These results revealed the time path of the wage penalty for motherhood. Model 6 showed clearly that the motherhood penalty increased as the children grew older, reflecting the cumulative negative effects of all mechanisms, including employment breaks and job changes. For children younger than age 3, we found a wage penalty of 13.2%. In the oldest age group (16 years and older), each child lowered wages by 18.2%. The penalties for children 3- through 15-years-old ranged in between. Holding constant the differences in education, work experience, and job characteristics in Model 7 and Model 8 mainly reduced the effects of children at age 3 and older. In Model 8, the wage penalty became strongest for children
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Table 3. Summary of Fixed-Effects Regression Analyses Predicting Women’s Log Real Hourly Wage from Number of Children in Different Age Groups and Covariates (N = 13,843 Individual-Years From 1,810 Women)
Model 6 Model 7 Model 8 Model 9 Model 10
Variable B SE B SE B SE B SE B SE
No. children aged 0 – 2 −.142∗∗ .019 −.133∗∗ .019 −.117∗∗ .019 −.071∗∗ .024 −.054∗ .024 No. children aged 3 – 6 −.151∗∗ .015 −.120∗∗ .018 −.071∗∗ .016 −.007 .023 .001 .023 No. children aged 7 – 10 −.174∗∗ .019 −.134∗∗ .023 −.065∗∗ .019 .000 .024 .005 .024 No. children aged 11 – 15 −.162∗∗ .024 −.120∗∗ .029 −.043† .024 .021 .026 .020 .027 No. children aged ≥16 −.201∗∗ .032 −.173∗∗ .040 −.064† .033 −.001 .035 −.004 .035 Daily child care (hours) −.003∗ .001 Daily housework (hours) −.010∗∗ .003 Daily maintenance (hours) −.002 .005 Other explanatory variables
Employment breaks No No No Yes Yes Job-related variables No No Yes Yes Yes Human capital No Yes Yes Yes Yes Marital status No Yes Yes Yes Yes Age and survey year Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
R2 (within subject) .394 .421 .578 .581 .582
Note. All models include age, age squared, and 23 indicator variables for the survey year. Marital status includes the categories never-married single; cohabiting; married; and separated, divorced, or widowed. Human capital is measured by years of education, full-time and part-time work experience, and job tenure. Job-related variables are number of changes of employer; working hours; occupational prestige (Treiman’s [1977] Standard International Occupational Prestige Score); firm size; and indicator variables for self-employment, employment in the public sector, and participation in vocational training. Employment breaks are measured by years on maternity leave and years as a homemaker.
†p < .14. ∗p < .05. ∗∗p < .01.
under age 3 at 11%. Each child 3- through 6-years-old reduced wages by 6.9%. The wage penalties for children in the three subsequent age groups were 6.3%, 4.2%, and 6.4%, respectively. The change in the wage penalties for younger and older children between Model 6 and Model 8 resemble the conflicting results for the effect of children’s age on wages in the United States. Controlling for education, work experience, and other factors similar to those in Model 7, Budig and Hodges (2010) found that the wage penalty increased with children’s age. Also holding constant the job characteristics as in Model 8, Anderson et al. (2003) found that the largest penalties were associated with having very young children.
How did this picture change after we con- trolled for the time mothers invested in child- rearing? The coefficients of Model 9 show that controlling for family-related employment breaks reduced the wage penalty for children of all ages, but changes compared with those in Model 8 were strongest for the four oldest age groups. This finding further highlights the fact
that family investment accumulates as children grow up, causing the negative effects on the career to accumulate. Also, note that only the wage effect of toddlers remained significant in this model, suggesting that domestic work may affect wages primarily when children are very young.
In Model 10, we added measures for current time spent on domestic work. Consistent with the hypothesis that young children demand the most household labor, controlling for time devoted to housework, child care, and maintenance work reduced the penalty for toddlers. Nonetheless, the penalty remained at −5.3%. Therefore, we do not claim that our measures of family work accounted for the entire time path of the motherhood penalty.
Interaction Between Number of Children and Routine Housework
In the final analysis, we returned to Model 5 and allowed for an interaction between the number of children and reported housework hours to
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 197
test whether the time spent on domestic tasks affected the wages of mothers and nonmothers in different ways. We found that housework had a detrimental effect on wages only for mothers. For nonmothers, the effect of reported daily housework, at −0.4% per hour, was nonsignificant (p = .21), whereas the same effect was −1.5% (p = .03) for mothers with one child and −2.7% (p = .00) for mothers with two or more children. This finding is consistent with the notion that the negative productivity effect of the time devoted to domestic work is caused by the inflexibility of tasks associated with the care of children (e.g., preparing their meals, doing their laundry, or cleaning up after them). Previously, this argument has been used to explain the smaller wage effects of male-type housework (i.e., maintenance work) compared with female-type housework in general (cf. Noonan, 2001). Our results suggest that housework typically done by women can, in the absence of children, also be shifted to the evening or to weekends so it does not interfere with one’s employment schedule.
The interaction between motherhood and housework in determining a woman’s wage is illustrated in Figure 1, which shows the marginal effect of the number of children at specific percentiles of the distribution of reported daily housework hours. We observed that the effect of the number of children became larger
the more time a woman spent on housework during a typical weekday. At 2 hours of routine housework, the effects of one child and two or more children were not statistically significant. The effects turned significantly negative only at 3 hours and 5 hours of daily housework, respectively. Again, these results showed that if mothers perform only a moderate amount of domestic work, their wages are not significantly different from those of nonmothers. Taken together, these analyses support the hypothesis that differences in the amount and intensity of daily domestic tasks, along with prolonged family-related work interruptions, are crucial in explaining the heterogeneous wage profiles of mothers and nonmothers.
DISCUSSION
In this study we tested the hypothesis that an increased domestic workload contributes to mothers’ wage loss on childbirth. Using panel data on West German women from 1985 to 2007, we first replicated the core finding in the literature of a strong residual motherhood penalty, that is, an effect of having children on women’s hourly wages net of differences in unobserved career orientation, acquisition of human capital, and job characteristics between mothers and nonmothers. Thereafter, we went beyond existing research and accounted for
FIGURE 1. MARGINAL EFFECT OF HAVING CHILDREN ON WOMEN’S LOG HOURLY WAGES BY REPORTED DAILY HOUSEWORK HOURS (H).
-0.250 -0.225 -0.200 -0.175 -0.150 -0.125 -0.100 -0.075 -0.050 -0.025 0.000 0.025 0.050
M a
rg in
a l E
ff e
ct o
f C
h ild
re n
o n
L o
g H
o u
rl y
W a
g e
2h (5th percentile) 3h (25th percentile) 4h (50th percentile) 5h (75th percentile) 7h (95th percentile)
Reported Daily Housework Hours
One child Two or more children
198 Journal of Marriage and Family
women’s self-reported time spent on housework and child care during a typical weekday. As a consequence, the residual penalties of 8% for the first child and 9% for subsequent chil- dren were reduced considerably (by nearly one third); moreover, the pattern of the time path of the penalty changed when we included mea- sures of involvement in family responsibilities. Whereas overall wage disadvantages were most pronounced for mothers with older children, mothers with toddlers incurred the largest wage penalty, once differences in human capital and job characteristics were held constant. Although the effect of children younger than age 3 was not completely explained by the measures we used, the presumed mechanism received considerable support. Previous family-related employment breaks reduced mainly the effect of older chil- dren, whereas current involvement in domestic tasks reduced the effect of young children. Finally, we showed that reported housework hours significantly diminished hourly wages only for mothers. This result is consistent with the argument that household tasks associated with raising children are particularly strenuous and time inflexible and thus lead to conflicting obligations in the home and the labor market (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985).
The main conclusion from our findings is that the domestic workload is an important contribut- ing factor for mothers’ wage disadvantages, as compared with nonmothers. The mothers in our sample did not earn less than equally skilled nonmothers if both held the same jobs and per- formed only a moderate amount of household tasks (as measured in our study). This finding is in line with previous research for the United States (Coverman, 1983; Noonan, 2001; Shirley & Wallace, 2004) and Scandinavia (Albrecht et al., 1999; Datta Gupta & Smith, 2002) that has reported no significant effect of children on earnings, once family-related work interruptions and the domestic workload were included in the respective models. Thus, we are confident that our findings bear some significance beyond Germany.
Like all studies investigating the wage penalty for motherhood, our analyses cannot rule out endogeneity bias. For example, as a result of curbing their work orientation or in response to their lowered earning potential, mothers might increase their time doing unpaid work. For our data, however, such an interpretation would imply that only mothers increase their
involvement in domestic work when their market wages decline, because the correlation between housework and wages was not significant for nonmothers. We provided a more plausible explanation for this outcome, namely, that housework has no effect on wages if it does not have to be scheduled to accommodate the needs of children.
This is not to deny that more research on the interrelationship among work orientation, family transitions, and career trajectories is needed. In this study, we assumed women’s preferences for employment and domestic work to be constant during their childbearing years. It would be important to assess whether this assumption can be maintained, or whether work orientation changes endogenously after childbirth, operating as another mechanism by which childbirth affects wages.
Another possible caveat to our analysis is that the measurement of domestic work hours might affect the results. Time use data obtained by means of stylized questions, such as those of the SOEP, are prone to greater error than is information gathered with time diaries (e.g., Kan & Pudney, 2008). Kan and Pudney distinguished between random and systematic measurement error and studied implications of using stylized measures of housework hours as an explanatory variable in regression models. Their results showed that respondents systematically overstated the time spent on household chores. Nonetheless, in an analysis of the effect of housework hours on satisfaction with housework, the attenuation bias due to random measurement error clearly dominated the results, thus yielding conservative estimates. Applying this approach to the effect of domestic work on wages would increase confidence in our results. Certainly, future research would benefit a great deal from time diary data collected at different points in individuals’ life courses.
Although our results clearly provide no direct evidence of discrimination toward mothers in the labor market, they do have some implications for further research in this regard. For instance, they challenge discrimination theory to explain why employers would discriminate, in particu- lar, against mothers who spend the most time on domestic work. This would imply that employers have knowledge not only about average differ- ences in household labor between mothers and nonmothers but also about individual differences among mothers.
Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood 199
Finally, our findings have several practical implications. On the basis of our results, we would expect a positive impact on women’s careers, and thus on gender equality in the labor market, from policies that encourage men to take over a greater share of parental leave. An increase in the provision of public day care would further lighten women’s workload and enable them to pursue rewarding careers, beyond a mere increase in their labor force participation. In fact, the German government has recently started to enact a number of policies in this regard (Henninger et al., 2008). In 2007, the means-tested maternity leave benefit that had been granted for up to 2 years was replaced by an income-related benefit that is granted for only 1 year. As an incentive to increase men’s partici- pation in child care, the duration of payment can be extended to 14 months if each parent goes on leave for at least 2 months. Although the federal government has also decided to extend cover- age of nursery schools to provide public child care for every third child under the age of 3, implementation is still underway.
How these policies will be developed further, and the extent to which young families will make use of new opportunities, remains to be seen. Although there is evidence from cross-national research that family-friendly policies such as those outlined above are associated with greater gender equality in housework, changing the gen- der balance between domestic and paid work is a rather slow, incremental process (Hook, 2006, 2010). One may doubt that fathers will be will- ing to take on more responsibility in the home in the short run if they face costs regarding their career similar to those of mothers. Parents may also be concerned about negative side effects of public child care with respect to children’s well-being. In addition, gendered norms shaping work – family preferences of fathers and moth- ers may act as a barrier to greater equality. Finally, specific subgroups of parents, such as single parents or lesbian and gay parents, may react in different ways to family policies. In the end, the effectiveness of parental leave and child care policies hinges on a better understanding of parents’ decisionmaking and preferences.
NOTE We thank Marita Jacob and Josef Brüderl for helpful comments and suggestions. Financial support from the Mannheim Centre for European Social Research and the Graduate School of Economic and Social Sciences is
gratefully acknowledged. The data from the German Socio- Economic Panel were kindly provided by the German Institute for Economic Research (Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung Berlin).
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__MACOSX/或许能用的参考文献/._Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood in West Germany.pdf
或许能用的参考文献/Home production and wages- evidence from the American Time Use Survey.pdf
Home production and wages: evidence from the American Time Use Survey
Joni Hersch
Received: 27 May 2008 / Accepted: 9 January 2009 / Published online: 10 March 2009
� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009
Abstract Using data from the American Time Use Survey for the years 2003– 2006, this paper finds that housework has a negative relation with wages for both
women and men. The negative relation between housework time and wages is not
likely to arise from omitted working conditions that are correlated with housework,
nor from omitted effort. For women, the negative relation between housework and
wages appears in most occupations, including professional and managerial occu-
pations. The connection of housework time to the ‘lack of interest’ argument
proposed by defendants in class action sex discrimination cases is examined and is
not supported by the evidence.
Keywords Home production � Housework � Time use � Wage differentials � Lack of interest
JEL Classification D13 � J22 � J31
1 Introduction
Wage rates depend not only on labor market factors but also on time allocation
outside the labor market. Much attention has been devoted to the influence of unpaid
market-like activities that take place in the household, such as cleaning, cooking,
and home maintenance. The total time spent by women on home production
activities dominates the time spent by men, with the bulk of women’s total home
production time devoted to routine housework such as cleaning and cooking. There
is considerable evidence that time spent on routine housework has a negative
J. Hersch (&) Vanderbilt Law School, 131 21st Avenue South, Nashville, TN 37203, USA
e-mail: joni.hersch@vanderbilt.edu
123
Rev Econ Household (2009) 7:159–178
DOI 10.1007/s11150-009-9051-z
relation with wages that is not spuriously due to endogeneity or unobserved
individual fixed characteristics, with the impact greatest for women’s wages. 1
This paper makes three distinct contributions to the literature examining the
relation between home production and wages. First, I provide new estimates of the
relation between wages and home production of various types, using time diary data
from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS). The ATUS provides detailed
information on all activities performed over a 24-h period. Time use data may provide
more reliable values of home production time than the summary measures that have
been used in most previous studies of the housework—wage relation. Hersch and
Stratton (2002) show that the relation between home production activities and wages
differs according to whether the activity is performed almost daily or can be deferred.
The great detail in the ATUS allows a thorough examination of how different home
production activities that vary in flexibility of timing are associated with wages.
Second, I examine whether the relation between home production and wages
differs by occupation in order to provide information on the mechanism by which
housework is related to wages. Occupations differ in a number of characteristics that
accommodate combining market work with home responsibilities. If the negative
housework—wage relation arises from either omitted working conditions correlated
with housework that warrant a compensating differential, or from omitted effort,
then controlling for occupation should decrease or eliminate the relation between
housework and wages.
Third, because wages and housework time may be determined jointly, a key
concern in the literature is that the observed negative effect of housework time on
wages is actually due to reverse causality. Hersch and Stratton (1997) examine the
potential joint endogeneity of housework time and wages and find that housework
can be validly treated as exogenous to wages. In this paper, I use the detailed time
diary data available in the ATUS to provide additional evidence on whether the
negative effect of housework on wages is driven by reverse causality. Specifically, I
use information on time devoted to other nonmarket activities to address whether
other non-home production uses of time affect wages similarly and whether any
negative effect of home production on wages is spuriously induced by the 24-h per
day time constraint.
2 Background literature and empirical motivation
To examine the relation between time on home production and wages, I estimate
wage equations of the following general form:
1 Studies that find a significant negative effect of housework on women’s wages include the following:
Coverman (1983) uses the 1977 Quality of Employment Survey; Hersch (1985) uses data on piece rate
workers; Shelton and Firestone (1989) use the 1981 Time Use Survey; Hersch (1991b), Stratton (2001)
use a regional wage survey collected by Hersch; Hersch (1991a), Hersch and Stratton (1997), Hundley
(2000), and Keith and Malone (2005) use the Panel Study of Income Dynamics; Noonan (2001) and
Hersch and Stratton (2002) use the National Survey of Families and Households; Phipps et al. (2001) use
the 1995 Statistics Canada General Social Survey; Bonke et al. (2005) use the 1987 Danish Time Use
Survey; Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2008) use the British Household Panel Survey.
160 J. Hersch
123
ln W ¼ Xb þ Td þ Jc þ e;
where W is the hourly wage rate, X is a vector of individual characteristics such as
education and work history, and T is a vector of time spent on different types of
household production and other activities. J is a vector of working conditions, which
are proxied by occupational indicators in the estimation.
Jobs that are compatible with extensive household responsibilities may be
associated with working conditions such as flexibility in scheduling or light physical
demands. Housework time may thereby be a proxy for favorable working conditions
that would warrant lower pay as a compensating differential, and failure to control
for working conditions may spuriously indicate a negative effect of housework on
wages. With the exception of Hersch (1991b), no studies have examined the relation
between wages and both working conditions and housework time in the same
equation. Home production may alternatively have a direct effect on market
productivity by reducing effort or energy available for market work (Becker 1985).
An explanation that combines elements of compensating differentials with a direct
effect of housework is that housework time impinges on market time or leads to less
flexibility in a way that lowers market productivity. For example, if time-sensitive
household responsibilities limit ability to stay at work late to complete projects,
housework time may have a direct effect on productivity.
A concern widely recognized in the literature is that the causality may be reverse:
that higher wages lead to less time on housework. Because time is constrained to
24 h per day, if all time is divided between market work and home production, and
if the labor supply curve is positively sloped (that is, the substitution effect
dominates the income effect), time on home production would by construction have
a negative coefficient in a wage equation. This follows from the conventional model
of the labor—leisure tradeoff decision under the assumption of a positively sloped
labor supply curve.
If total time is allocated between market work and one other nonmarket activity,
and if the labor supply curve is positively sloped, the argument that higher wages
will lead to less time on the nonmarket activity holds for any use of time. However,
in a general model with more than two uses of time, or one in which the labor supply
curve may become backward bending at some wage rate, the effect of an increase in
wages on time use becomes ambiguous, as both income and substitution effects
become relevant. Furthermore, in a framework with multiple time periods, time use
in earlier periods may be an investment in future productivity. Consider for instance
investments in health capital (Grossman 1972). Health capital is formed by a
combination of market goods and time on activities such as exercise. Investments in
health capital may raise wages in the future. If market goods and health-enhancing
activities are complements, an increase in wages may be associated with an increase
in exercise time, as the income effect dominates the substitution effect. Other
activities that combine market goods and time as well as an element of long term
investment, such as childcare and home maintenance, likewise may have a positive
association with wages.
The general point is that, on theoretical grounds, time on home production (as
well as other activities) and wages may be jointly determined, and estimates that
Home production and wages 161
123
assume either that housework time is exogenous to the wage or that the wage is
exogenous to housework time may result in biased coefficients. An additional
concern is that individual heterogeneity may also result in biased coefficients if
individuals with higher innate market productivity spend less time on housework. If
workers with higher wages or higher innate market productivity spend less time on
housework, the coefficient on housework in wage equations estimated by OLS may
be biased downward and show housework to have a greater negative effect on
wages than its true effect.
Although recognizing the role of unobserved individual heterogeneity and the
possible joint endogeneity of housework time and wages, most of the studies in the
literature estimate wage equations by OLS. However, studies that have estimated
instrumental variables and/or fixed effects equations find that the negative effect of
housework on wages for women estimated in OLS specifications remains. Hersch
and Stratton (1997) find coefficient estimates from instrumental variables estimation
that are largely similar to those of OLS, and they cannot reject the assumption that
housework time is exogenous to wages. Fixed effects estimates likewise show a
statistically significant effect of housework time on wages, although the magnitude
is smaller in fixed effects estimates than in OLS estimates (Hersch and Stratton
1997; Noonan 2001; Keith and Malone 2005; Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz 2008).
Because the measure of housework time available in these studies is a summary
measure that could include considerable random measurement error, the fixed
effects estimates may be biased toward zero and underestimate the true effect of
housework time on wages. Thus, the evidence from previous studies provides
consistent empirical support indicating that the coefficient on housework time in
wage equations estimated by OLS is not seriously biased.
In this paper I estimate OLS wage equations controlling for time on home
production, time on other activities, and other individual characteristics expected to
affect wages. This empirical specification implies that the coefficients on home
production time in the wage equations are interpreted as the effects of home
production on wages rather than as evidence of reverse causality or mere correlation
between home production and wages. However, it should be recognized that the
coefficients on home production time may be biased by joint endogeneity or
individual heterogeneity. The evidence discussed above suggests any such bias is
likely to be minor.
3 Data source and variable definitions
The American Time Use Survey (ATUS) is sponsored by the U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics (BLS) and is the first federally administered, ongoing survey of time use in
the U.S. (See Hamermesh et al. 2005). This survey is administered by phone each
month to a subsample of respondents to the Current Population Survey (CPS). The
designated diary day is the 24-h period starting at 4AM the preceding day.
Respondents report each of their activities in order as well as either the duration of
each activity or the start and finish time for each activity. The ATUS records
activities with a high level of detail, with over 400 categories of time use assigned a
162 J. Hersch
123
six-digit code. With the exception of time spent on providing secondary childcare,
simultaneous activities are not recorded. In addition to the time diary information,
the ATUS includes the usual labor market and demographic information available
on the monthly CPS.
I use data from the ATUS for the years 2003 through 2006, which provides time
diaries for 60,674 observations. The sample analyzed in the wage regressions is
restricted to employed respondents ages 18–70 who are not full-time students and
are not missing wage information, with hourly wage between $2.00 and $100.00 in
2006 dollars. The resulting sample size is 29,337, with 15,302 women and 14,035
men. 2
Throughout this analysis I use the ATUS final sample weight for each year
that takes into account stratification by demographic group in the sampling frame,
diary day of week, and differences in response rates by demographic groups, so that
the results are representative of the U.S. population. The variables used in the
analyses are defined below.
Conceptually, home production activities are those for which there are market
substitutes. Because previous work (Hersch and Stratton 2002) shows that the effect
of household responsibilities on wages differs by type of activity, I divide time spent
on household production into six categories, which I refer to as ‘daily housework,’
‘maintenance and repair,’ ‘lawn and garden,’ ‘pet care,’ ‘household management,’
and ‘grocery and gas shopping.’ 3
Daily housework includes cleaning, laundry, food
preparation, and so forth. I refer to these activities using the term ‘daily’ because the
majority of women in the sample spend at least some time each day on these
housework activities. Maintenance and repair includes activities such as interior and
exterior maintenance, decoration, and vehicle repair and maintenance. Lawn and
garden includes care of lawn and gardens as well as care of ponds, pools, and hot
tubs. Pet care includes all activities associated with caring for animals, including
using veterinary services. Household management includes bill paying, household
organizing and planning, and banking. While all shopping time is recorded in the
ATUS, I include only time spent grocery shopping and purchasing gas, as these
types of shopping are activities that primarily reflect home production. Within these
categories I include own time on these activities as well as time spent using
professional or household services and time spent on travel associated with the
activity.
I also control for time spent on childcare. The ATUS records a number of
activities that involve caring for and helping household children, such as reading,
playing, and helping with homework. I adopt a narrow definition of childcare that
includes physical care, looking after children as a primary activity, and dropping off
and picking up children including for use of childcare services. 4
Other activities that
relate to caring for children, such as cleaning and food preparation, will be recorded
2 Alternatively restricting the sample to those ages 21–65 and working a minimum of 10 h per week
yields results virtually identical to those reported. Ninety-five percent of the sample meets these two
conditions. 3
An appendix listing the activities grouped in each category of time use is available from the author. 4
Estimates including time on care for household adults and time with children on activities such as
reading and playing are virtually identical to those reported.
Home production and wages 163
123
as daily housework. Note that childcare may have a positive relation with wages via
a positive income effect associated with investment in children.
To address whether any estimated effect of housework on wages is merely an
artifact of the negative effect any nonmarket time use would have on wages via the
labor supply effect, I consider three additional categories of nonmarket time use:
personal care, leisure, and exercise. Personal care includes sleeping, grooming, and
related personal care activities. Leisure includes activities such as television
watching and socializing. Exercise includes participation in athletic activities and
sports. 5
Because most leisure activities require little physical effort, in contrast to
exercise which typically requires considerable physical effort, considering these
categories separately helps identify whether any effect of housework on wage arises
because of physical effort constraints.
I define an indicator for whether the diary day includes at least one hour of
market work (excluding commuting time) on the main job or on other jobs. This
indicator is used to stratify the sample by whether the worker performed market
work on the diary day. Seven percent of the sample that report a positive amount of
market work on the diary day report working less than one hour. Of this group, 76%
report zero time commuting to work. In contrast, only 11% of those reporting at
least one hour of market work report no commuting time. Those with minimal
market work time on the diary day may be doing flexible activities such as checking
email and can be grouped with those reporting zero time on market work.
The dependent variable in the wage equations is the log of the real hourly wage
rate in 2006 dollars, calculated by dividing weekly earnings on the main job by
usual hours worked per week for those reporting weekly earnings. 6
For those who
report that their hours per week vary and that they are paid on an hourly basis, the
hourly wage is set equal to the reported hourly wage. Otherwise, workers who report
that their usual hours worked per week vary have missing wage data. Earnings are
not reported by self-employed workers.
The wage equations include indicators for government employer, whether the
worker is a union member or is covered by a union contract or employee
association, full-time employment based on usual hours worked per week, whether
the worker is paid on an hourly basis, and occupational category (grouped into 11
categories). 7
As actual experience is not reported, I control for potential experience
5 Within the sample examined in the analyses, on average 87% of the time within a day is accounted for
by time on home production, childcare, market work, personal care, leisure, and exercise. 6
As an alternative to log wage equations, I considered using log of weekly earnings as the dependent
variable, including controls for market hours worked and market hours worked squared in addition to the
other controls included in the log wage equations. The coefficients on all variables are essentially
identical in both sets of analyses, so for brevity only the log wage equation results are reported. 7
These occupational categories and the corresponding Census 2002 4-digit occupation codes are:
management, business, and financial operations (0010–0950); professional and related (1000–3540);
healthcare support (3600–3650); protective service (3700–3950); food preparation and serving related
(4000–4160); building and grounds cleaning and maintenance (4200–4250); personal care and service
(4300–4650); sales and related (4700–4960); office and administrative support (5000–5930); natural
resources, construction, and maintenance (6000–7620); production, transportation, and material moving
(7700-9750).
164 J. Hersch
123
(calculated as age - years of education - 6) and its square. 8
I also include
indicators for educational attainment, marital status, Hispanic or Latino ethnicity,
race, and presence of children in four age groups as well as the total number of
children in the household under age 18. Location is controlled with indicators for
metropolitan location and residence in the South.
4 Distribution of time on home production
Table 1 reports mean values of time on home production, divided into the six
categories defined above, as well as time on primary childcare and market work. 9
Panel A reports mean values by gender and within gender by whether or not the
diary day includes market work. Panel B stratifies the sample by gender and marital
status (married or not married). Several notable patterns are evident. First, as is
universally shown in all countries and all time periods, women spend considerably
more time than men on home production (Juster and Stafford 1991; Freeman and
Schettkat 2005; Aliaga 2006; Aguiar and Hurst 2007). Overall, women spend 53%
more time on total home production than do men. The gender disparity is narrowest
on days without market work, in which women spend only 31% more time than men
on total home production, and is largest on days with market work, in which women
spend 65% more time than men on home production.
Second, the distribution of total home production by type shows a clear gender
pattern. In absolute terms, women spend more time than men on daily housework,
household management, grocery and gas shopping, and pet care. But as a share of
their total home production time, women and men spend a similar share of their
household time on household management, shopping, and pet care. Women spend a
disproportionate amount of their total home production time on daily housework.
Third, home production time also varies by marital status, with married men and
women averaging more total time on total home production than not-married men
and women. 10
But daily housework does not differ by marital status for men, who
average about 29 min per day on daily housework. In contrast, even not-married
women spend a considerable amount of time on daily housework, averaging 67 min,
while married women average 97 min of daily housework. However, marital status
and the presence of children are not the main source of gender differences in time
allocation. Calculations restricted to men and women without children under age 18
in the household show a similar pattern. Among those who are not married and do
8 Years of education are calculated using information on highest grade completed, highest degree
attained, and years spent in a degree program. Estimates controlling for age instead of potential
experience are essentially identical to those reported. 9
Descriptive statistics for the non-home production variables are reported in Appendix 1. 10
How these gender patterns arise will not be addressed here, but see Lundberg and Pollak (2007) for an
overview of models of household behavior that can be used to explain gender differences in the allocation
of time. See Grossbard-Shechtman (1984) for a model that demonstrates how the value of time in
household production is affected by the marriage market.
Home production and wages 165
123
not have children under age 18 in the household, women average 59 min on daily
housework and men average 28 min per day (not reported in tables).
Differences in timing of home production over the week may account for much
of the gender disparity in the relation between housework time and wages found in
other studies. Many of the estimates of the housework—wage relation in the
literature are based on data that provide a summary measure of time on home
production for a full week, rather than reporting time for specific days. However,
any relation between home production and wages may relate to the timing of
activities rather than just the total amount of housework. Table 2 reports whether
workers spend any time on each type of household production on days with and
Table 1 Average minutes per day on home production, childcare, and market work, by gender and marital status
Female Male
All
days
Market
workday
Not market
workday
All
days
Market
workday
Not market
workday
Panel A: All marital statuses
Total home production 133.34 89.68 210.28 86.95 54.33 159.74
Daily housework 84.62 59.52 134.16 28.76 18.78 51.04
Maintenance and repair 8.21 4.05 15.53 20.73 10.86 42.74
Lawn and garden 6.67 3.35 12.52 13.47 6.95 28.04
Pet care 5.98 5.55 6.75 3.97 3.42 5.18
Household management 14.86 11.27 21.18 11.59 8.89 17.63
Grocery and gas shopping 12.99 8.93 20.14 8.43 5.43 15.12
Childcare 24.13 21.39 28.95 11.39 9.98 14.54
Market work 295.55 461.83 2.47 355.29 513.21 2.98
Observations 15,302 7,675 7,627 14,035 7,886 6,149
Female Male
Married Not married Married Not married
Panel B: By marital status
Total home production 147.56 112.63 93.60 74.86
Daily housework 96.66 67.11 28.91 28.49
Maintenance and repair 8.79 7.37 23.31 16.04
Lawn and garden 7.30 5.75 16.50 7.98
Pet care 5.90 6.11 4.29 3.38
Household management 14.79 14.96 11.94 10.96
Grocery and gas shopping 14.13 11.33 8.65 8.02
Childcare 28.76 17.37 15.67 3.60
Market work 284.90 311.05 360.29 346.21
Observations 8,329 6,973 9,292 4,743
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics
166 J. Hersch
123
without market work. As this table indicates, 74% of women, but only 42% of men,
spend some time on daily housework on days with market work. The activities
‘maintenance and repair’ and ‘lawn and garden’ are far more likely to be performed
on days without market work and are more likely to be performed by men. The
empirical analysis stratifies the sample by whether market work is performed on the
diary day to identify whether timing of activities influences the association of home
production with wages.
5 Regression results
Table 3 summarizes the coefficients on nonmarket time separately for female and
male workers for all days, as well as stratified by whether the diary day includes
market work. For the full samples of female and male workers, the coefficient on
daily housework in the wage equation is negative and statistically significant at the
1% level for female workers and at the 5% level for male workers. For women, an
extra hour of daily housework lowers the hourly wage by 1.4% (about 24 cents per
hour on average). For men, an extra hour of daily housework lowers the hourly
wage by 1.0% (about 21 cents per hour on average). For men, all non-daily home
production activities other than shopping are associated with higher wages. In
contrast, none of the non-daily home production activities are associated with
women’s wages. The positive relation for men between wages and non-daily home
production activities may arise from an income effect, as discussed earlier.
For women, the coefficient on daily housework is considerably larger for the
sample with market work on the diary day than for the sample without market work
on the diary day. For men, the opposite is true: time on daily housework has the
largest effect on wages when performed on days without market work, and there is
no relation between wages and daily housework performed on days with market
Table 2 Percent performing home production activity
Female Male
All
days
Market
workday
Not market
workday
All
days
Market
workday
Not market
workday
Any daily housework 77.44 74.12 83.30 45.49 42.18 52.87
Any maintenance and repair 7.78 5.48 11.84 15.76 11.71 24.80
Any lawn and garden 7.03 4.88 10.83 10.90 7.79 17.85
Any pet care 17.00 18.41 14.52 11.62 11.84 11.14
Any household management 32.33 31.45 33.87 24.23 23.04 26.88
Any grocery and gas shopping 21.56 17.60 28.53 14.76 11.50 22.02
Observations 15,302 7,675 7,627 14,035 7,886 6,149
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics. The columns report percent spending any time on the indicated activity on the diary day
Home production and wages 167
123
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168 J. Hersch
123
work. This may reflect men’s success at minimizing their home production activities
on market workdays to a level that does not interfere with market work. The
possibility of threshold effects is examined later.
To examine whether the negative coefficient on housework time is driven by the
24 h per day time constraint coupled with a positively sloped labor supply curve, I
estimate equations that add time on personal care, leisure, and exercise to the
specifications reported in Table 3. The results (not reported in tables) are similar to
those reported in Table 3. The coefficients on daily housework remain negative and
statistically significant, with a slightly larger magnitude when these additional uses
of time are included. For women, time on personal care and leisure have significant
negative associations with wages for the full sample and on days with market work.
The coefficients on personal care and leisure are much smaller than the coefficient
on daily housework for the corresponding sample, and the differences between the
housework and personal care coefficients, and between the housework and leisure
coefficients, are statistically significant at the 1% level. On days without market
work, leisure time has a significant negative coefficient that is smaller than the
corresponding housework coefficient, but the difference between the coefficients is
not statistically significant.
For men, time on personal care and leisure have a negative association with
wages in all specifications, with coefficients that are smaller than the coefficient on
housework. The differences between the coefficients on housework, personal care,
and leisure are not statistically significant, except on days without market work, in
which the difference between the coefficients of housework and personal care has a
p-value of 0.07. Exercise has a positive relation with wages for both women and men, although
the coefficient is statistically significant only for men. This positive relation
suggests that effort constraints are unlikely to be binding, and that exercise as an
investment in health capital may have a positive income elasticity.
Overall, the findings suggest that the relation between housework and wages
differs from that of other nonmarket uses of time, and that the relation between
housework and wages is not merely a result of an upward sloping labor supply
function. Because the coefficients on housework as well as on the other home
production variables in wage equations are similar whether or not the other
nonmarket uses of time are included in the equations, the remainder of the paper
presents results that control for home production and childcare, but not for personal
care, leisure, and exercise.
Table 4 summarizes the results of a standard Blinder-Oaxaca wage decomposition
of the male–female wage disparity into the amount explained by differences in
average measured characteristics and the amount explained by differences in returns
to characteristics. Columns 1 and 2 report the coefficients on daily housework for
females and males for the indicated sample or specification. Columns 3 and 4 report
the percent explained by characteristics in the wage regressions with and without
home production measures. The first and second rows reproduce the corresponding
results reported in Table 3. Rows 3 through 6 summarize results for full-time
workers, married, those with children under 18 in the household, and including daily
housework as the only home production variable. Row 7 summarizes the results
Home production and wages 169
123
excluding indicators for occupational categories. Comparison of the results with and
without occupational indicators suggests that occupation may be correlated with
housework time, as the coefficients on housework time are somewhat larger when
occupational indicators are excluded.
Overall, it is notable that the coefficient on daily housework time is fairly similar
in all specifications. The magnitude is largest for women who worked for pay on the
diary day but is otherwise similar to the full sample results when restricted to those
working full time, married, with children under age 18 in the household, or when
including housework time as the only home production variable. The magnitude is
smallest for men who worked for pay on the diary day, but otherwise the coefficient
on housework time is similar across samples and specifications.
As Table 4 indicates, the addition of time on home production increases the
amount of the gender wage gap explained by characteristics by less than one
Table 4 Coefficients on daily housework and percentage of wage gap explained by home production, alternative samples and specifications
Coefficient (standard error) on daily
housework hours
Percentage explained by
characteristics a
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Female Male Without home
production
With home
production
All workers -0.0135** (0.0024) -0.0104* (0.0042) 23.4 27.7
Market work on diary day -0.0254** (0.0047) -0.0075 (0.0086) 27.5 27.9
Full-time -0.0139** (0.0027) -0.0087* (0.0041) 14.1 18.7
Married -0.0149** (0.0032) -0.0145** (0.0050) 27.1 34.9
Children in household -0.0156** (0.0031) -0.0099 ?
(0.0053) 24.2 28.6
Daily housework only home
production variable
-0.0136** (0.0024) -0.0107* (0.0042) 23.4 28.2
Without occupation
indicators
-0.0165** (0.0025) -0.0117** (0.0043) 20.0 24.6
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics. The dependent variable is the log of real hourly wage in 2006$. The results in column 3 are
based on equations that also control for potential experience, potential experience squared, and indicators
for high school graduate, some college or associate’s degree, bachelor’s degree or higher, government
employer, union or employee association, paid hourly, Hispanic/Latino, race (Black/African American,
American Indian/Alaskan Native, Asian, more than one race reported), metropolitan location, and South.
Additional variables in all equations except when the variable identifies the sample are number of
children under age 18 and indicators for market work on diary day, full-time, married, and presence of
children ages 0–2, 3–5, 6–13, and 14–17, and indicator variables for occupation in 11 categories
(management, business, and financial operations; professional and related; healthcare support; protective
service; food preparation and serving related; building and grounds cleaning and maintenance; personal
care and service; sales and related; office and administrative support; natural resources, construction, and
maintenance; production, transportation, and material moving). The results in column 4 and the coeffi-
cients reported in columns 1 and 2 are based on regressions that control for all variables listed above as
well as for time on maintenance and repair, lawn and garden, pet care, household management, grocery
and gas shopping, and childcare (except for row 6). Row 7 excludes indicator variables for occupation a
The decomposition uses the Blinder-Oaxaca method and is based on the male coefficients
Standard errors in parentheses; ?
significant at 10%; * significant at 5%; ** significant at 1%
170 J. Hersch
123
percentage point (for the sample with market work on the diary day) to 7.8
percentage points (for the sample who are married). Other studies have shown a
greater increase in the explanatory power of characteristics when housework is
included, for example, from 8 to 11 percentage points in Hersch and Stratton (1997),
14 percentage points in Hersch and Stratton (2002), and 17–27 percentage points in
Bryan and Sevilla-Sanz (2008).
There are at least three reasons for the relatively low improvement in explanatory
power reported here. First, most studies control for time on daily housework as the
only home production activity. Because men’s wages are positively related to non-
daily home production activities, it is possible that inclusion of other non-daily
home production activities offsets the amount of the gender wage gap that would be
explained by inclusion of daily housework as the only home production activity.
However, regressions excluding all home production activities except daily
housework (reported in row 6) yield a similar improvement in the explanatory
power as that reported in row 1 which includes all home production activities.
Second, the current results show statistically significant negative coefficients on
housework time for men, unlike most findings in the literature. The increase in the
explanatory power of characteristics from inclusion of time on housework is driven
primarily by the difference between men and women in average household time
rather than by the difference in the size of the housework coefficients. Even a large
difference by gender in average housework time will result in a small increase in the
explanatory power of characteristics if the coefficients on housework are similar for
men and women. Third, many of these studies are based on summary measures of
housework time rather than time diary data. These summary measures typically
request time on activities predominantly performed by women, again causing a
greater share of the gender pay gap to appear to be explained by housework.
6 Occupation, job characteristics, and home production
If occupations differ in characteristics that allow accommodation of market work
with home production, we would expect the effect of housework on wages to
likewise differ by occupation. For example, occupations differ in the flexibility of
hours, availability of part-time work, and work schedules that allow coordination
with a spouse or partner. Workers sort into occupations depending on their
preferences for home production and market work, and such sorting would be
expected to mitigate any relation between home production and wages.
To examine whether the effect of housework on wages differs by occupation, I
estimate wage equations controlling for the 11 occupational categories included in
the earlier regressions and for the interaction of daily housework with occupation, in
addition to the remaining variables in the wage equations reported in Table 3. The
coefficients on the interaction of daily housework with occupation for the full
sample stratified by gender are reported in Table 5.
Starting with the results for women, note that the coefficient on housework is
negative and statistically significant at least at the 10% level in the following
occupations: management, business, and financial operations; professional and
Home production and wages 171
123
related; food preparation and serving related; personal care and service; sales and
related; office and administrative support; and natural resources, construction, and
maintenance. 11
These seven occupations employ 85% of the women in the sample,
which explains why the overall effect of housework on wages for women is
negative.
In contrast, for men, the coefficient on housework is negative and statistically
significant at the 10% level only in management, business, and financial operations
occupations and in sales and related occupations. These occupations employ only
24% of the men in the sample, which explains why the overall effect for men is
smaller than for women. Housework has a positive relation with wages for men in
food preparation and serving related occupations. Perhaps men in these occupations
enjoy cooking and are productive in both home and the market, although note that
the coefficient is of the opposite sign for women and fairly large.
The most surprising finding of this analysis by occupation is the prevalence of the
negative relation between housework and wages for women, with an effect spanning
most of the occupations in which women are employed. As these occupations differ
extensively in their job characteristics and the characteristics of workers, the general
similarity of the negative housework coefficient makes it unlikely that omitted
working conditions correlated with housework are the source of the negative
housework effect for women. In addition, as there are large differences in the
Table 5 Coefficients on daily housework by occupation in wage equations
Coefficient on the interaction of daily housework with Female Male
Management, business, and financial operations -0.011 ?
(0.006) -0.018 ?
(0.010)
Professional and related -0.011* (0.004) -0.015 (0.010)
Healthcare support -0.009 (0.010) 0.000 (0.071)
Protective service 0.023 (0.026) 0.013 (0.018)
Food preparation and serving related -0.026** (0.010) 0.049 ?
(0.028)
Building and grounds cleaning and maintenance 0.004 (0.010) -0.033 (0.021)
Personal care and service -0.017 ?
(0.010) 0.036 (0.036)
Sales and related -0.022** (0.007) -0.029* (0.011)
Office and administrative support -0.017** (0.005) 0.007 (0.015)
Natural resources, construction, and maintenance -0.082** (0.021) -0.006 (0.010)
Production, transportation, and material moving -0.006 (0.008) -0.011 (0.010)
Adjusted R-squared 0.37 0.40
Observations 15,302 14,035
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics. The dependent variable is the log of real hourly wage in 2006$. The equations include indicator
variables for occupational category as well as time on maintenance and repair, lawn and garden, pet care,
household management, grocery and gas shopping, childcare, and the additional variables listed in
Table 3 note
Standard errors in parentheses; ?
significant at 10%; * significant at 5%; ** significant at 1%
11 The hypothesis that the daily housework coefficients are equal across all occupations can be rejected at
the 1% level.
172 J. Hersch
123
amount of effort required in these different occupations, whether physical or mental,
it is also unlikely that the negative relation between housework and wages is a
consequence of allocating limited effort to housework rather than to the market.
One question is whether workers avail themselves of market substitutes for own
housework time. Freeman and Schettkat (2005) document greater use of market
substitutes for own housework time in the U.S. than in the EU and relate the disparity
in women’s hours worked between the U.S. and the EU to the use of market
substitutes. Although the ATUS does not report expenditures or usage of commercial
housework services, the frequency of non-zero time using housework services
provides an indication of frequency of use. Within the category of housework
services are cleaning, meal preparation, and clothing repair and cleaning services.
Calculations from the data show that only 0.7% of women and 0.5% of men report
spending any time using daily housework services. This percentage is doubtlessly
lower than the share that would report use over a longer time period such as a week.
Housework services generally are not used on a daily basis. In addition, using such
services will ideally take little time, so some users of housework services will report
zero time. But the rarity in which time is spent on housework services suggests that
use of such market substitutes for own daily housework time is not widespread.
7 Threshold effects, work-related socializing, and lack of interest
Given the large disparities in average time on daily housework between women and
men, threshold effects may be important, imparting a nonlinear relation between
housework and wages. In addition, both socializing as part of the job and spending
non-work time with coworkers, customers, and clients can be an important part of
networking and may thereby contribute to higher pay. In this section I examine the
relation between wages and both threshold effects and work-related socializing, and
discuss the implications for the ‘lack of interest’ argument used in employment
discrimination lawsuits.
The ‘lack of interest’ defense is that women are less interested in managerial or
demanding jobs because of family responsibilities (e.g., Schultz 1990; Selmi 2005).
This claim is frequently made in large class action discrimination cases, ranging
from EEOC v. Sears (filed in 1973) to Dukes v. Wal-Mart (filed in 2001). Similarly, firms that expect client contact and socializing, such as law firms and stock
brokerage firms, claim that women’s failure to advance to partnership positions
derives from household responsibilities that make them less available to clients than
are men.
Firms may use time spent socializing with clients and coworkers as an indicator
of interest. The ATUS allows direct examination of time spent socializing as part of
the job as well as non-work time spent with coworkers, customers, and clients
(‘coworkers’ for brevity). 12
Table 6 reports by gender and occupation (in minutes):
12 The ATUS reports separate codes for ‘socializing, relaxing, and leisure as part of job’ and for ‘eating
and drinking as part of job.’ I use the expression ‘socializing as part of the job’ to refer to the sum of these
two categories. Time spent with customers or clients as part of the job will be reported as a market work
activity.
Home production and wages 173
123
time on daily housework, time socializing as part of the job, and time with
coworkers other than while working. As Table 6 shows, in all occupations women
average more than an hour per day on daily housework, while the maximum average
among men is 40 min for men in protective service occupations. Note that while
workers spend some non-work time with coworkers, they spend very little time
socializing as part of the job. Specifically, women spend an average of 16 min a day
of non-work time with coworkers, while men spend an average of 22 min a day.
However, the average time spent socializing as part of the job is less than a minute
per day for both women and men, and calculations show that only 0.6% of the
women and 1% of the men report any time socializing as part of the job. Of course,
as with the use of housework services, it is likely that a larger share would report
socializing as part of work over a longer time period.
Table 7 summarizes the coefficients from wage regressions that control for
threshold effects and time spent socializing. The effect of daily housework time is
permitted to differ based on whether the amount of time is under 30 min, from
30 min to less than one hour, and one hour or more. The equation also includes
variables for time socializing as part of the job and non-work time with coworkers.
First, note the strong evidence of a threshold effect. The coefficient on housework is
not statistically significant until the amount of time is at least one hour. Calculations
show that 49% of women in the sample spend one hour or more on daily housework,
in contrast to 17% of the men.
Second, non-work time with coworkers has a positive association with wages of
almost the same magnitude for men and women. But socializing as part of the job is
not associated with wages. Even if the positive relation between non-work time with
Table 6 Average minutes on daily housework, socializing as part of job, and time with coworkers not as part of job, by occupation and gender
Daily
housework
Socializing as
part of job
With coworkers
not as part of job
Occupation Female Male Female Male Female Male
Management, business, and financial operations 70.73 29.30 0.81 1.39 17.39 18.75
Professional and related 80.78 30.85 0.44 0.67 17.20 19.63
Healthcare support 95.87 22.06 0.00 0.00 15.05 26.04
Protective service 72.96 39.54 3.68 2.25 27.65 16.12
Food preparation and serving related 97.47 22.07 0.00 0.00 9.34 11.63
Building and grounds cleaning and maintenance 114.78 29.65 0.03 0.87 13.43 26.02
Personal care and service 95.78 36.06 0.56 4.81 12.87 11.13
Sales and related 84.22 27.13 0.72 1.11 12.87 16.47
Office and administrative support 83.70 31.08 0.31 0.29 15.71 22.97
Natural resources, construction, and maintenance 92.46 27.33 0.26 0.17 34.10 29.46
Production, transportation, and material moving 97.19 26.51 0.14 0.14 22.24 21.84
All workers 84.62 28.76 0.44 0.67 16.32 21.54
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics
174 J. Hersch
123
coworkers and wages arises because such time is productive, the gender difference
in average time is small, so non-work time explains only a small part of the wage
disparity (specifically, 0.07%). Thus, the gender disparity in wages does not seem to
arise because household responsibilities limit women’s availability for socializing
and networking.
Finally, consider the relation between wages and housework for those in
management, business, and financial operations occupations. As indicated in
Table 5, the relation between housework and wages for both men and women
in these occupations is negative and statistically significant at the 10% level, with
the magnitude of the coefficient somewhat larger for men (although the difference
by gender is not statistically significant). Evaluated at the average values of
housework by gender of those in managerial, business, and financial operations
occupations, housework accounts for wages that are 1.3% lower for women and
0.9% lower for men than for comparable workers in these occupations who perform
no housework. This small difference does not explain the strong lack of interest
arguments advanced in litigation.
8 Conclusion
Using data from the American Time Use Survey for the years 2003–2006, this study
finds that time spent on daily housework activities has a negative relation with
wages, with the magnitude of the relation larger for women than for men. This
finding is consistent with the findings of numerous studies that document an inverse
relation between housework time and wages. An extra hour on daily housework is
associated with average wages that are about 24 cents per hour lower for women and
about 21 cents per hour lower for men. While the magnitudes may seem minor, it is
notable that the sex discrimination lawsuit Dukes v. Wal-Mart involves a gender pay disparity of 9 cents per hour among the hourly employees.
Table 7 Coefficients on daily housework in wage regressions with threshold effects and occupational characteristics, by gender
Female Male
Daily housework \ 30 min -0.035 (0.046) 0.007 (0.046)
Daily housework 30–59 min -0.032 (0.064) -0.034 (0.077)
Daily housework 60 min or more -0.012** (0.003) -0.017** (0.007)
Socializing as part of job 0.019 (0.028) 0.013 (0.026)
With coworkers not as part of job 0.012* (0.006) 0.011* (0.005)
Adjusted R-squared 0.37 0.40
Observations 15,302 14,035
Author’s calculations from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) 2003–2006, U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics. The dependent variable is the log of real hourly wage in 2006$. Intercepts for indicators for
housework time category are included but not reported. See Table 3 note for the list of additional
variables
Standard errors in parentheses; * significant at 5%; ** significant at 1%
Home production and wages 175
123
For women, housework performed on a daily basis or on days with market work
has a stronger association with wages than home production activities that can be
deferred. There is evidence of a threshold effect of housework on wages, with the
negative association appearing only for those spending one hour or more on daily
housework. A far greater share of women than men spend one hour or more per day
on housework, explaining the generally larger relation between housework and
wages observed for women.
The negative relation between housework and wages does not seem to be due to a
compensating differential for working conditions that better accommodate house-
work. Nor does it seem to be a tradeoff between market effort and housework effort.
This is because the negative relation between housework and wages appears for
women across almost all occupations, and these occupations vary widely in their
working conditions and effort requirements. Furthermore, effort-intensive time on
exercise has a positive relation with wages.
A final possible mechanism examined in this paper is whether time on housework
may be a proxy for ‘lack of interest,’ in the sense used in class action litigation to
explain women’s lower representation in higher paying and managerial positions.
According to this argument, women earn less or are not promoted because of family
responsibilities that are incompatible with demanding jobs. However, this study
shows that observable indicators of interest, such as time spent socializing with
clients and networking, are not responsible for the observed gender disparity in
wages. Furthermore, time on housework has a significant negative relation with
wages for both men and women in managerial, business, and financial operations
occupations. The difference in housework time by gender within these occupations
likewise cannot explain the observed gender disparity in wages.
Acknowledgments Many thanks to Shoshana Grossbard, Dan Hamermesh, Amy Nickens, and anonymous referees for helpful suggestions.
Appendix 1
Table 8 Descriptive statistics for non-home production variables included in wage regressions mean (standard deviation) or percent
Female Male
Hourly wage (2006$) 17.15 (11.15) 20.87 (13.08)
Log of hourly wage (2006$) 2.72 (0.58) 2.91 (0.59)
Potential experience 21.70 (12.34) 20.78 (11.79)
High school graduate 30.05 32.17
Some college or associate’s degree 28.97 24.69
Bachelor’s degree or higher 33.81 31.69
Government employer 21.76 14.39
Union or employee association 14.38 16.42
176 J. Hersch
123
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South 34.26 33.48
Market workday 66.84 71.91
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Leisure (hours) 3.39 (2.58) 3.86 (2.89)
Exercise (hours) 0.18 (0.61) 0.31 (1.03)
Observations 15,302 14,035
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178 J. Hersch
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- Home production and wages: evidence �from the American Time Use Survey
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Background literature and empirical motivation
- Data source and variable definitions
- Distribution of time on home production
- Regression results
- Occupation, job characteristics, and home production
- Threshold effects, work-related socializing, and lack of interest
- Conclusion
- Acknowledgments
- Appendix 1
- References
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>> >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [2400 2400] /PageSize [5952.756 8418.897] >> setpagedevice