The Rastafari Tradition
960
Journal of Black Studies Volume 40 Number 5
May 2010 960-973 © 2010 The Author(s)
10.1177/0021934708320135 http://jbs.sagepub.com
hosted at http://online.sagepub.com
Rasta Evolution The Theology of the Twelve Tribes of Israel Monique Bedasse University of Miami
This article is concerned with the evolution of the Rastafarian movement through the specific example of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. It provides a serious treatment of Rasta theology by delving into the details surrounding the ways in which Haile Selassie’s divinity is conceptualized. Placing the Rastafarian movement within the context of African resistance in the New World, it argues that as the movement evolves, it remains wedded to the ideals of Ethiopianism.
Keywords: Rasta; Rastafari; Rasta theology; Twelve Tribes of Israel; Rasta evolution; Ethiopianism
Belief in the divinity of Haile Selassie is foundational to the Rastafarianmovement. This is so despite the decentralized nature of the movement and the existence of different mansions, such as the Twelve Tribes of Israel, the Bobo Shanti, and the Nyabinghi. Rastafarians believe that the Emperor Haile Selassie is the 225th descendant of the throne of David, which repre- sents, according to Ethiopian legend, the oldest throne in the world. The union between David’s son Solomon and the Queen of Ethiopia, Makeda (Queen of Sheba), brought about this lineage. The Kebra Nagast tells the story of Makeda traveling from Ethiopia to Jerusalem to see Solomon, of whose wisdom she had heard.1 Solomon and Sheba produced an offspring, Menelik I, who was born in Ethiopia. As the story goes, Menelik I became the first King (out of the line of Judah) of Ethiopia. Haile Selassie I becomes royalty because he is a descendant of Menelik I, who is a direct descendant of King Solomon. The general consensus among Rastafarians is that the Christian churches of the West ignore the line of David because it provides a blatant link to Africa and “reconnects Africans to Biblical history” (Naphtali, 1999, p. 102). Haile Selassie’s heritage and divinity are undisputed within the movement. There is no doubt that Haile Selassie came to fulfill prophecy, and proof that he had come to gather Israel is
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found in the biblical book of Revelations, which proclaims, “Behold, the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, the Root of David, hath prevailed. . .” (Rev. 5:5, King James Version).
However, Rastafarian thought concerning Haile Selassie’s direct rela- tionship to Jesus Christ emerges as a controversial and multifaceted issue. Beyond the point of his basic divinity, the question of exactly who the Emperor Haile Selassie is represents a point of contention within the move- ment. An examination of the theological differences within Rastafari con- tribute much to the discourse on Rasta, not as a means of fostering division but, rather, in an attempt to promote greater understanding, to expose the complexities within Rastafarian thought, and to correct the erroneous gen- eralizations that have plagued scholarly works on the topic.
One of the earliest scholarly works on Rastafari declares that all Rastas see Selassie as the living God (Nettleford, Smith, & Augier, 1960). Many subsequent works followed suit and perpetuated the idea that the Rastafarian faith was a monolithic one. As the movement evolved, however, scholars began to recognize variance within Rastafarian thought and to acknowledge significant group specificities (Homiak, 1985; Spencer, 1999). It became clear that the widespread notion that all Rastas saw Haile Selassie as Christ returned did not ring true. Though his divinity remains at the core of all Rastafarian thought, there exist various interpretations con- cerning his precise relationship to Jesus Christ. The structure of the move- ment facilitates such variance, as Rasta constitutes an oral culture, with no written constitution or book of rules. Additionally, the movement is a decentralized one. In his astute study of Rastafarian theology, William David Spencer (1999) deduces that “within Rastafari is a multiplicity of faith stances” (p. xvii). Earlier works on Rastafari did not engage this het- erogeneity, as they failed to acknowledge group specificities within Rastafari. Broad generalizations masked the complexities within the move- ment and prevented serious and nuanced treatments of Rastafari as a faith.
The present enterprise offers a case study of one particular Rastafarian group, the Twelve Tribes of Israel. The Twelve Tribes of Israel, the largest centralized Rasta group, with members across the island of Jamaica as well as a significant international following, provides an engaging look at the dynamics of one specific Rastafarian group, with special emphasis on its religious doctrine. The organization is presented as a group that is unique in some ways while sharing much with the wider movement.
The Twelve Tribes of Israel, which was founded in Kingston, Jamaica, in 1968, now boasts branches in numerous territories outside of Jamaica. These include Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Sierra Leone, England (London
and Manchester), Germany, Sweden, California, New York, Barbados, Grenada, St. Vincent, Trinidad, Tobago, Guyana, Australia, and New Zealand. The present study is limited to Jamaica, where the group was founded and where its official headquarters, from which every other branch takes its lead, remains.
The Twelve Tribes was founded by Vernon Carrington, also known as Gadman, the Prophet, Brother Gad, Gad, or Prophet Gad. Brother Gad is undeniably autonomous. This means that “his pronouncements are the final word on any matter [and that] he is the vital force of the movement” (Barrett, 1997, p. 232). Believing that they are the children of Israel, of whom the Bible speaks, Brother Gad is hailed as one of the great prophets of Israel (in keeping with the Biblical tradition) by members of the Twelve Tribes. In his work titled The Twelve Tribes of Israel: Rasta and the Middle Class, Frank Jan Van Dijk (1988) also finds that Gadman’s authority in the Twelve Tribes is unquestioned due to the belief that his presence is thought to fulfill divine prophecy.
In keeping with the orality of Rastafari, the Twelve Tribes places great emphasis on the words uttered by the Prophet Gad. There is a general feel- ing among the members that Brother Gad “speaks in parables” and is not easily understood. The idea that he is a vessel through which the divine word emanates is common.2 There is a certain mystique surrounding the prophet’s persona and the reverence he inspires from his members. The pre- vailing attitude of the members of the Twelve Tribes toward Gadman is a combination of profound respect and adoration. The dominant belief that he is “gifted” and “sent to do the work” inspires unabated loyalty.
The importance of leadership to the process of evolution in the Twelve Tribes cannot be exaggerated, due to the unrivaled power that Gadman holds. Though the Twelve Tribes has an executive body, all decisions are made by Gadman. He is not generally expected to explain his decisions to the executive body, and sometimes they are no more informed than the general body of members. For example, in 1987, Gadman decided to sus- pend the usual activities of the Twelve Tribes. Ten years after he called for this break, Gadman granted his first and only radio interview to Andrea Williams Greene (1997) in an episode of Running African. He explained that the Twelve Tribes “was organizing for years and keeping a lot of meet- ings, so we take [sic] a break, a rest.”. Interestingly, the members of the executive body seemed no more informed than the general body of members, and they also waited for the day when Gadman would allow nor- mal activities to resume. The belief that Gadman leads through divine inspiration seals the perception that he should be allowed the freedom to
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act unquestioningly. Many hesitate to criticize the Prophet, of whom they are extremely protective. As many speeches and songs written in his honor attest, Gadman is hailed as a very special person who has been sent by God to do great things on earth. Almost all Twelve Tribes–related invitations or flyers for the organization’s events bear the words Long live the Prophet Gad. The words of a song titled “Prophet Gad,” which is performed by Orthodox Issachar (2001) and produced on the official record label of the Twelve Tribes (Orthodox Muzik), are quite telling. Orthodox Isaachar sings,
From 1968 Gadman do [sic] his best for you From 1968 the Prophet Gad do [sic] his best for you In the way he loves us we should be loving him too When he got that vision he never keep [sic] it to himself He invites us to this great and marvelous work . . . He said read your Bible a chapter a day . . . As Christ feeds the multitude Gadman feeds and teach [sic] us too.
The parallel drawn between Gadman and Christ shows the high esteem in which he is held.
Yet, though Gadman’s position in the Twelve Tribes reveals a case of epistemological authoritarianism, there are still traces of the epistemologi- cal individualism that characterizes the wider movement. The only rule in the Twelve Tribes that is widely known and observed is the directive of Gadman that members should read their Bibles a chapter a day in order to find the truth for themselves. Gadman’s leadership is best described as charismatic, which means that he is powerful, with attributes that his fol- lowers admire, but his approach is not totalitarian.
The generally acepahalous nature of the wider movement often masks the significance of leaders within Rastafari. The cases of the early leaders of Rastafari—Howell, Hinds, Hibbert, and Dunkley—have been recounted often. But the dynamics of leadership in the contemporary manifestations of Rasta have not been fully explored. The Twelve Tribes of Israel, the Bobo Shanti, and the followers of the Claudius Henry church are the exceptions in a movement where centralization and sustained leadership have long been resisted. But as Barry Chevannes (1990) points out, “The lack of central lead- ership should not allow us to gloss over the presence and role of leaders” in Rastafari (p. 145). It is true that Howell, Hinds, Hibbert, and Dunkley were all believed to “have heroic, if not divine abilities” (Chevannes, 1990, p. 145). King Immanuel of the Bobo Shanti falls neatly into this pattern, as he is
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thought to occupy a third of the holy trinity, and so does Gadman, who is thought to be divinely inspired, though to a slightly lesser extent.
Gadman’s powerful role in the organization demands that leadership be seriously considered in any discussion of the theological grounding of the Twelve Tribes. Frank Jan Van Dijk (1988), in specific reference to the Twelve Tribes of Israel, asserts that “all agree that Selassie is the second and final coming of Christ” (p. 7). This is untrue in light of the current debate within the Twelve Tribes concerning the role of Haile Selassie and the official doctrine of the group. The lack of a document espousing the beliefs of the group, coupled with the Prophet’s propensity to place inter- pretation in the domain of the individual, has prevented homogeneity within the Twelve Tribes. The organization is undergoing an unprecedented surge of questioning as its members seek clarification of the group’s stance concerning the identity of Haile Selassie. The current state of the group indicates that Van Dijk’s conclusion in 1988 is not currently representative of the Twelve Tribes.
The Twelve Tribes of Israel generally accepts Jesus Christ and believes in the authenticity of the Holy Bible. The most obvious evidence of this is the traditional greeting of the organization, which has been used since its inception at every gathering and function. It begins, “Greetings in the name of our divine lord and savior Jesus Christ who has been revealed to us in the personality of His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie.” Yet the role of Haile Selassie in relation to Jesus Christ is currently being debated within the organization. There are basically two different view- points: on one hand, those who believe that Haile Selassie is the final Christ who represents the second advent of Jesus Christ and, on the other hand, those who see Haile Selassie as one who embodies the spirit of Jesus Christ and is the representative of Christ’s throne on earth but not the sec- ond advent of Christ. For the former, Haile Selassie is seen as the living God, the final Christ of which the Bible speaks. The latter maintains that while Haile Selassie and Christ represent the same spirit, they are not of the same flesh.
This debate within the Twelve Tribes was triggered by Gadman’s responses to the interviewer during the 1997 radio interview. The interview marked a significant moment in the history of the Twelve Tribes because it represented the first time the leader definitively and officially espoused the theological position of the group. The following exchange took place between the Prophet and Andrea Williams Green, the interviewer:
Interviewer: The Twelve Tribes is seen as closer to Christianity than other Rastafarian groups. Is there a basic difference in doctrine?
Prophet Gad: Yes there is a basic difference because we see Christ, and that die and rose again, and that die for our sin, we see that person. So that is, you know, a different teaching, because is not many see this teaching, that Christ is the person.
Interviewer: Recently we’ve had much debate on this program, Running African, and other programs about the divinity of His Majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie as it relates to the return of Jesus Christ. What are your thoughts on the matter?
Prophet Gad: Well, Christ is to return and sit on the Throne of David, so I strongly believe that, you know, Christ is going to come and sit on the Throne of David.
Interviewer: You said something very potent here and something that may disturb the Rastafarian movement in Jamaica. Christ? You’re talking about the return of Christ?
Prophet Gad: Yes, I am talking about the return of Christ who is going to sit on the Throne of David.
Interviewer: Are you making a differentiation between Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie?
Prophet Gad: Yes I am making a differentiation, because Christ the same yesterday, today and forever. And even after His Majesty say he saved not by the man character but by the blood of Jesus Christ.
Here, the interviewer obfuscates the issue by stating that the debate con- cerns the “divinity of His Majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie.” The word divinity fails in this context, because whether or not Haile Selassie is divine is not the issue under debate; belief in his divinity remains secure. What is being debated is the exact relationship of the emperor to Jesus Christ. In other words, what is his real position as it relates to scripture? Though Gadman makes a “differentiation between Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie,” this does not mean that he no longer considers His Imperial Majesty to be divine. Some members believe that a distinction between Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie I was not made initially by the Prophet and that such a dis- tinction threatens the emperor’s divine status. In his book on the Twelve Tribes doctrine, influential Twelve Tribes member Karl Phillpotts Naphtali (1999) recognizes that there have been “new developments in the clarifica- tion of our doctrine in accordance with the Bible.” But he points out that these developments “in no way deny the divine anointing or Messianic per- sonage of His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I” (p. 125).
According to the Prophet, Haile Selassie does not represent the second and final advent of Christ. In other words, Haile Selassie is not Jesus Christ
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returned. Instead, it is the spirit of Christ that is within Haile Selassie. So Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ share the same spirit but different flesh. This teaching, for which the Prophet provides biblical evidence, contradicts the beliefs of many Rastafarians. A Prominent non–Twelve Tribes Rastafarian, Douglas R. A. Mack (1999), an elder in the wider movement, declares that one of the “basic concepts” held sacred by Rastafarian brethren is that “H.I.M. Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia is the returned Messiah, the God Head, the Ancient of Days” (p. 51). In support of this, Barbara Makeda Lee (1981), a Rastafarian scholar, notes that “the worship of Selassie I as the returned Messiah, is held as a basic tenet of Rastafarian faith” (p. 13). Also, Leonard Howell, considered by many to be the first man to preach Rastafari, was a strong proponent of the view that Haile Selassie I is the returned Messiah. The pervasiveness of this view within Rastafari generally explains why the Prophet sees the Twelve Tribes as a Rasta organization that provides a “different teaching.”
The Prophet Gad teaches that man can be saved by no other name but by that of Jesus Christ, recognizing that though Haile Selassie is indeed divine, he is really the custodian of the Davidic throne on earth, as “the scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet until Shiloh come, and unto him shall the gathering of the people be” (Acts 1:11). In his commentary on the doctrine of the Twelve Tribes and the con- tributions of the Prophet Gad, Karl Phillpotts Napthali (1999) explains that in the same way that Christendom has been
guilty of ignoring this everlasting promise contained in the Davidic Covenant and its legitimate representative, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I and the Royal Family, so too, are many exponents of the doctrine of Rastafari guilty of ignoring the significance and importance of Jesus Christ. . . . Doctor Vernon Carrington Gad, the founder of the Twelve Tribes of Israel organization, is an exception. Through his teachings new light and understanding has been brought to the doctrine of Rastafari. (p. 106)
The idea that Haile Selassie is not the returned Messiah is supported by a very literal interpretation of biblical passages. The Emperor could not be the returned Messiah because it is expected that the same Christ who walked on earth and was crucified will return in “like manner.” The bibli- cal passage that speaks to this says, “Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gaz- ing up into heaven? This same Jesus, which is taken from you into heaven, shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go into heaven” (Acts 1:11). It is expected that Christ will return not as a baby and not born of a woman, as was Haile Selassie, but as a man. Napthali explains,
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David in a vision acknowledged Jesus as the Lord (master) Messiah even before Jesus was born. Jesus is not in the same category as the other anointed kings, priests, and prophets of Israel (Messianic personages). He is the Lord Messiah. All the other Kings on David’s throne were and are a shadow of him who is to come. (p. 126)
This reinforces the idea that Haile Selassie, who sits as a king on David’s throne, is not synonymous with Jesus Christ. Another song by Orthodox Issachar, called “We Are Called,” sums up the current teaching of the Twelve Tribes as presented by Brother Gad. Issachar sings,
We are call[ed] by Selassie I name It’s a precious name worthy to be praised O lord We are saved through Jesus Christ name It’s a name above all names a holy name
These lyrics show that Orthodox Isachaar is making a distinction between Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie I. In his “messianic personage,” Haile Selassie I “call[s],” as opposed to Jesus Christ, who “save[s].”
Importantly, there is opposition to this position within the Twelve Tribes. There are those who believe that when the Prophet made a distinc- tion between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ in his 1997 interview, he had made a shocking and abrupt departure from what they had perceived the doctrine of the Twelve Tribes to be. These members maintain that a dis- tinction between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ has never been made. Gary Virgo, who joined the organization in 1976, strongly believes that a drastic shift has occurred in the Twelve Tribes, taking the emphasis away from Haile Selassie and placing it on Jesus Christ. Virgo insists that there has been a “paradigm shift . . . like they’re shifting back to church.” He maintains that the position of the Twelve Tribes has always been that “Selassie I was Christ returned in his second advent” (G. Virgo, personal communication, July 2001).
Another member who was deeply angered by the Prophet’s 1997 inter- view contends that there has definitely been a radical change. His disap- pointment stems from what he considers to be a shift from the ideals that led him to join the Twelve Tribes in the 1970s. For him, the change is “more dealing with religion and preaching of religion.” This he finds problematic because for him, Rasta transcends the concept of religion, as Rasta is a “way of life.” Furthermore, he resented what he considered to be an emphasis on Jesus Christ, because “Jesus Christ is a White man.” He argues that
though the Twelve Tribes always talked about Jesus, his understanding was that “Jesus was supposed to be equal to Selassie” (J. Miller, personal com- munication, July 2001).
Yet even though there are currently two antagonistic views concerning Haile Selassie, the issue is much more complex than it first appears. Many of those who, like the Prophet, make a distinction between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ admit that they had originally thought of Haile Selassie as the Almighty and as the second advent of Christ. They attribute the change in their outlook to their own spiritual development or evolution, many of them using the term progressive revelation to describe the process by which they moved from one interpretation to the next. James, a member of the executive body who joined the Twelve Tribes in 1973, admits that he ini- tially thought Haile Selassie was the Almighty, until he evolved and came to grasp the interpretation he now holds as true. James admits that through his own personal evolution he came to understand that “Jesus Christ could not be of the body of Emperor Haile Selassie . . . because it would contra- dict a lot of the scriptures because Jesus Christ would not take to himself again with human nature.” James admits that in the early years, Haile Selassie was “so dominant in our thinking” that he did not stop to really understand “how it really manifests in that we should be clear that they are two different bodies . . . sameness in spirit and thought in God, but two dif- ferent bodies” (J. Thomas, personal communication, July 2001).
Barbara, who has been a member since 1972, also admits that her inter- pretation changed over time. Barbara maintains, “At first when I joined the organization I would hear the brethren say, ‘Haile Selassie God Almighty, God Almighty!!’ I really thought he was God almighty. But the teaching that I get from the prophet, he is not” (B. Davis, personal communication, June 2001). The change in Barbara’s outlook came “a couple years after” joining the organization.
Similarly, Sangie, another member of the executive body, also got the “full clarity of everything a couple years ago.” He admits that he “had wanted to reject the Christ” of the mainstream church, but a deeper under- standing of the Bible, coupled with his trust in the Prophet, led him to understand that Haile Selassie was not actually the second advent of Christ (S. Davis, personal communication, June 2001).
The responses from these members demonstrate the importance of look- ing at the Twelve Tribes within the context of evolution. The 1997 interview, which represented the only time that the Prophet spoke definitively about a Twelve Tribes doctrine, ushered in a period of ebullient debate. The Prophet’s clarification led to varied responses, ranging from outraged individuals who
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were livid enough to abandon the organization to those who welcomed any words of wisdom from their trusted spiritual leader. That some feel deceived by the Prophet’s interpretation of the doctrine, coupled with the progressive revelation that many members received over time, raises the issue of whether the Prophet also underwent a process of evolution. Perhaps his insistence that members should read the Bible a chapter a day in order to gain their own truth was his way of directing his followers to an interpre- tation that he had always held. Angela Heron, another prominent member of the Twelve Tribes, argues that what some people perceive to be a change in outlook and a move toward Christianity “is not new.” She asserts that during the early years, “the focus was Black” and “we chose not to see.” For Heron, Gadman’s unprecedented interview was timely in that as a true prophet, he reveals the right message to his followers at the opportune time. She believes that
in 1969, he could not have sent that message because it would not have been received because people were just looking for Black Power. . . . I think now, when he came out with the interview 4 years ago, after almost 30 years as an organization, we realize that the solution to Black people’s problems is not a Black answer. One has to be Black conscious. . . . But, in terms of the solu- tion to man’s problem, the problem of mankind, it has to be Christ and it has to be something that transcends color because the problem encompasses not just Black people but people of all races. I think Brother Gad came out with what he came out at a time when he felt that it would have been received. It was obviously received by some and not by others. (A. Heron, personal communication, June 2001)
Here, Heron links the evolution of the organization to its larger social and historical context. The Twelve Tribes began to take shape in 1968, amid the revolutionary fervor of the 1960s. During this period, the Rastafarian movement was at the forefront of Jamaican radicalism and Black con- sciousness. This Black consciousness meant an interest in and the intermin- gling of the ideas of Rasta, Black Power (as it was unfolding in the United States), and an engagement with the African continent. Still, all forms of Black radicalism in Jamaica were subsumed under the title “Black Power” during this period. Her point here is that though the Twelve Tribes always spoke of Jesus Christ, greater emphasis was placed on Rasta's connection to a potent Black nationalism, than to a conceptualization of the relation- ship between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ that “transcends color.” Many of the Twelve Tribes members, like Heron, who were students at the University of the West Indies during this time, were actively involved in
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what came to be known as the Black Power movement in Jamaica. Their consciousness took them from a Rasta-influenced Black Power into the newly formed Twelve Tribes. Heron taps into very important issues that run through the responses of many of the members who reject Gadman’s clari- fication—the idea that this shift represents a conservative turn that is far more accommodating of a mainstream, Eurocentric Christianity.
Still, other members maintain that the Prophet has not changed and that those who claim that the Prophet has shifted the focus from His Imperial Majesty to Jesus Christ are those who are not reading the Bible for them- selves. Ann-Marie, who joined the organization in 1973, is a proponent of this view. According to her, Brother Gad “never changed,” and she asserts that the rift is a natural occurrence because Israel has always been a “stiff- necked nation” (A. Witter, personal communication, June 2001). By this, Ann-Marie means that the children of Israel (as presented in the Old Testament of the Bible) have always been stubborn people. Ann-Marie is less concerned about the issue than members such as Gary, who argues that it is a “serious matter [because] we have brethrens and sisters who have died accepting what I still accept today because that is what Twelve Tribes was saying!” (G. Virgo, personal communication, July 2001)
The role of leadership has featured prominently in this discussion due to the group’s dependence on the Prophet Gad for guidance and instruction. With Gadman holding the right to determine the tenets of the organization, the members of Twelve Tribes have sought guidance from him. This is not generally representative of the wider movement. However, as the rift regard- ing Haile Selassie’s identity reveals, elements of the individual autonomy (the “I-an-I” factor) that is characteristic of the wider movement have not been absent from the group.3 The existing rift emerged only after Gadman publicly and unequivocally presented the group’s definitive doctrine in 1997.
The conflict bears great significance, because whether or not the Prophet always had the same view, it is obvious that many members, including some prominent individuals, had previously believed that Haile Selassie was indeed the Almighty God and the second coming of Christ. It is impor- tant to note that what may be referred to as a period of unrest in the Twelve Tribes is occurring while the organization is “on rest.” When interviewed in 2001, some members hoped to gain further clarification from the Prophet in the future, when the usual activities of the organization were resumed. Gadman’s passing on March 22, 2005, disallows them such an opportunity. The life of the beloved Gadman was celebrated in a service held at the headquarters of the Twelve Tribes in Kingston, Jamaica. In true Twelve
Tribes fashion, music was the main vehicle through which the members from Jamaica and around the world, donning their red, gold, and green ban- ners, paid tribute to their spiritual leader.4 But what does his passing mean for the future of the Twelve Tribes of Israel?
The future holds the answer to important and intriguing questions con- cerning the continued evolution of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. The death of the Prophet Gad represents a highly significant event in the group’s history. How will the organization survive the Prophet’s death? As he has not officially appointed a successor, the executive body has assumed the responsibilities of leadership. But how will the executive committee replace such a charismatic leader, who was believed to be gifted and inspired by God? Furthermore, how will the two dissenting opinions reconcile their differences when the organization officially reconvenes? These questions remain unanswered for now, but those who embrace Gadman’s clarification believe that his legacy will paint him as the one who “brought Rastafarian doctrine in line with the full teachings of the Holy Bible” (Naphtali, 1999, p. 123).
Having examined the theology of the Twelve Tribes of Israel, it is clear that the organization, not unlike the wider movement, is a “mutating body of thought” (Spencer, 1999, p. xvi). The evolution of this group reflects an attempt to reconcile Rasta teachings not only with the Bible but with cer- tain historical realities, such as the death of Haile Selassie.5 This should come as no surprise, as the group is a mere 40 years old. The Rastafarian movement in general, which is slightly 2 times the age of the Twelve Tribes, is still quite young in terms of developing a theology. So-called mainstream religions have had hundreds of years to develop, evolve, branch off into sects, and adapt to societal changes. The propensity of some researchers of Rastafari to demand an immediate and “systematic theology” (Boyne, 1995) from Rastafari is both misplaced and unfair. Furthermore, the demand for a “systematic theology” ignores the strength of Rasta as a new religion by using mainstream Christianity as the prism through which the movement should be analyzed. As Rex Nettleford (1998) astutely observes, Rasta “theology” is about “taking the discourse into intellectual landscapes beyond narrow theological hermeneutics and exegesis, whose methods are considered ‘Christian-specific’ and predetermined in that tra- dition” (p. 313). Though Prophet Gad’s recent doctrinal clarification ren- ders the Twelve Tribes the Rasta group closest to Christianity, it must never be forgotten that the Twelve Tribes departs from so-called mainstream Christian churches in its continued recognition of the divinity of Haile Selassie. Even with their attempt to reconcile biblical scripture with Rasta beliefs, Ethiopianism remains the root of their faith. Through the Davidic
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Covenant, they continue to nurture an African-centered reading of the Bible, which constitutes a major departure from the Christian churches of the West. For the Twelve Tribes, Ethiopia is the missing link that churches refuse to see, because it connects Africans to biblical history.
It is yet to be determined how the wider Rastafarian movement will view the Twelve Tribes in light of the recent doctrinal clarification. Will this create a chasm between the Twelve Tribes and the wider movement? On the other hand, as the cry for the unification of Rasta intensifies and rallies around the issue of repatriation, will these conflicts (within the Twelve Tribes and beyond) become less important? As for the wider Jamaican society, is this the “systematic theology” that some non-Rastafarians have demanded? Even in the midst of these questions, however, it is unlikely that the rift will destroy the Twelve Tribes. The 21st century bears witness to Rastafarians (Twelve Tribes and non–Twelve Tribes alike) who remain wedded to the conscious- ness that spawned the movement’s genesis. They are rooted in the ideals of Ethiopianism, Garveyism, and Afrocentricity that form the pillars of Rastafari. In the final analysis, even as the Twelve Tribes evolves and solidifies its posi- tion as a faith that is grounded in the Christian tradition, its status as a new religion created by Africans in the New World remains intact. Its roots are still located in the rich history of African resistance to European oppression. The theology of the Twelve Tribes is deeply connected to the experiences of enslavement and colonialism that inspired a long tradition of Africanized Christianity in Jamaica and across the diaspora.6
Notes
1. The Kebra Negast, or Glory of Kings, reveals the history of the union between Solomon and Sheba and is considered the history of Ethiopia’s royal family.
2. Word is used here to mean word or message of God. 3. For more on the significance of the “I-an-I” concept to Rasta philosophy, see Adrian
Anthony McFarlene (1998). 4. Music has always played a tremendously important role in the Twelve Tribes. Many
famous reggae singers, including Bob Marley, were members of this group, and music was crucial to the process by which they gathered members in the 1970s. For more, see Monique Bedasse (2002).
5. Many Rastafarians reject the idea that Haile Selassie is dead. Yet as the movement evolves, they are forced to deal with his physical absence. For a detailed discussion of the notion of death within Rastafarian thought, see Spencer (1999).
6. The propensity of Jamaicans to Africanize Christianity has been recounted often with works that have examined traditions such as Myalism, Pukumina, Revival, and Native Baptist.
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Monique Bedasse is a doctoral student of African history at the University of Miami, Florida. She completed a master’s degree in Africana studies from the Africana Studies and Research Center at Cornell University in 2002. Her master’s thesis, titled “Rasta Evolution: The Twelve Tribes of Israel in Transition,” allowed her to return to Jamaica (where she was raised Rastafarian) to conduct research. Her dissertation is a study of Black internationalism that looks at connections between the Rastafarian movement and Tanzania’s anticolonial politics, in the age of Julius Nyerere.
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Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 973
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