State of the Union Analysis
The American Presidency Project (https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/)
Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union
January 27, 2010
Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished
guests, and fellow Americans: Our Constitution declares that from time to
time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of
our Union. For 220 years, our leaders have ful�lled this duty. They've done
so during periods of prosperity and tranquility, and they've done so in the
midst of war and depression, at moments of great strife and great struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress
was inevitable, that America was always destined to succeed. But when the
Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies �rst landed at Omaha
Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black
Tuesday and marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was
anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our
convictions and the strength of our Union. And despite all our divisions and
disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because
we chose to move forward as one Nation, as one people. Again, we are
tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
BARACK OBAMA (/PEOPLE/PRESIDENT/BARA CK-OBAMA)
One year ago, I took o�ce amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe
recession, a �nancial system on the verge of collapse, and a Government
deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we
did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted, immediately
and aggressively. And 1 year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot �nd work.
Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns
and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd
already known poverty, life's become that much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families
have been dealing with for decades: the burden of working harder and
longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with
college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These
struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've
witnessed for years, in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear
about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are
those written by children asking why they have to move from their home,
asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated, some are angry. They don't understand why
it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on
Main Street isn't, or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve
any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and
the pettiness. They know we can't a�ord it. Not now.
So we face big and di�cult challenges. And what the American people
hope, what they deserve, is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to
work through our di�erences, to overcome the numbing weight of our
politics. For while the people who sent us here have di�erent backgrounds,
di�erent stories, di�erent beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The
aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills, a chance to get
ahead, most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.
And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the
face of adversity. After one of the most di�cult years in our history, they
remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going
back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors.
One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling
but encouraged."
It's because of this spirit, this great decency and great strength, that I have
never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. Despite
our hardships, our Union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We
do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time
the American people get a Government that matches their decency, that
embodies their strength. And tonight I'd like to talk about how together we
can deliver on that promise.
It begins with our economy. Our most urgent task upon taking o�ce was to
shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do.
And if there's one thing that has uni�ed Democrats and Republicans and
everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. I
hated it; you hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. [Laughter]
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was
popular; I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the
meltdown of the �nancial system, unemployment might be double what it
is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would
have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's e�orts to create the �nancial
rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more
transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now
stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks--
most but not all.
To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now, I know
Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these �rms can a�ord to hand out
big bonuses again, they can a�ord a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers
who rescued them in their time of need.
Now, as we stabilized the �nancial system, we also took steps to get our
economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans
who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased
unemployment bene�ts for more than 18 million Americans, made health
insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through
COBRA, and passed 25 di�erent tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working
families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for �rst-time
home buyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We
cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. [Applause] I thought I'd get some applause on that one. [Laughter]
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and
other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And
we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person--not a
single dime.
Now, because of the steps we took, there are about 2 million Americans
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. Two hundred
thousand work in construction and clean energy. Three hundred thousand
are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops,
�re�ghters, correctional o�cers, �rst-responders. And we're on track to
add another 1 1/2 million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is
the Recovery Act. That's right, the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus
bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs
and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the
small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the
Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he
used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more
work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single
teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of
school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid o� after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after 2 years of recession,
the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back
some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly
some are starting to hire again.
But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men
and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next
paycheck will come from, who send out resumes week after week and hear
nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in
2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight.
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's
businesses. [Applause] I agree, absolutely. But Government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We
should start where most new jobs do, in small businesses, companies that
begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream or a worker
decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and
determination, these companies have weathered the recession, and they're
ready to grow. But when you talk to small-business owners in places like
Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you �nd out that even though
banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger
companies. Financing remains di�cult for small-business owners across
the country, even those that are making a pro�t.
So tonight I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street
banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small
businesses the credit they need to stay a�oat. I'm also proposing a new
small business tax credit, one that will go to over 1 million small businesses
who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate
all capital gains taxes on small-business investment and provide a tax
incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new
plants and equipment.
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of
tomorrow. From the �rst railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our
Nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or
China should have the fastest trains or the new factories that manufacture
clean energy products. Tomorrow I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers
will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the
Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will
create jobs and help move our Nation's goods, services, and information.
We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and
give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy e�cient,
which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other
businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to �nally slash the tax
breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks
to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As
the �rst order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I
know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. They need
our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the 7 million jobs that we've
lost over the last 2 years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay
a new foundation for long-term economic growth and �nally address the
problems that America's families have confronted for years.
We can't a�ord another so-called economic expansion like the one from
the last decade, what some call the "lost decade," where jobs grew more
slowly than during any prior expansion, where the income of the average
American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition
reached record highs, where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and
�nancial speculation.
From the day I took o�ce, I've been told that addressing our larger
challenges is too ambitious; such an e�ort would be too contentious. I've
been told that our political system is too gridlocked and that we should just
put things on hold for a while. For those who make these claims, I have one
simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put
its future on hold?
You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the
problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its
economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations are--
they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place.
They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding
their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy
because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the
United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and
contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about
�xing the problems that are hampering our growth.
Now, one place to start is serious �nancial reform. Look, I am not
interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A
strong, healthy �nancial market makes it possible for businesses to access
credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into
investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard
against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire
economy.
We need to make sure consumers and middle class families have the
information they need to make �nancial decisions. We can't allow �nancial
institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that
threaten the whole economy.
Now, the House has already passed �nancial reform with many of these
changes, and the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win
this �ght. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of
real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the
largest investment in basic research funding in history, an investment that
could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer
cells, but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such
innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in
clean energy in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs
nationwide helping to make advanced batteries or in the California
business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.
But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production,
more e�ciency, more incentives. And that means building a new
generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means
making tough decisions about opening new o�shore areas for oil and gas
development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and
clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy
and climate bill with incentives that will �nally make clean energy the
pro�table kind of energy in America. Now, I am grateful to the House for
passing such a bill last year. And this year, I'm eager to help advance the
bipartisan e�ort in the Senate.
I know there have been questions about whether we can a�ord such
changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with
the overwhelming scienti�c evidence on climate change. But here's the
thing: Even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy
e�ciency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future, because
the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that
leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.
Third, we need to export more of our goods, because the more products
we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in
America. So tonight we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the
next 5 years, an increase that will support 2 million jobs in America. To help
meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help
farmers and small businesses increase their exports and reform export
controls consistent with national security.
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If
America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will
lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those bene�ts
also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the
rules. And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that
opens global markets and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia
and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. Now,
this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by
launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here
is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of
funding the status quo, we only invest in reform, reform that raises student
achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns
around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans,
from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best
antipoverty program around is a world-class education. And in this country,
the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on
their potential. When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education
Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 States.
Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good
job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will
revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the
children of so many working families.
To make college more a�ordable, this bill will �nally end the unwarranted
taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take
that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for 4 years of college and
increase Pell grants. And let's tell another 1 million students that when they
graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on
student loans and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years and
forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in
the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose
to go to college. And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get
serious about cutting their own costs, because they too have a
responsibility to help solve this problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle
class. That's why last year, I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force
on middle class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the childcare tax
credit and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every
worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who
start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's
single largest investment, their home. The steps we took last year to shore
up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new
loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we
will step up re�nancing so that homeowners can move into more
a�ordable mortgages.
And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle class families that we still
need health insurance reform. Yes, we do.
Now, let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get
some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly
obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.
[Laughter] I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting
coverage, patients who've been denied coverage, families, even those with
insurance, who are just one illness away from �nancial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying--Democratic administrations, Republican
administrations--we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the
lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every
American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give
small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an
a�ordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every
insurance plan to cover preventive care.
And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who
this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of
childhood obesity and make kids healthier. [Applause] Thank you, honey. She gets embarrassed. [Laughter]
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance
to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for
millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional
Budget O�ce, the independent organization that both parties have cited as
the o�cial scorekeeper for Congress, our approach would bring down the
de�cit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more
skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it
more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying
and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it
for me?"
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm �nished
speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.
Millions will lose it this year. Our de�cit will grow. Premiums will go up.
Patients will be denied the care they need. Small-business owners will
continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these
Americans, and neither should the people in this Chamber.
So as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan
we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health
care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast
improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a
better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the de�cit,
cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance
company abuses, let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I'm eager to see
it.
Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now.
Not when we are so close. Let us �nd a way to come together and �nish the
job for the American people. Let's get it done. Let's get it done.
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our de�cit, it's not enough
to dig us out of a massive �scal hole in which we �nd ourselves. It's a
challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve and one that's
been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of
Government spending by setting the record straight.
At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget
surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took o�ce, we had a 1-year de�cit
of over $1 trillion and projected de�cits of $8 trillion over the next decade.
Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an
expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the e�ects of the
recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in
the door. [Laughter]
Now--[applause]--just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken o�ce in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing
down the de�cit. But we took o�ce amid a crisis. And our e�orts to prevent
a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.
That too is a fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across
the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The
Federal Government should do the same. So tonight I'm proposing speci�c
steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last
year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze Government spending for 3
years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and
Social Security will not be a�ected. But all other discretionary Government
programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget
to invest in what we need and sacri�ce what we don't. And if I have to
enforce this discipline by veto, I will.
We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to
eliminate programs that we can't a�ord and don't work. We've already
identi�ed $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll
extend our middle class tax cuts. But at a time of record de�cits, we will not
continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for
those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't a�ord it.
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the
massive de�cit we had when I took o�ce. More importantly, the cost of
Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's
why I've called for a bipartisan �scal commission, modeled on a proposal by
Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of
those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solve a problem. The
commission will have to provide a speci�c set of solutions by a certain
deadline.
Now, yesterday the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this
commission, so I'll issue an Executive order that will allow us to go forward,
because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of
Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore
the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record
surpluses in the 1990s.
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the
de�cit or freeze Government spending when so many are still hurting. And I
agree, which is why this freeze won't take e�ect until next year, when the
economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. [Laughter] But understand, if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could
damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our
recovery, all of which would have an even worse e�ect on our job growth
and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a di�erent argument, that if we
just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts, including those
for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the
status quo on health care, our de�cits will go away. The problem is, that's
what we did for 8 years. That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what
helped lead to these de�cits. We can't do it again.
Rather than �ght the same tired battles that have dominated Washington
for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people
without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to
the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense--[Laughter]--a novel concept.
Now, to do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a de�cit of
dollars right now. We face a de�cit of trust, deep and corrosive doubts
about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close
that credibility gap, we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania
Avenue to end the outsized in�uence of lobbyists, to do our work openly, to
give our people the Government they deserve.
Now, that's what I came to Washington to do. That's why, for the �rst time
in history, my administration posts on--our White House visitors online.
That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs or seats on
Federal boards and commissions. But we can't stop there. It's time to
require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client,
with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the
contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for Federal o�ce.
With all due deference to separation of powers, last week, the Supreme
Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the �oodgates for
special interests, including foreign corporations, to spend without limit in
our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by
America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They
should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and
Republicans to pass a bill that helps correct some of these problems.
I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform,
Democrats and Republicans--Democrats and Republicans. Look, you've
trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful
change, but restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some
Members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight I'm
calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single web site
before there's a vote so that the American people can see how their money
is being spent.
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform
how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naive. I never thought that the
mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony and--
[Laughter]--some postpartisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply
philosophical di�erences that will always cause us to part ways. These
disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our
national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for
over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day
is election day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is
to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side,
a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every
single bill just because they can. The con�rmation of--I'm speaking to both
parties now--the con�rmation of well-quali�ed public servants shouldn't be
held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators.
Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter
how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's
precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the
American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens,
further distrust in our Government. So no, I will not give up on trying to
change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last
week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But
we still need to govern.
To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in
decades and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills.
And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the
Senate are required to do any business at all in this town--a supermajority--
then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to
everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We
were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the
American people that we can do it together.
This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to
begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I
know you can't wait. [Laughter]
Now, throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than
our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. And
we can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not
interested in relitigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All
of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts
about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our
people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division
and do what it takes to defend our Nation and forge a more hopeful future
for America and for the world.
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took o�ce, we've
renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our Nation. We've made
substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that
threatened to take American lives. We are �lling unacceptable gaps
revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and
swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and
strengthened partnerships from the Paci�c to South Asia to the Arabian
Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of Al Qaida's �ghters and
a�liates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed, far
more than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan
security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011 and our
troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work to
reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans, men and women
alike. We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own
commitments and who will come together tomorrow in London to rea�rm
our common purpose. There will be di�cult days ahead, but I am
absolutely con�dent we will succeed.
As we take the �ght to Al Qaida, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its
people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is
what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of
Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi Government as
they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to
promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is
ending, and all of our troops are coming home.
Tonight all of our men and women in uniform, in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and
around the world, they have to know that we--that they have our respect,
our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources
they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they
come home. That's why we made the largest increase in investments for
veterans in decades last year. That's why we're building a 21st-century VA.
And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national
commitment to support military families.
Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the
greatest danger to the American people, the threat of nuclear weapons. I've
embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a
strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world
without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our
deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the
farthest reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April's
Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in
Washington, DC, behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear
materials around the world in 4 years so that they never fall into the hands
of terrorists.
Now, these diplomatic e�orts have also strengthened our hand in dealing
with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in
pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased
isolation and stronger sanctions, sanctions that are being vigorously
enforced. That's why the international community is more united and the
Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to
ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They too will face
growing consequences. That is a promise.
That's the leadership we are providing: engagement that advances the
common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the
G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim
communities around the world to promote science and education and
innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the �ght against
climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves and
continuing the �ght against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative
that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more e�ectively to
bioterrorism or an infectious disease, a plan that will counter threats at
home and strengthen public health abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our
destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because
it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are
working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild.
That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan,
why we support the human rights of the women marching through the
streets of Iran, why we advocate for the young man denied a job by
corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of
freedom and human dignity--always.
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals.
The same is true at home. We �nd unity in our incredible diversity, drawing
on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: The notion that we're all
created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you
abide by the law, you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our
common values, you should be treated no di�erent than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Division
that is once again prosecuting violations and employment discrimination.
We �nally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate.
This year, I will work with Congress and our military to �nally repeal the law
that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because
of who they are. It's the right thing to do.
We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws so that women
get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should continue the work of
�xing our broken immigration system, to secure our borders and enforce
our laws and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to
our economy and enrich our Nation.
In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America, values that allowed
us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe,
values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their
responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they
lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take
pride in their labor and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican
values or Democratic values that they're living by, business values or labor
values, they're American values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest
institutions--our corporations, our media, and, yes, our Government--still
re�ect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable
men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But
each time a CEO rewards himself for failure or a banker puts the rest of us
at risk for his own sel�sh gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists
game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this
country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates
to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No
wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much
disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change. Change we can believe in, the
slogan went. And right now I know there are many Americans who aren't
sure if they still believe we can change or that I can deliver it.
But remember this: I never suggested that change would be easy or that I
could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy
and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make
big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.
Those of us in public o�ce can respond to this reality by playing it safe and
avoid telling hard truths and pointing �ngers. We can do what's necessary
to keep our poll numbers high and get through the next election, instead of
doing what's best for the next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago or 100
years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason
we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what
was hard, to do what was needed even when success was uncertain, to do
what it took to keep the dream of this Nation alive for their children and
their grandchildren.
Now, our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and
some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they
are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country
have faced this year. And what keeps me going, what keeps me �ghting, is
that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism,
that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American
people, that lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small-business owner who wrote to me of his
company, "None of us," he said, ". . . are willing to consider, even slightly,
that we might fail." It lives on in the woman who said that even though she
and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are
resilient. We are American." It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana
who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of
Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go
someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from
the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!" when another life
was saved.
The spirit that has sustained this Nation for more than two centuries lives
on in you, its people. We have �nished a di�cult year. We have come
through a di�cult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade
stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment to
start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our Union once
more.
Thank you. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:11 p.m. in the House Chamber of the U.S. Capitol. The O�ce of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language transcript of this address.
Barack Obama, Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State
of the Union Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American
Presidency Project https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/287936
The 2010 State of the Union AddressThe 2010 State of the Union Address