Criminal

2

Police Use of Body Cameras

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Police Use of Body Cameras

Abstract

The issue of police responsibility and citizen trust has continued to be at the heart of modern criminal justice since most societies perceived police interactions as obscure, inaccessible, and disproportionately examined. This paper discusses the use of body cameras by police as a reform to enhance transparency, improve accountability, and restore citizens' trust. Recent research indicated that body cameras had the potential to diminish certain complaint-generating behavior, enhance evidentiary examination, enhance substantiation of force claims, and reinforce more legitimate police conduct in instances where the departments had robust activation and oversight regulations. The cameras were also indicated not to be an automatic solution, as indicated in the same literature. The effects of them were based on regular activation, supervisory scrutiny, privacy security, and honest disclosure procedures. This paper posited that body cameras were best utilized in agencies that incorporated them into a larger accountability framework that included mandatory camera activation, reporting of non-use, oversight, privacy protection, and open and transparent communication with the public. The study found that cameras alone were insufficient to restore legitimacy, but cameras paired with well-defined policies and enforceable systems of accountability provided a feasible way to achieve more credible community relations with police.

Introduction

People lost trust in the police force when the communities continued to question whether the police agencies were truthful in their records of misconduct, whether their investigations into use of force were fair, and whether they treated citizens with equal respect. As a counter, body cameras became a conspicuous reform in the sense that they seemed to provide a modern-day account of interactions that had previously been largely reliant on ex-post facto accounts. They based their appeal on the assumption that the process of recording would prevent misbehavior, serve as evidence-keeping, and reassure citizens that the controversial incidents would be more scrutinized. However, according to recent studies, the advantages of body cameras were not contingent on mere possession of the tool, but on the way the agencies managed activation, review, retention, disclosure, and discipline. The United States, Canada, and Australia reported that body cameras were helpful in promoting accountability when they were adopted by departments as components of a more comprehensive policy and oversight framework, but the same research cautioned that their value might be diminished by weak activation policies, privacy breaches, and inadequate review. Enhanced body-worn camera deployment and introducing effective policies on transparency and accountability are some of the measures that will contribute to improving police accountability and bolstering the level of trust among citizens.

Background of the Problem

The issue to which body cameras tried to provide a solution was not limited to the cases of misconduct among the police. It also entailed a wider legitimacy crisis whereby most citizens felt that the police agencies dictated the story of disputed encounters and that the internal investigations rarely yielded results that the citizens placed their faith in. Without independent evidence, the system of complaints was often reduced to a contest of credibility between the officers and the civilians. Such a design rendered it challenging for communities to think that misconduct findings were founded on a neutral review as opposed to institutional self-protection. To demonstrate the importance of this evidentiary problem, Ferrazares (2024) found that the use of body cameras in Chicago resulted in a 29% decrease in use-of-force complaints and a 34% decrease in police officers reporting having struck civilians. Guler et al. (2025) focused on the same issue in an investigative manner. They discovered that body camera footage greatly contributed to the chances that use-of-force claims would be proved in New York City. These researchers proposed the central point as not only the presence of misconduct, but also the permanent vulnerability of the systems that did not succeed in proving what had occurred.

Another related issue was the lack of equal credibility of complainants in the communities. In cases where the review systems relied heavily on officer reports and limited third-party evidence, the complainants in communities with a traditionally poor relationship with the police rarely believed the system would treat them equally. That issue was important since accountability is not solely related to the way that agencies examine evidence within. It is also concerning whether people in society think that their grievances can be addressed in earnest. Guler et al. (2025) were particularly critical of this topic since their results implied that footage may enhance substantiation of minority complainants who otherwise may experience evidentiary disadvantages. The use of body cameras resolved a portion of the legitimacy issue by altering the evidence in complaint investigations. This was an important role, especially in jurisdictions where the citizens felt offended by the impression that officers' testimony usually had an upper hand on those of the civilians, no matter the facts.

The other aspect of the issue was the societal definition of daily police interactions. Trust was not determined by the citizens based on infrequent extreme events. They also constructed them by making regular stops, during public order engagements, and in investigative interactions where police officers described themselves favorably or unfavorably, demeaned or overconfident, and seemed receptive or unreachable to scrutiny. Davies (2023) discovered that the New South Wales assessment associated body cameras with hopefulness regarding the increased transparency, accountability, and better community relations with the police. The fact that the finding was significant was because the cameras had symbolic significance in addition to practical use. The use of cameras in one of the departments indicated that police actions were to be considered. But the same discovery had its danger. If departments boasted about transparency but regularly refused to turn on the cameras or hid footage without a reasonable explanation, it might disappoint public expectations, and their mistrust might increase. Police legitimacy, as an issue, therefore, was a matter of evidence and perception. The communities were interested not only in finding out that misconduct could be demonstrated, but also in the departments' interest in the scrutiny.

The literature also noted that failures in accountability were mostly procedural, not just technical. Cameras could be bought in a department and still not result in transparency because officers had wide discretion in turning them on, supervisors might only occasionally review footage, or because the violation of noncompliance is less severe. Katz and Huff (2023) described activation as the Achilles heel of body camera programs, as differences in activation undermine the idea of complete documentation. They used data from 146,601 incidents in Phoenix to discover that officers' behavior in using assigned cameras was influenced by individual, situational, organizational, and neighborhood factors. Simultaneously, increased policy restrictions exerted a strong influence on the decisions to be activated. This indicated that the challenge of reform was not merely to increase recording technology. It was to create a system of governance that would transform the recording into reliable evidence, and the failure to record would be a matter of responsibility itself.

The current analysis did not consider body cameras as a limited equipment issue but as a governmental issue. The question at the heart of it all was whether the agencies were ready to translate the recordings into the rules of fairness, access to evidence, and accountability. When such a conversion occurred, the cameras could be used to bridge the gap between police power and democratic control. When it failed, the cameras would end up being another reform pledge that brought publicity but not change to the institutions.

Body Cameras and Police Accountability

Body cameras were important to accountability since they transformed the evidentiary circumstances in which police actions may be judged. Asymmetry had been the key issue in most of the contentious situations. Reporting and record keeping by the officers and civilians were often without any independent evidence of what transpired. Having a body camera did not stop disputes, but minimized the amount of time that the review relied on the official discourse. The Civilian Complaint Review Board, from August 2019 to December 2022, determined that body camera footage had a substantial effect in substantiating use-of-force claims, with greater effect in instances involving racial minority complainants. This observation implied that the cameras increased the volume of evidence available and improved the fairness of the investigative results in areas where it was proving difficult.

This better substantiation was significant as most of the accountability discussions were on whether cameras decreased complaints without much attention on what transpired after a complaint was processed through the review system. Reduction in complaints may be positive as it may indicate improved conduct, it may also be the consequence of reduced reporting, or alternatively, a shifting willingness of society to file. The substantiation results addressed another, no less significant issue: could the oversight bodies reach supported conclusions in cases of allegations? Guler et al. (2025) proposed that cameras enhanced the adjudicative component of accountability rather than simply increasing the number of outward complaints, as this demonstrated that such footage increased the probability of substantiated findings. That evidentiary impact contributed to explaining that cameras were still useful in the agencies where the number of complaints was not the only indicator of the situation.

There was also the issue of accountability, where cameras changed conduct before the misconduct occurred. Ferrazares (2024) discovered that the implementation of body cameras in Chicago was linked to a reduction in the number of use-of-force complaints and reports of striking civilians by the officers. These shifts implied that the likelihood of later capturing and reviewing behavior affected behavior at the time of the encounter, rather than only after. The same study did not show any increment in the number of officer injuries and attacks on officers by civilians, which diluted the argument that greater monitoring must have posed a threat to police. Ferrazares (2024) also reported a reduction in drug-related arrests following the adoption of the cameras, which casts doubt over the changes in proactive enforcement. Nevertheless, the main accountability message was kept strong. The availability of evidence that could be reviewed minimized certain behaviors that led to complaints and concerns about excessive force.

Cameras have added to accountability and the severity of outcomes, and recent research has also examined the role of cameras in addressing ordinary complaints. Kim (2025) surveyed 593 police agencies in the United States and discovered that body cameras decreased the count of police involved homicides in states that had strict activation policies, as well as in those regions where high rates of police involved homicides existed. The research also estimated that there was no significant trade-off in the total rates of arrest and crime. This was important since those against the idea of implementing cameras had previously pointed to the fact that the cameras can also influence petty discipline issues, but not serious acts of police brutality. Kim's (2025) findings, instead, indicated that body cameras may be important in the most severe type of force, when departments formulated regulations that limited discretion and required dependable activation.

The value of cameras in terms of accountability, however, relied on the institution's willingness to use the evidence they produced. Even a camera could record inappropriate behavior and still not affect the results when the supervisors did not pay attention to the camera shots, when investigators had no access, or when disciplinary systems were not strong enough. In this case, the policy of activation came into force. Katz and Huff (2023) demonstrated that the issue with the agencies was that they could not presume universal documentation merely because they were given cameras. If activation differed across contexts and officers, then the lack of footage itself would be an issue of accountability. A department dedicated to transparency, in turn, had to have active activation policies, on-the-fly written explanations of nonactivation, and systems of review, which viewed unaccountable recording failures as possible policy breaches. The technology would replicate the same discretionary obscurity that reformers had worked so hard to lessen without those safeguards. Body cameras enhanced accountability by making encounters more reviewable, prospectively modifying behavior, and allowing agencies to establish robust activation rules based on them. They did not replace investigative integrity or disciplinary will but made the conditions under which they operated materially better. In that regard, the best argument in support of body cameras was not that they produced an unbiased account of the truth. It was they who decreased the space within which unconducted might stay unseen, denied, or feebly probed.

Body Cameras, Public Trust, and Police Legitimacy

The aspect of public faith in policing was not just about whether the departments finally penalized the wrongdoing. It was also an evaluation by citizens of whether police were fair, open, and respectful in their daily interactions with citizens. That is why body cameras also affected legitimacy in both symbolic and practical ways. In a figurative way, they conveyed that the activities by the police could be seen and scrutinized. In a practical sense, they developed documentation that may prove or disprove official narrations. The article by Davies (2023) found that both the police and the public in New South Wales had high levels of optimism about body cameras as a means of transparency, accountability, and improved relationships between police and the community. This finding was significant as the legitimacy is relational. When there is an impression that state power may be monitored, challenged, and remedied, trust is built.

The legitimacy value of cameras also hinged on the ability of cameras to narrow the difference between the institutional claims and the community experience. A police department may identify as being open, but the community decides to judge that statement based on the outcomes of the confrontations. When there were recordings, which were stored and examined in a manner that was credible, citizens had a greater reason to perceive police authority as being restricted by rules. If footage was available only after a delay or in a selective manner, the same technology could create even more suspicion, since expectations were high and the departments were unable to meet them. That is why body cameras were rather contradictory. When managed correctly, they can enhance legitimacy, but when used purely symbolically, they may only cause disappointment among the masses.

Meanwhile, the literature demonstrated that cameras alone could not provide legitimacy through their existence. The institutions were not trusted by the citizens since the equipment had already been acquired. They placed trust in institutions when the technology was employed in a predictable manner, released responsibly, and in conjunction with just treatment. The credibility of a body camera, therefore, relied on how people perceived that the recordings were not biased but general. Katz and Huff's (2023) assertion that the activation was not uniform across factors indicated that the political promise of body cameras might be diluted by the lack of uniformity. In societies where the word went round again and again that cameras existed, but that later they were told that important interactions had not been filmed, the erased footage might be the sign of further obfuscation instead of correction. Trust, therefore, demanded a robust policy for activating, recording failures, and providing plausible justifications in situations of unrecorded footage.

People also placed their trust in cameras, which enhanced the impartiality of scrutiny for communities that had harbored mistrust of police accountability. Guler et al. (2025) observed that body camera video footage enhanced substantiation of force claims, and the racial minority victims showed a stronger effect. This conclusion did not demonstrate that cameras eradicated racial inequity, but it indicated that cameras had the potential to decrease certain evidentiary obstacles in cases that involved groups historically claiming they had been treated unequally. Similarly, Kim (2025) established that the positive influence on the severe outcomes was observed to be concentrated in the situation with higher forces, which implies that the cameras were particularly useful in the scenario where the legitimacy issue had been most intensive. What was significant about these studies was that reforms that are not able to provide a boost to the citizen trust often tend to do so only in marginal cases and leave the historically encumbered communities unsatisfied. When cameras enhanced the review in the very situation where confidence in police accountability was lowest, they were most likely to play a role in establishing legitimacy.

Trust had a communicative aspect as well. An experience captured on tape put pressure on departments to justify what happened, how the incident would be discussed, and whether the officer acted in line with policy. The logic underlying the six focal studies in this paper is oriented toward the significance of credible disclosure, although they focused more on activation and investigation than on release rules. One of the departments could not argue that they were transparent and managed footage in a rather secretive or inconsistent way. In case cameras amplified substantiation, diminished certain bad behavior, and decreased serious effects under strict regulations, then such advantages must be conveyed in open processes comprehensible by the populace. Trust did not have a direct mechanical output for recording. It was an aesthetic judgment on whether a recording had been incorporated into good institutional practice.

The Importance of Clear Policy

The most common finding across the current studies was that the success or failure of body cameras was policy-driven. It might be possible to use cameras in one department and end up with a low yield of accountability in case the rules used there were ambiguous, arbitrary, or loosely applied. Katz and Huff (2023) directly demonstrated this fact by demonstrating that the effect of policy constraints on activation was strong. Their work showed that the use of body cameras depended on the situation and the traits of the officers, and no department could rely on recording at the time when it was most needed. When confronting serious and controversial encounters, a higher likelihood of them going half undocumented may threaten the validity of the whole program. An explicit policy, then, needed to start with mandatory activation rules for stops, searches, arrests, pursuits, uses of force, and any other high-stakes encounters, as well as immediate recording of delayed activation or deactivation.

A strong activation policy was practical in that it brought predictability to officers, investigators, and the public. Officers were informed about when the recording was required, the supervisors were informed about the appearance of the compliance, and the citizens could reasonably assume that some types of contacts would be recorded. Predictability was important, as accountability systems lose credibility when major procedural expectations are unclear or applied disproportionately. The policy of a camera that is hard to comprehend, is able to evade, or is not enforced frequently, does little to calm the population. In comparison, a policy where known encounters are expected, where reasons are required to be given when deviations occur, and where unjustified nonactivation is punishable will aid in transforming technology into trustworthy governance.

Policy also needed to know whether footage would undergo significant review or remain in digital storage. A body camera agency is more likely to overlook a core responsibility of criminal prosecution, which is gathering evidence. Guler et al. (2025) demonstrated that video recordings enhanced the substantiation of force claims, which meant that the review authorities had to be provided with video recordings in a timely manner. Ferrazares (2024) discovered that the use of cameras was correlated with reduced measures related to complaints, which suggests that departments should not require a scandal before looking into the trends in documented encounters. Agencies required supervisory auditing, articulate retention policies, and documentation that connected footage to reviewing complaints, disciplinary inquiry, and evaluating adherence to policies. Powerful policy turned recording on film into actionable responsibility documentation.

Another factor that influenced the extension of the benefits of cameras to extreme results was the quality of the policy. According to Kim (2025), police involvement in homicide cases was focused in the police agencies with more stringent activation conditions. The implication of that discovery was significant as it indicated that camera programs generated their highest value to the population when the departments decreased the discretion of the officers on whether or not to record. That is, it was not just a question of the presence of cameras in an agency. Of more significance was whether the agency was precise enough in its control of the use of cameras to the extent that accountability is predictable. It could not have been anticipated that a body camera policy that permitted intermittent activation or lax oversight would yield the same public safety and legitimacy benefits as a policy that required compliance and audit.

The policy could not be limited to activation and investigation. It also needed to establish who was to access footage, the duration of storage, how noncompliance would be penalized, and in what circumstances footage would be released. A department that argued that it was open but could not explain how releases were done was a cause of suspicion. A department that punished delinquent officers and still tolerated nonactivation had an opposite message. Similarly, a department that had held sensitive footage indefinitely and without an obvious purpose of doing so risked turning an accountability mechanism into an unspecialized surveillance warehouse. Good policy thus demanded consistency. Every aspect of the program needed to convey the same message: body cameras were available to make the police more accountable, not to establish selective disclosure and uncontrolled data gathering. This difference was essential, since many reform discussions paid excessive attention to the number of acquisitions and too little to the program's design. A department might declare a mass deployment and fail to generate credible accountability if recording practices were inconsistent or review practices were opaque. The literature indicates that legitimacy was a matter of implementation rather than symbolism.

Privacy, Ethics, and Program Limits

Body cameras became a very important issue of privacy and ethics that any level-headed analysis must give serious consideration. The victim in crisis, children, bystanders, individual homes, and intimate discussions would be recorded by an officer who was wearing a recording device. A reform that aimed at accountability and not protecting dignity may thus form another source of mistrust. Poirier et al. (2024) have made a valuable amendment by focusing solely on glorifying stories, demonstrating that officers and citizens in Quebec were concerned about privacy, sensitive circumstances, and the consequences of being filmed. The citizens were concerned about shootings in sensitive areas and whether the officers notified an individual that they were starting to capture footage. Officers were worried about the privacy of the people as well as the consistent monitoring by the supervisors. These results indicated that the issue of privacy was not a small issue in the implementation. It belonged to the legitimacy issue itself.

The ethical issue was to maintain the evidentiary worth of cameras and to avert the growth of cameras to non-selective surveillance. The departments thus required a set of rules on notification, redaction, controlled access, and varying retention times of routine and evidentiary footage. The issue of privacy-based governing was of interest to civilians, as well as to the officers. As Poirier et al. (2024) observed, body cameras may increase stress and develop a fear of disciplinary measures by bosses. These internal issues did not warrant poor monitoring; rather, they underscored the importance of restrained, explicitly stated review practices. A tool of accountability seen as arbitrary by the officers may spark resistance, and one seen as encroaching by the citizens may undermine the public backing. Both risks were to be addressed by ethical governance.

The literature also found that body cameras had significant drawbacks. They have failed to capture all the pertinent angles, all the preceding actions, and all the perceptions that define an encounter. They were reliant on activation. They may have either positive, mixed, or context-related effects on behavior. Ferrazares (2024) found slight evidence of reduced drug-related arrests after adoption, whereas Kim (2025) found that the greatest benefits were only found in specific agencies and settings. This finding implied that the cameras are not to be sold as the ultimate solution to police mistrust. They can be more accurately described as what enhanced accountability when properly conditioned, while still demanding further change in the direction of supervision, discipline, training, and community involvement.

Counterarguments and Remaining Challenges

Multiple counterarguments had to be faced with a careful defense of body cameras. One of the criticisms was that cameras were more symbolic and did not go further into the deep police culture. Heterogeneous improvements were reported by Kim (2025), but Katz and Huff (2023) found that activation was not homogeneous unless the policy limited officer discretion, and Poirier et al. (2024) found that privacy and surveillance issues were negative aspects of the implementation. The implication of these findings was that cameras do not revolutionize policing. The departments might have advanced equipment, but with poor discipline, restrictive supervision, or defensive disclosure. This critique was critical since it helped to avert the argument from reducing to technological optimism. Institutional integrity did not have a substitute for cameras. They were instrumental in whose value to the populace would be determined by the extent to which departments had embraced reform other than procurement.

Secondly, the criticism was that body cameras would increase surveillance beyond what they could do to enhance accountability. This was an issue that was also worth considering. The already overpoliced communities could be concerned that cameras would record large numbers of civilians, and that the departments would retain the ability to access the footage. Poirier et al. (2024) demonstrated the reason why this issue could not be considered abstract. Citizens were concerned about recording in personal or delicate situations, and police were also aware that cameras have the potential to capture very intimate situations. Provided a department was recording footage with the help of cameras with no obvious discharge provisions, viewer restrictions, or storage protections, then the technology would seem less like a measure of transparency and more like an additional form of state monitoring. The solution to this criticism lay not in rejecting cameras, but in adopting a rule that made accountability the system's primary goal.

The third criticism was that body cameras would alter police conduct in a manner that was not equally beneficial. Ferrazares (2024) found evidence of a reduction in the number of drug-related arrests after adoption, whereas Kim (2025) revealed that positive effects were more evident in agencies that had more restrictive rules and more force in the baseline. These results showed that cameras had the potential to redefine the discretion of officers and patterns of enforcement in a manner that needed to be tracked. But they never prevailed against the case of deployment. Instead, they supported the broader point of the literature: departments should constantly review camera programs, quantify unintended outcomes, and reformulate policy based on evidence rather than believing that technology would do the work of reform on its own.

Policy Recommendations

It was all evidence that there existed a policy model in which body cameras were a component of a broader accountability system. First, all such designated enforcement and investigative encounters should have explicit, mandatory activation rules that the agencies must adopt and enforce in every instance of failure to do so. This suggestion was based on the findings of Katz and Huff (2023), who demonstrated that activation variability endangered the integrity of camera programs, and Kim (2025), whose results indicated that the higher the activation requirements, the greater the success in severe force situations.

Second, the departments must make sure that there is footage that can be actively reviewed by supervisors and civilians. The use of cameras proved to be most beneficial in situations where the investigations of complaints were enhanced, the validity of the results was advanced, and the reliance on conflicting accounts was minimized. Guler et al. (2025) established that footage enhanced substantiation of force claims, whereas Ferrazares (2024) established that cameras were linked with declines in indicators of complaints. These results advocated routine auditing, on-time access by overseers, and articulated sanctions for unwarranted non-compliance.

Third, accountability should be accompanied by privacy-oriented governance within the agencies. The use of categories of footage that are protected and restricted access to sensitive recordings, redaction where necessary, and retention schedules that are reflective of the legal and ethical significance of various encounters should be adopted by the departments. Poirier et al. (2024) demonstrated that privacy concerns were perceived as both real and consequential by officers and citizens. A body camera program that disregarded those issues would not be able to maintain legitimacy, even when making documentation better.

These were the recommendations that were most convincing when applied in combination as opposed to alone. Forced activation with no substantive review might be a big waste of film since it does not add value in terms of accountability. Unprivatized reviewing may lead to resentment and mistrust. Rules of disclosure without preservation may result in confusion or selective disclosure. According to the literature, it was repeatedly implied that the body camera policy was most effective in the form of a coherent system where activation, oversight, privacy, and communication supported each other. That systematic thinking was important since it is patterns rather than individual clauses of policies that define the trust of the population. It is through observing consistency across time, incidents, and the community that citizens determine whether there is real reform.

Lastly, the body camera policy ought to be aligned with transparent public communication in the departments. Davies (2023) demonstrated that the optimism of the population regarding the cameras was associated with the anticipation of better transparency and better relations between the police and the community. That anticipation could only be maintained on the condition that agencies are communicative about the post-critical incident, elaborate on review procedures, and resort to tapes to show that officers were held to standards comprehensible to the community. The most effective policy option was, therefore, one that did not view cameras as a PR tool but as a practice of regulated responsibility.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the legitimacy of the police was undermined when the communities felt that police interactions were hard to check, misconduct probes were ineffective, and daily interactions were not subject to serious questioning. In this paper, the discussion focused on body cameras as a solution to that issue and found that the most recent evidence showed conditional yet significant support. By diminishing certain conduct that produces complaints, enhancing evidentiary scrutiny, augmenting the substantiation of force allegations, and, in certain contexts, being linked to lower levels of extreme violence, body cameras enhance accountability. They also enhanced people's confidence by serving as an indicator of policing that can be reviewed and put under clear rules. Meanwhile, the literature indicated that cameras did not necessarily produce such results. The reform may be sabotaged by activation gaps, lax oversight, privacy lapses, and the lack of clarity in disclosure processes. The most justifiable conclusion, however, was that body cameras must be extended, with a rigorous activation policy, a clear policy of accountability, and significant review, in addition to privacy protection. In that case, body cameras provided a plausible way to improve police accountability and build citizens' trust.

References

Davies, A. (2023). Through an Australian lens: exploring the impact of body-worn cameras on police–community relations.  Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice,  17, paac065. https://doi.org/10.1093/police/paac065

Ferrazares, T. (2024). Monitoring police with body-worn cameras: Evidence from Chicago.  Journal of Urban Economics,  141, 103539. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jue.2023.103539

Guler, A., Boke, K., & VanDorick, D. (2025). The Influence of Body-Worn Camera Footage on Use-of-Force Investigations Within the New York City Police Department.  Crime & Delinquency, 00111287251391200. https://doi.org/10.1177/00111287251391200

Katz, C. M., & Huff, J. (2023). The Achilles heel of police body-worn cameras: Understanding the factors that influence variation in body-worn camera activation.  Justice Quarterly,  40(3), 315-336. https://doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2022.2071325

Kim, T. (2025). Facilitating police reform: Body cameras, police-involved homicides, and law enforcement outcomes.  Journal of Public Economics,  248, 105424. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2025.105424

Poirier, B., Charbonneau, É., & Boivin, R. (2024). Police body-worn cameras and privacy: Views and concerns of officers and citizens.  International journal of police science & management,  26(2), 170-181. https://doi.org/10.1177/14613557231214383