Assignment!!
A Blood Reserve
Sourcebook
Drawn from Settler
Records
Curated by Chris
Willmore
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Table of Contents
Fifteen years (1913 – 1928) ............................................................................................................4 The death of Crop Eared Wolf (April, 1913) ......................................................................................................... 4 “There would still be plenty of room” (May, 1913) ............................................................................................. 6 “Applications for more than 150,000 acres” (June, 1913) ................................................................................... 6 “Where the most people would be benefitted” (September, 1913) ................................................................... 7 “30,000 head of stock are ready” (October, 1913) .............................................................................................. 8 “Vexed with the board of trade” (October, 1913) ............................................................................................... 8 “My plans for the future farming on the Blood Reserve” (August, 1914) ........................................................... 8 A report on the Blood Reserve in 1914 (March, 1914) ...................................................................................... 10 “These Indians could well spare that portion” (November, 1914) .................................................................... 12 “Growers of grain and raisers of cattle” (January, 1915) ................................................................................... 13 A report on the Blood Reserve in 1915 (March, 1915) ...................................................................................... 14 “Robbing the Wards of the People” (April, 1915) .............................................................................................. 16 “Personally interested in a grazing lease” (April, 1915) ..................................................................................... 17 “The Indians got what was coming to them” (April, 1915) ................................................................................ 18 “If ever these Indians decided to surrender any land” (June, 1915) ................................................................. 19 A report on the Blood Reserve in 1916 (March, 1916) ...................................................................................... 19 “When that time arrives” (February, 1917) ....................................................................................................... 21 “It isn’t every day” (August, 1917) ..................................................................................................................... 21 “Would throw open to settlers a fine tract” (February, 1918) .......................................................................... 22 “Understood to have voted” (March, 1918) ...................................................................................................... 22 Sheep on the Blood Reserve (April, 1918).......................................................................................................... 22 “The Indians themselves are contributing” (May, 1918) ................................................................................... 23 “A new departure” (June, 1918)......................................................................................................................... 23 “Every inch of the Blood Indian reservation” (July, 1918) ................................................................................. 24 “A remarkable success” (November, 1918) ....................................................................................................... 25 “A scorching attack” (February, 1919) ............................................................................................................... 26 “Over 300 head of horses have died” (April, 1920) ........................................................................................... 26 “Without asking the Indians” (April, 1921) ........................................................................................................ 27 “Persecution, bad faith and chicanery” (May, 1921) ......................................................................................... 27 “Be wise and persevere” (August, 1921) ............................................................................................................ 35 Moving the Blood Agency (May, 1923) .............................................................................................................. 44 “The new Anglican boarding school” (August, 1924) ......................................................................................... 44 “The best satisfied and most prosperous citizens” (January, 1925) .................................................................. 45 “Excellent work is being done” (June, 1925) ...................................................................................................... 45 “They are becoming real citizens” (July, 1925) .................................................................................................. 46 “Infamous legislation” (June, 1920) ................................................................................................................... 46 “In the face about three times” (April, 1928)..................................................................................................... 49 “Metamorphosis” (December, 1927) ................................................................................................................. 51
Government reaction to conventions at Macleod (1924 – 1925) .................................................... 57 “A conclave of sober-minded men and women” (November 13, 1924) ............................................................ 57 “Our land should not be leased” (November 13, 1924) ..................................................................................... 57 Sgt. J. A. Webb to C. Junget (November 14, 1924)............................................................................................. 58 C. Junget to R.C.M.P. Commissioner (November 17, 1924) ............................................................................... 60 A. F. Grady to Charles Stewart (November 18, 1924) ........................................................................................ 60 Mike Mountain Horse to J.T. Faunt (November 22, 1924) ................................................................................ 61 C. Stewart to A. F. Grady (November 24, 1924) ................................................................................................. 62 W. M. Graham to D. C. Scott (November 28, 1924) ........................................................................................... 63 J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham (November 30, 1924) ........................................................................................... 63 A. F. Grady to C. Stewart (January 6, 1925) ........................................................................................................ 64
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Mike Mountain Horse to D. C. Scott (January 9, 1925) ...................................................................................... 64 Mike Mountain Horse to C. Stewart (January 24, 1925) .................................................................................... 65 D. C. Scott to Colonel C. Starnes (January 31, 1925) .......................................................................................... 66 D. C. Scott to Mike Mountain Horse (February 2, 1925) .................................................................................... 66 D. C. Scott to J. Byng (February 3, 1925) ............................................................................................................ 67 J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott (February 15, 1925) ..................................................................................................... 67 A. F. Grady to C. Stewart (March 7, 1925) .......................................................................................................... 69 C. A. Arthur to D. C. Scott (March 9, 1925) ........................................................................................................ 70 D. C. Scott to A. F. Grady (March 25, 1925) ........................................................................................................ 70 J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott (March 25, 1925) ......................................................................................................... 71 J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham (April 7, 1925) ....................................................................................................... 71 C. Stewart to W. M. Graham (May 18, 1925) ..................................................................................................... 72 C. Stewart to Mike Mountain Horse (May 18, 1925) ......................................................................................... 72 “Fast passing in Canadian history” (July 2, 1925) ............................................................................................... 73
Rations and Cattle Killing (1888 – 1895) ........................................................................................ 74 “We killed our cattle from hunger” (March 19, 1888) ....................................................................................... 74 “They immediately say it is the Indians” (January 17, 1890) ............................................................................. 77 “A question of rations and money” (January 22, 1890) ..................................................................................... 77 H. Reed to T. M. Daly (January 6, 1893) ............................................................................................................. 78 Memorandum by H. Reed (February 22, 1893) ................................................................................................. 80 “Self Supporting Indians” (February 22, 1893)................................................................................................... 80 H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 11, 1893) ............................................................................................................. 82 J. Wilson to H. Reed (March 16, 1893) ............................................................................................................... 83 H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 25, 1893) ............................................................................................................. 83 “He can snap his fingers at the police” (March 29, 1893) .................................................................................. 84 “An agreement for mutual protection” (June 28, 1893) .................................................................................... 84 W. F. Cochrane to L. Vankoughnet (September 6, 1893) ................................................................................... 85 S. B. Steele to H. Reed (June 9, 1894)................................................................................................................. 87 A. E. Forget to H. Reed (June 16, 1894) .............................................................................................................. 88 H. Reed to F. White (June 28, 1894) ................................................................................................................... 89 H. Reed to J. Wilson (August 2, 1894) ................................................................................................................ 89 H. Reed to A. E. Forget (July 4, 1894) ................................................................................................................. 89 S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (July 17, 1894) ..................................................................................... 90 T.P. Wadsworth to A. E. Forget (July 28, 1894) .................................................................................................. 90 J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 4, 1894) ................................................................................................................ 90 A. E. Forget to H. Reed (August 8, 1894) ............................................................................................................ 92 H. Reed to A. E. Forget (August 14, 1894) .......................................................................................................... 92 “Kill cattle to keep from starving” (August 15, 1894) ........................................................................................ 93 S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (August 18, 1894) ................................................................................ 93 J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 20, 1894) .............................................................................................................. 93 C. C. McCaul to A. E. Forget (August 21, 1894) .................................................................................................. 95 A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (August 27, 1894) ..................................................................... 95 J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 28, 1894) .............................................................................................................. 96 A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (December 16, 1894) ................................................................ 97 J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 25, 1895) ............................................................................................................. 97 J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 17, 1895) ............................................................................................................. 98 J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 11, 1896) ........................................................................................................... 101 “The business is constantly increasing” (December 20, 1901) ........................................................................ 101 “Sold in small holdings to settlers” (July 10, 1912) .......................................................................................... 102
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4
Fifteen years (1913 – 1928)
The death of Crop Eared Wolf1 (April, 1913)
With the passing of Crop Eared Wolf one of the last of the last of the old time
Indians is gone. The deceased Indian was chief of the Blood band whose reserve is
one of the largest in Canada. Wolf was the head of some 1,200 Indians and nothing
of importance was done without his advice and sanction. He was stern with his
people, but kind with the white man so long as nothing was said or done to interfere
with the Indian or his rights. He was a most careful guardian of Indian rights. Some
six years ago an agitation was raised among the Indians to sell the portion of their
reserve lying south in the vicinity of Cardston in southern Alberta2.
A price was offered that would have made every Indian on the reserve an
independent citizen, built them comfortable homes and given them a better status
with the white man3. This the old chief resolutely refused4 to agree to. He would have
nothing to do with the sale of Indian lands to the white man. He insisted that the
treaty gave the land to the Indians as long as water ran and grass grew, and from
this position he could not be moved.
It is said that one of the last things Crop Eared Wolf did before his death was
to call his minor chiefs and people together and make them promise that they would
never sell their land to the white man. Their tract is one of the most fertile in the
whole province of Alberta and would be valuable as a tract for colonization purposes.
Crop Eared Wolf was the proud possessor of one of the medals given to the
chiefs at the time of the visit of the governor general of Canada some few years ago.
He always wore the uniform of a chief which in modern times is blue serge with brass
buttons, and is supplied by the Indian department. He was an ardent advocate of
peace. Many a tempestuous time on the reserve was brought to a happy issue by his
intervention. At the time Charcoal was at large, Crop Eared wolf was one of the party
constantly on the watch for his capture. It was through his help that Jas. Wilson, now
registrar of the brands at Medicine Hat, then Indian agent at Macleod, was able to
finally make the capture that brought the murderer to the gallows.
1 From CROP EARED WOLF, OLD BLOOD CHIEF CALLED BY DEATH. (1913, April 22). The Calgary Herald, p. 8. 2 “The government […] has made two propositions to the Indians. One is to purchase a small strip on
the south end between the St. Mary’s River and the railway line comprising about 3,200 acres, and the
other to purchase a larger strip, four by sixteen miles. This last strip begins at Cardston and skirts
along the St. Mary’s River to near Caldwell.” INDIANS SELLING PART OF THE BLOOD RESERVE.
(1907, June 11). The Edmonton Journal, p. 12. 3 “The government proposes to give the Indians $12,000 for the small strip. This they propose to divide
among the Indians in cash which would give to every man, woman and child the sum of $10.00 per
head. The sum of $800,000.00 is offered for the larger strip which is to be given to the Indians as
follows: 300 houses at $500 per house, and the amount of barns, stables, etc., and the balance to be
placed to the credit of the Indians.” Ibid. 4 “Crop Ear Wolf, the main chief of the tribe has been to Macleod and sent a letter to the Indian
Department at Ottawa setting forth the objection of the Indians to the proposed sale.” Ibid.
5
The old chief was, of course, a brave man. On more than one occasion he has
shown the writer the scars of many a severe test. His breast is covered from the
armpits to his very throat with thong marks but never in one of the ordeals did he
flinch or show anything but the bravery that would one day elect him chief of his
Indian band.
Crop Eared Wolf had rather a greater sense of the fitness of things than is
usually found in an Indian. It is said that on one occasion a missionary from one of
the stations near the reserve took an interpreter with him and called on the old chief
for the purpose of taking his picture. Wolf was very indignant. He explained through
the interpreter that it would have been all right if he had asked the camera man to
visit him for the purpose set forth, but it was a violation of good taste for him to come
unsolicited. Crop had an aversion to having his face snapped and the photographer
had to go home without gaining the end he came for.
It might surprise most people to know that Crop Eared Wolf had a house as
well furnished as the average home in most towns or cities. Carpets covered the floors.
The wigwam with its open fire was replaced with the kitchen with its modern range.
Instead of sleeping on a blanket on the ground, this Indian and his squaw had their
comfortable mattress and iron bedstead. Lamps lit the house, blinds covered the
exterior from becoming weather-beaten, cooking utensils hung up int heir proper
places and a table was set to which the Indian agent, farm instructor or any one else
might sit up.
While Crop Eared Wolf was averse to selling any part of the Indian lands, he
was not in favor of allowing the whole to lie idle. When the Indian department, under
R. N. Wilson, inaugurated a plan by which the Indians would work a portion of the
land the old chief was one of the first to fall heartily in line and work for the
accomplishment of the purpose. As a result of his efforts large tracts were broken in
different localities on the reserve and Indians are working it for the production of
crops. In later years he has worked with the agent, Mr. Hyde, in preventing the old
sun-dance, a pagan festival in which the Bloods would be sporting themselves now if
permission were granted.
Crop Eared Wolf became an adherent of the Roman Catholic faith and in his
latter days was ministered to by Father Bauax, of the Stand Off mission. At his
funeral a band of Indian boys consisting of 15 instruments, played “Nearer My God
To Thee.” The direct cause of death was cancer. It is rather amusing that the Indians
should call it lump jaw, for the reason that it was on the jaw about the place a cow
throws out a lump when infected with lump jaw. Crop Eared Wolf was a patient
sufferer, wand while he suffered much pain during the last several months, his end
was peaceful, and unlike so many of his predecessors in the chief office of the Indian
band, he has not gone to the happy hunting ground, but to the abode of his Father in
Heaven.
The funeral was attended by all the Indian department staff on the reserve as
well as by many friends of the old chief from Macleod and other places. His burial
was at Stand Off in the cemetery of the Roman Catholic church there.
6
“There would still be plenty of room”5 (May, 1913)
For a long time there has been a movement on foot to have the 350,000 acres
of the most fertile land of Southern Alberta, known as the Blood Reserve, thrown
open to the farmers of the south. The answer has always been that this could not be
without the unanimous consent of the Indians. But heretofore the government has
always leased a large portion of the reserve to ranchers, receiving therefor about one
cent per annum per acre. At present, McKeown & Co. hold the lease and have sub-let
it to Gordon, Ironside and Fares, the Winnipeg cattle dealers. It was on this tract of
land that the Winnipeg firm ran a herd of several thousand head of Mexican steers a
couple of years ago.
The lease expires in July next. The farmers in the vicinity of the reserve border
desire that the lease not be renewed on expiry. They wish to have the privilege of
leasing small tracts for farming and ranching purposes, and would be willing to pay
from five to eight cents per acre per annum. About 300,000 acres of the land are
available for this purpose. There are few Indians now on the reserve, and even though
some thousands of acres were leased, there would still be plenty of room. Memorials
are being prepared by the farmers of the district in the vicinity of the reserve which
will be forwarded to the department of Indian affairs, setting forth the above facts.
Hon. Duncan Marshall will also be memorialized, the farmers seeking his aid in the
movement. The Indians are said to have held meetings when the disadvantages of
the big leases were explained to them, and have declared in favor of the small leases.
“Applications for more than 150,000 acres”6 (June, 1913)
Farmers throughout Southern Alberta have awakened to the possibility of the
opening up of the Blood Reserve to small leases, and are [filing applications] to the
Indian Department to be forwarded through the Associate Boards of Trade of
Southern Alberta, in large numbers.
“I am in receipt of applications for more than 150,000 acres,” said Secretary
Finley this afternoon. “They are coming from all parts of the southern district, and
from all around the reserve, and in most cases are for tracts in size in keeping with
the amount of stock the applicants plan to run. This speaks well, for it shows that the
intent in all cases, is to utilize the leases for their own livestock and not to sublet
them, as was done when the last lease was granted.”
Meeks Brothers, of Raymond, in a letter that accompanied their application for
10,000 to 20,000 acres, wrote: “We commend you in this very thoughtful undertaking
and do hope you are successful in this matter.” […]
5 From MOVEMENT TO LEASE BLOOD INDIAN RESERVE IN SMALLER PORTIONS. (1913, May
29). The Calgary Herald, p. 1. 6 From FARMERS AFER LAND LEASES ON BLOOD RESERVE. (1913, June 20). The Edmonton Journal, p. 5.
7
“Every farmer in the Leavitt district is enthusiastic over the work the Associate
Boards of Trade is doing on their behalf in this campaign to open the Blood Reserve
to small grazing interests,” [said W. G. Smith, a rancher of Leavitt].
“We have a committee out visiting every farmer and they are signing them up
for the amount of acreage they would care to lease and the number of animals they
would run on the lease. The same is being done in the Cardston district, and from
what I hear, they are going to do everywhere around the reserve before the end of the
week.
“Every farmer resents the attitude of the big grazing interests, in endeavoring
to convey to the Indians through their old time stockmen, the impression that the
small farmer with the possibility of the erection of fences and the division of the
reserve into small grazing tracts would mean the ultimate loss of the lands to the
Indians; and we are going to show them the sincerity of the farmers and send
representative men, whom they know, to the Indians and set them right. Why, the
leasing of these lands to farmers at 2 to 8 cents an acre annually for grazing purposes
will make that entire tribe of Indians rich, and they know it, for they will compare
the prospective income with that they have had through the big interests’ leases, and
it will convince them that the best thing for them is the farmer enjoying these
privileges.
“I have filed with Secretary Finley an application to forward to the Indian
department at Ottawa for the lease of one township, or 23,040 acres, on which I shall
run for a time some 1500 head of cattle, and at other seasons some 600 head of sheep.
I am ready to take a lease right off, too, at any reasonable rate of annual payments
the government may prescribe provided they are not too severe in requirements that
make a lease prohibitive to a small farmer or stock man.”
“Where the most people would be benefitted”7 (September, 1913)
Hon Dr. Roche, the minister of the interior, […] made it clear that it was his
desire and [the] wish of the department to place grazing privileges where the most
people would be benefitted, and he intimated that conditions had been unsatisfactory
in the past and a new arrangement would be made, looking to the permitting of small
stock owners and farmers to run their stock on the reserve at a reasonable charge per
head. Dr. Roche openly stated that the land would not be granted to the former
holders, and in fact he included all large cattle concerns in his remarks. Intimation
was also made that the forest reserve sheep grazing lands would be opened.
7 From ROCHE WOULD PLACE GRAZING PRIVILEGES. (1913, September 5). The Edmonton Journal, p. 6.
8
“30,000 head of stock are ready”8 (October, 1913)
Word has been received here that Gordon, Ironsides & Fares, of Winnipeg, sub-
lessees of the Blood reserve’s grazing lands, under D. McEwen & Co., of Ottawa, have
issued a call for tenders on their entire holdings of cattle, saddle horses and round-
up outfit, now on the reserve. This means that the long fight made by the associated
boards of trade asking for a right to farmers to graze their cattle on these lands in
preference to the large cattle interests, probably will be granted by the minister of
the interior.
The minister indicated on his recent western trip that the lease would not be
granted to the former holders, who now announce their sale, which is to take place
before November 1. The herd numbers 3,000 head of cattle. If the lease is granted to
the farmers, nearly 30,000 head of stock are ready to go on the reserve.
“Vexed with the board of trade”9 (October, 1913)
Officials on the Blood Indian Reserve, which adjoins Cardston on the north,
are vexed with the board of trade of Cardston for sending representatives to the
reserve on matters of business without first consulting the department. Inspector
Swinford, who is in charge pending the appointment of a new agent, threatens that a
recurrence will be prosecuted. It seems that several members of the board of trade
went to Stand Off to confer with the band on matters related to grazing leases, and
called the chiefs without seeing the agent or farm instructors.
“My plans for the future farming on the Blood Reserve”10 (August, 1914) Written by W. J. Dilworth, Indian Agent for the Blood Agency, to Duncan C. Scott, then Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs.
Sir,
I beg to inform you herewith of my plans for the future farming on the Blood
reserve, for your approval or otherwise.
Tho this has been the worst year in the history of farming operations in this
district our Indians are still prepared to go on with farming. And I am pleased to have
them do so. For while there is farming the Indians have employment, and manual
labor performed by the Indians means advance. Moreover, employment on the home
reserve will be far more effective advance than if the Indians were driven off the
reserve to work and spend their money thus made in intoxicants, etc.
8 From BIG CATTLEMEN WILL SELL WHOLE OUTFIT. (1913, October 22). Calgary Herald, p. 13. 9 From DISREGARD RULES. (1913, October 20). The Calgary Herald, p. 7. 10 From Dilworth, J. D. (1914, August 22). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott]. Department of Indian Affairs
and Northern Development Fonds (RG 10, Volume 4080, file 474,347). Ottawa: Library and Archives
Canada. Written by William John Dilworth (1869 – 1961).
9
This excessively dry season has not been without its compensating features. It
has shown Indians that if they must farm, they must farm well, and if they do farm
well they are assured of having some crop even under the very adverse conditions
that prevailed this year. It has also taught me that it would not be advisable to
increase the area under cultivation at Farm # 1 near the agency. As on account of the
light and sandy nature of this soil, conditions are too adverse, farming with Indians,
to make any rapid progress. The opposite prevails at Farms # 3 and # 4. The farmers
there have some really good crop, grown under conditions of practically no rain.
I am of the opinion that if possible both engines should be put to work breaking
sod next season as soon as spring sets in, and kept at it while proper conditions
prevail. Both engines have been thoroughly repaired and are in good condition to do
a season’s breaking. I am of the opinion that this breaking should be done in two
places; at Farm # 3 and at Farm # 4. These two locations are beside what has already
been broken, [and] are close to water. Splendid clay soil, plenty of hay within reach,
and [they] are the best places on the reserve for the Indians to build homes. Farming
here is sure of a crop every year. I intend to move as many would-be farmers as
possible to Farm # 3’s location, with the object of not only bettering the condition of
the Indian, but also consolidating the settlements as much as possible. As conditions
are at present the agency office is set off on one side of the reserve, where the least
amount of activity is. I would have operations confined to a smaller area so that
conditions were correct for the removal of the agency buildings to the neighbourhood
of Farm # 3, not many years in the future. As the buildings now around the agency
will before many years have to be abandoned and new ones built, Farm # 3 would be
the desirable location, being nearer the center of operations. Also, if at any time the
Blood Indians desire to sell any of their land, it would be better that the end near the
agency should be sold, and by the removal permanent improvements could be kept
where the centre of activity would be.
I would like to break up 1500 acres if the funds are available in the locations
indicated on the rough map enclosed. I will have the Indians keep all seed necessary
this year. I am closing the Blacksmith shop today and all refunds possible will be
made between now and the season’s close.
Should it be the Desire of the Department that I go on with the work as
indicated next year, I beg to suggest that this fall some time the parts indicated on
the map be surveyed into quarter sections if possible; and if the Department have a
surveyor working in the west, I would like to have this work done.
I think I can safely assure the Department that breaking sod will not be so
expensive as it has been in the past few years, as I have had considerable experience
along these lines, and know that I can reduce the expense from what the records show
to have been the cost since 1910.
Kindly permit me to hear from you about this matter at your earliest
convenience, that I may make preparations for the next season.
10
A report on the Blood Reserve in 191411 (March, 1914) Prior to 1917, Indian Agents would publish detailed narratives of the year’s events in the Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs. This was Agent Dilworth’s report for the year ending March 31, 1914.
Health and Sanitation – Comparatively speaking the health of the Blood
Indians has been good for the past year; no serious infections or contagious disease
being prevalent. Nevertheless, there is a heavy mortality among infants and young
children due to bronchial and intestinal troubles, occasioned largely through the sole
use as a food diet of beef and bannock. Until these Indians realize that domesticated
beef is not so healthy for them as the buffalo meat was in the old days, and change
their diet to one mixed with vegetables, so long will mortality exist.
The health of the reserve is looked after by a resident physician and a well
regulated hospital conducted by the Sisters of Charity. Many of the older Indians
have no faith in white man’s medicine, but prefer the administrations of their own
medicine men, whose favorite cure is bleeding. The Blood Indians are a much more
cleanly people than the world at large realizes. The cleanliness of their yards would
shame many a white farmer. Yearly, deaths from tubercular and scrofulous troubles
are becoming less, due in a large measure to the good influences of school children on
the reserve.
Occupations. – Twenty-five years ago the sole occupation of the Blood Indians
was to go to the ration-house for their beef and flour, in fact it was stated by many
people who were then acquainted with their habits of life that they would never be
capable or desirous of following any industrious pursuits; to-day nearly one-half of
the tribe support themselves, one-sixth are engaged in farming, one-half in stock-
raising, and nearly every adult puts up every year a large quantity of hay for sale.
They also do a large amount of freighting for outside farmers. A coal mine is operated
on the reserve. Though still spasmodic in their efforts, nearly all the males
accomplish yearly a large amount of work.
Farming. – The Blood Indians have now about 5,000 acres under cultivation.
Some are good farmers, some indifferent. All are well supplied with implements and
take as good care of their machinery as their white neighbours do of theirs. There is
a healthy tendency to increase the farming area, and, if the present rate of progress
is kept up, a few years hence the younger Blood Indians will be one large farming
community, each with a good and comfortable home. Nearly every able-bodied man
has a wagon, a mower, and a rake. Crops during the past season were poor, due in a
large measure to the ravages of the eel worm on winter wheat. A Blood Indian thinks
a great deal more of, and will take better care of, the plot of land that he has developed
himself than he does of a ready-made farm.
11 From Dilworth, W. J. (1914). REPORT OF W. J. DILWORTH, INDIAN AGENT FOR THE BLOOD
AGENCY, ALBERTA. In Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the year ended March 31 1914. Ottawa: J. de La Tache.
11
Stock-rasising. – The Blood Indians have for a number of years raised all the
beef required on the reserve. Their herd is made up of the beef types only. Through
careful selection of sires this herd is now one of the very best range herds in the North
West. The Indian does not take care of his cattle individually, but they are handled
as a band herd. Their horses have shown some improvement through the use of
stallions loaned them by the department, but not as much as they should have, as the
Indians in a large measure sold their horses as they pleased, with the result that they
got a chance to exercise their traits for profligacy, which they surely did in this case.
They have now approximately 3,000 head of horses where they once had 20,000.
Buildings. – Ninety per cent of the Blood Indians live in log houses during the
winter months, and in tents during the summer. The log hut with mud floor and sod
roof is now a thing of the past. Instead, all houses are floored and have plenty of air
space through the construction of gable roofs on the houses. Some of the farmers have
clean. well-built, comfortable frame houses painted inside and out, and well
furnished.
Characteristics and Progress. – The Blood is a dignified Indian. This self-pride
is in many ways a detriment to his progress, giving him a tendency to scorn
innovations; yet show a Blood Indian how he can make money, and he will work, but
not in a persevering manner. He will not plod along doggedly towards any desired
end, but rather wishes to proceed too rapidly; his expectations no being realized as
soon as anticipated, he sometimes becomes discouraged. The present generation
requires plenty of hard manual labour; by that means and that alone they will
progress. They have been brought in some measure to realize that upon their own
shoulders they must bear the burden of making a livelihood for themselves and their
families; but they must be brought to a more stern realization of that fact. Hard and
steady work will do much to improve conditions mentally, morally and physically.
There has been steady advance and with judicious management there will continue
to be progress.
Temperance and Maturity. – Drunkenness is decreasing only in ratio to the
watchfulness of the officers and men of the R.N.W.M.P. and of the reserve scouts. As
long as tramps, half-breeds, and people who ought to have better principles, eke out
a precarious existence in the neighbouring towns of MacLeod, Lethbridge, Cardston
and Pincher Creek, by supplying intoxicants to the Indians, so long will there be
drunkenness among the Bloods.
Moral conditions are slowly changing for the better. Family relations and the
marriage tie still remain loose. Until the men of the Blood Indians are brought to
fully realize that the women of the tribe are not the property of the men, so long will
there be loose marriage relations. Happily education is rapidly changing old ideas in
this respect and cleaner moral conditions may be looked for.
12
“These Indians could well spare that portion”12 (November, 1914) From a report by J. A. Markle, government inspector, sent to Duncan C. Scott.
Sir:-
I have the honour to make the following report of an inspection made of the
Blood Agency and Reserve between the 27th October and the 10th instant.
I perused the Agent’s letter to the Department dated August 22nd, and agree
with the main opinions expressed therein. I would like to see the best farming land
within the northern ½ of township 4, all of townships 5 and a portion of township 6
in ranges 24 and 25 sub-divided into 80 acre lots. A portion of the land referred to
was subdivided a number of years ago but is not sufficient for the requirements of the
Indians who desire, or may at a later date [desire], to farm. I would confine the sub-
dividing to the area stated herein with a view of confining the farming area as
compactly as possible. Farming operations can be supervised more cheaply and
expeditiously when close together than when scattered. Moreover, at some distant
period the Indians owning this reserve will be disposed to surrender a portion of it,
and they are more likely to be willing to cede areas without improvements thereon
than areas on which they are residing. These Indians could well spare that portion of
their reserve lying northerly of the center of township 7 and southerly of the center
of township 4. No more encouragement should be given to the Indians to farm in the
vicinity of the Agency, townships 7 and 8, for the land therein is not suitable to Indian
farming and no results follow, outside of loss of work. This has been my opinion from
the outset of the farming on this reserve, but the agents thought differently until
recently, and their opinions prevailed. The threshing return for this season at Farm
1 was only ½ bushel per acre of spring wheat, while at Farm 3 the average yield was
16 bushels and at Farm 4, 15 bushels. This has convinced Mr. Dilworth that grain
growing by Indians in the vicinity of Farm 1 is likely to be a failure 4 seasons out of
5.
In [the] event surveyors are sent to this reserve to sub—divide lots for the
locations of farms, I advise that they start work not later than April 1st next, so that
any new breaking may be done next season at suitable points. Furthermore, I suggest
that locations be reserved for new agency headquarters easterly of Farm 3, and
reservations, 160 acres, [be] made for new boarding schools. While it may be years
before either new agency buildings or schools are supplied, it is well to look into the
future in this particular, as well as [in] many other matters, for this precaution may
save a good deal of worry to some one in the days to come.
Yours obediently,
Sgn. J. A. Markle, Insp.
12 From Markle, J. A. (1914, November 13). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott]. Department of Indian Affairs
and Northern Development Fonds (RG 10, Volume 4080, file 474,347). Ottawa: Library and Archives
Canada. Written by John A. Markle (1851 – 1927).
13
“Growers of grain and raisers of cattle”13 (January, 1915)
The Indians on the Blood Reserve, situated between the Belly and St. Mary’s
rivers in Southern Alberta, are coming to the front as growers of grain and raisers of
cattle. The gaudy Indian warrior has discarded the war paint and the war path to
guide the plough. The reserve is the largest in Canada, containing some 354,000 acres
of good agricultural land, and the wards of the government who inhabit it are said to
be worth over $5,000 per capita. If they continue to show the interest in agriculture
that has produced for them such abundant harvests, they will before long, easily
double their per capita wealth. It is now about seven years since farming was taken
up as an occupation, but in that time the Indians have been able to prove their ability
to grow grain that compares favorably with that of their white neighbors along the
reserve.
This year Agent Dilworth estimates a yield of 20,000 bushels of wheat, besides
a big crop of oats. Considering the sparse yield in some parts of Alberta this year, this
is a tremendous crop for the red men.
In addition to grain the Indians have also put up 4,000 tons of hay. This was
harvested under exceptionally favorable conditions and ready sale is being found for
all that is not needed for the stock on the reserve. A contract was filled with Gordon,
Ironside & Fares, the lessees of the grazing on the reserve, for 1,500 tons, and the
Royal Northwest Mounted Police at MacLeod for 180 tons. For this latter a price of
$12 a ton was paid.
This year 105 head of steers were sold to James Watson of Great Falls. The
steers averaged $103 a head, which very nearly approaches a record price for grass
fed steers. The lot averaged 1,650 pounds in weight. As a result of the deal the Blood
Indians are nearly $11,000 better off. A heifer will be purchased in place of each steer
in order that the size of the herd may not be reduced.
The cattle on the reserve are doing well, no bulls but pure breds of the beef
strains being used. All the beef needed for rations among the Indians is raised on the
reserve. The cattle are handled as range stock in one large herd with a stockman in
charge and Indians to assist him. A few individual Indians own their own cattle and
take care of them.
The Bloods have a sufficient number for their own use, and from time to time
the agent issues permits to sell ponies. Their horses are improving through the use
of stallions provided by the Indian department. One Indian, Alex Stevens, out of the
profits of his farming last year purchased 40 sheep, of which he has taken good care
and profited accordingly. Many of the Indians that are not engaged in farming go to
Raymond, the sugar town, and find employment in the beet fields.
This is the tribe of Indians that has contributed $1,000 out of a sum of $4,000
funded for their benefit, toward the cost of war within the British Empire. At a large
council held recently, the tribe offered itself, and the Indians volunteered individually
to serve in whatever way the King might command.
13 From FARM OPERATIONS OF RED MAN SUCCESSFUL. (1915, January 28). The Crossfield Chronicle, p. 4.
14
A report on the Blood Reserve in 191514 (March, 1915) Agent Dilworth’s report for 1915.
Health and Sanitation. – The general health of these Indians has been
comparatively good, though as usual there has been a heavy death toll, from
tubercular troubles among adults, and from bronchial and intestinal troubles among
infants and children.
The health of the band is looked after by a resident physician and a well
regulated hospital conducted by the Sisters of Charity.
All the Indians are required to clean up around their premises and to burn all
refuse. They are yearly becoming more sanitary in their habits. All the Indians get
their water-supply from the mountain-fed streams surrounding the reserve, which
accounts for the total absence of typhoid.
Occupations. – About one-fifth of these Indians engage in farming, half are
stock-owners, and nearly all able-bodied men yearly put up and sell a large amount
of hay. During the year about 200 families were induced to plant and take care of a
potato and garden patch.
Farming. – No new land was broken during the year; the efforts were directed
rather in getting the land already broken into better condition. All Indian farmers
worked well and faithfully in the preparation of their fields, which during the earlier
part of the season, gave promise of producing a good crop; but continued and
excessive drought burned up all grain planted at the lower end of the reserve; while
at the upper end of the reserve, on heavier soil, a fair crop was harvested. Winter
wheat this year as last proved a failure through some disease. It would appear as if
the spring sown variety would supersede the winter variety. A propitious tendency
exists among the Indians to increase the farming area, a sign pointing distinctly
towards progress.
Stock-raising. – The Bloods own one of the best beef herds in the Northwest.
During the year there was sold 105 head of three, four and five year old steers for an
average price of $104 a head. These steers at point of unloading weighted before fed
or watered 1,550 pounds. In addition to this, all beef was raised that is used on the
reserve.
A change was made during the year in the wintering grounds of the herd, the
winter camp formerly located on the exposed valleys of the St. Mary’s river being
transferred to heavy brushed, well opened, watered valley of the Belly river adjacent
to the farms at the upper portion of the reserve. All cattle fed in this yard came
through the winter in splendid condition and without loss. Cattle on the range also
came through the winter without loss, though thin in flesh.
14 From Dilworth, W. J. (1915). REPORT OF W. J. DILWORTH, INDIAN AGENT FOR THE BLOOD
AGENCY, ALBERTA. In Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the year ended March 31 1915. Ottawa: J. de La Tache.
15
Haymaking. – This industry for the past fifteen years has been an important
and profitable one for these Indians – in fact it was owing to the presence of abundant
grasses on the reserve that these Indians made their first progressive move along
industrial lines. During this past year the industry reached record proportions, the
Indians harvesting in splendid condition over three times the amount of hay
harvested in any single previous year. In all 10,000 tons were harvested between July
15 and September 15, and the Indians were as a result $30,0000 better off. A fair idea
of how our haymakers’ work can be gathered from the operations of one day. There
being no hay at the agency end of the reserve, I went to the hay camp and asked that
all all haymakers bring one load each to the agency headquarters, eighteen miles
distant. On that day 105 tons were delivered and stacked in splendid order, the prize
containing 7,940 pounds.
Buildings. – Approximately 90 per cent of these Indians live in fairly
comfortable log houses during the winter months, about 5 per cent in good, well built
roomy frame houses; nearly all live under canvas in the summer. Each year sees an
increasing number of houses being built of more roomy and better ventilated designs.
There is now little overcrowding in close, ill ventilated houses during the cold winter
nights.
Characteristics and Progress. – This tribe is one of the few Indian tribes that
have not been subdued by the sword. They are loyal to the Crown, in fact their proffers
of assistance to the “Grandson of the Great White Queen” in this war would shame
many white communities.
They are naturally a proud and dignified people; they will work well when
remuneration is in sight; in fact, our largest problem is to provide sufficient work for
the many willing hands. They are intensely superstitious, and hard to wean away
from their pagan beliefs and practice. The great problem to solve for the present
generation is to teach them to work. Manual labour will do more than any other single
agency to civilize them, and obliterate their nomadic and pleasure-loving habits; it
will make them home-makers rather than camp-movers.
Generally speaking, I believe there is reason for satisfaction in the progress
made during the year. Their business affairs are in better condition, there is less of
pauperization, [and] they have been taught that the ration-house must not be the
limit of their outlook. There is a healthy tendency towards individual home-making
and to settle down in their own home separately and removed from their relatives,
and a greater tendency to have their children educated.
Temperance and Morality. – There has been a decrease of one-third in
convictions for drunkenness as compared with the previous year. This can be
attributed largely to the fact that the Indians were kept at home on their reserve and
at work for a greater portion of the time. Some improvements in moral condition are
noticeable, there being less homes broken up by marriage separations; but still their
mental and moral development is not such as can differentiate between right and
wrong; fear of detection and swift punishment for wrong-doing is still the thought
that restrains.
16
“Robbing the Wards of the People”15 (April, 1915)
Ottawa, April 11. – “How Bob Cruise Annexed a Homestead” is the subject of
the first of a series of fourteen articles by T. R. Ferguson, compiled after exhaustive
research into the mysteries of Hon. Frank Oliver’s administration of the public
domain. […] “Robbing the Wards of the People” would be a suitable title for the second
instalment of Commissioner Ferguson’s report. The hero in this graft exposure is
Frank Pedley, formerly superintendent of Indian affairs, who, when the exposure
came, resigned his position. He now is one of the chief Liberal organizers and social
leaders in the capital. This investigation had to do with grazing privileges on the
Blood Indian reserve, near Macleod, and the connection therewith of Pedley, who, at
the time the transaction was engineered, occupied the important position of deputy
superintendent-general of Indian affairs.
Shocking as it sounds, the said Pedley displayed more zeal in feathering his
own nest than in noble aborigines, or in seeking that the scales of justice were held
evenly between various applicants for those privileges. Perusal of the evidence in the
Pedley case explains the sudden termination, last year, of that official’s connection
with the department.
The essential facts in the case, as reported, briefly stated, are as follows. In
1903 several applications were made for grazing privileges on the Blood reserve. One
of the applications on file in the department was made in December, 1902, by J. F.
McLaughlin of Toronto, who had associated with him Charles Miller, barrister, of
Toronto. This application was vigorously pressed, and it is clear from the evidence
that they interviewed Pedley in connection with it, and had reason to be hopeful that
it would be granted. In fact, they went so far as to organize a cattle company and
engaged a foreman to look after their interests. However, Pedley had other plans. He
wanted a slice of these privileges himself, as things had been a little tight with him
around that period. This no doubt occurred to him as the simplest and easiest method
of relieving the financial stringency. Application was put in on behalf of one Donald
McEwen, by a firm of Ottawa solicitors, Latchford, McDougasll and Daley, and
appealed more to his high sense of duty. This application was not made until April,
1903. Pedley’s preference is explained by the clearly-proven fact that the application
was in reality made on behalf of his bosom friend, the redoubtable Peter Ryan, of
Toronto, with whom he had had numerous transactions in recent years.
Pedley, while still deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs, became, as
the evidence conclusively shows, beneficial owner of a one-sixth interest in the Blood
reserve privilege, and he became owner of this interest by virtue of the assignment of
the same to him by Peter Ryan, his old college chum. This six per cent. interest was
held by A. C. Bedford-Jones, a lawyer of Toronto, for four years, when, with the
knowledge and approbation of Pedley, it was sold to Charles Miller, for $1,000, which
money was paid over to Pedley, Jones retaining $100 for looking after the legal
15 From Jobbery in Western Lands Under Liberal Government. (1915, April 21). Red Deer News, p. 7.
17
affairs. This connection of Peter Ryan with the deal is definitely established by
various agreements which are on the departmental files.
One of these agreements, dated December, 1903, is between Peter Ryan and
Donald McEwen, as parties of the first part, and Gordon, Ironside & Fares, of
Winnipeg, parties of the second part. The latter firm agreed to stock the reserve for
10 years (the life of the lease) and after certain payments and agreements were
carried out, the shares of the respective parties in the profits were to be divided as
follows: forty per cent. to Ryan and McEwen, and 60 per cent. to Gordon, Ironside &
Fares. The evidence of Pedley was very contradictory, but in the end he admitted
having received $1,000 that was paid for one-sixth interest, but refused to admit that
Jones had been acting as trustee for him. The evidence of Ryan and Pedley was also
contradicted in many points, but Ryan admits that he was the real owner of the
grazing lease. This deal was not the extent of Pedley’s operations, but that is another
story.
“Personally interested in a grazing lease”16 (April, 1915)
The disposition of the public domain under the regime of the late government
has been under investigation for a couple of years by T. R. Ferguson, K.C., of
Winnipeg. […] The cases occurred in the time when the Hon. Frank Oliver was
minister of the interior. […] The second case relates to Frank Pedley of Ottawa,
former Deputy Superintendent of Indian affairs, and in this the finding is that Mr.
Pedley, while acting in his official capacity, was personally interested in a grazing
lease on the Blood Indian reserve near Macleod, Alta. […] In 1903 a number of
applications for these privileges were made, and the applicants included J. F.
McLaughlin of Toronto, with whom was associated Charles Miller, barrister of that
city. It is stated that a company was formed for ranching.
Another application on behalf of Donald McEwan nominally, but really for
Peter Ryan of Toronto, was put in by Latchford, McDougall and Daly, barristers of
Ottawa. The commissioner finds that a one-sixth interest in the grazing privilege was
assigned by Mr. Ryan to Mr. Pedley, and held in trust for Mr. Pedley by A. C. Bedford
Jones, a Toronto barrister, for four years. It was then sold to Charles Miller for a
thousand dollars, and the money, less one hundred dollars for legal expenses, was
paid to Mr. Pedley.
The commissioner finds that on the departmental files there is an agreement,
dated 1913, between Peter Ryan and Donald McEwan on the one part and Messrs.
Gordon, Ironsides and Fares on the other, whereby the latter were to stock the reserve
during the ten years of the lease. The shares of the parties were to be divided,
following certain details, 40 per cent. of the profits going to Ryan and McEwan and
60 per cent. to Gordon, Ironsides and Fares. The report states that Messrs. Pedley
and Ryan contradicted one another on material points, but that Mr. Ryan admitted
being the owner of the lease. Mr. Pedley denied that Jones had acted as his trustee.
16 From DISPOSAL OF PUBLIC LAND IN THE WEST. (1915, April 12). The Ottawa Citizen, p. 5.
18
“The Indians got what was coming to them”17 (April, 1915)
The ex-minister, [Frank Oliver,] took up the case of the Blood Indian reserve.
There was no question, he said, of the propriety of the leasing of grazing rights on the
reserve to McEwen of Brandon, Peter Ryan of Toronto, and a Winnipeg cattle firm.
There was no question that the price paid for the privileges was not fair, but the whole
report was an attempt to prove that Frank Pedley had a beneficial interest in the
transaction. […] Mr. Pedley’s connection with the transaction had been this. Mr.
Peter Ryan owned the Bank of Commerce money on Pedley’s endorsation. The bank
pressed for payment and Ryan had assigned part of his interest in the leases secured
to Mr. Bedford Jones. Mr. Jones had sold it to Mr. Miller for $1,000, and had applied
the money to reduce Ryan’s indebtedness to the Bank of Commerce. For this, said Mr.
Oliver, Mr. Pedley’s name had been dragged through the Conservative press as if he
were a horse-thief instead of an honest citizen.
Dr. Reid – “Doesn’t the report show that Pedley got something out of it?
Mr. R. B. Bennett – “He admitted a good deal more.” […]
Mr. Oliver said […] there had been no suggestion that the men got an acre of
Indian lands for less than it was worth. “The Indians got what was coming to them,”
said Mr. Oliver. The only question concerned was that of the propriety of government
officials meddling in government property. He did not approve of that and never had
permitted it while minister. […]
[Dr. Roche] considered the case of the Blood Indian reserve. Mr. Peter Ryan,
he said, had admitted in his evidence that he had executed a deed of trust in favor of
Mr. Bedford Jones, who held in trust for Pedley one-sixth interest in the lease. This
had afterwards been sold to Mr. Miller for $1,000, which he had handed over, less
$100, to the then superintendent-general of Indian affairs. There were other Indian
lands for which blank tenders had been filled in Toronto with fictitious names and
then sent to Mr. Smart, then superintendent-general of Indian affairs, who became
the purchaser himself in association with the other two men concerned. The sum of
$84,000 in all had been cleared by these gentlemen in connection with the Moose
Mountain and other lands. If Mr. Oliver thought that was all right, Dr. Roche had a
different idea.
17 From SOME AMAZING REVELATIONS IN THE HOUSE. (1915, April 15). The Ottawa Citizen, p. 5.
19
“If ever these Indians decided to surrender any land”18 (June, 1915) A report from J. A. Markle, government inspector, to the Department of Indian Affairs.
Sir, –
I have the honour to make the following observations on an inspection made of
the Blood Agency during this month.
In […] my report of Nov. 13th last, I also suggested that the northern ½ of
township 4, all of township 5 and portions of township 6 in ranges 24 and 25 be
subdivided into 80 acre lots. I stated my reasons for so advising. Mr. Surveyor
Hamilton arrived on the reserve about the 12th and started work on the 14th instant,
where directed, and which is the eastern half of township 4, range 26. My desire was
to keep the southern portion of the reserve free from improvements so that if ever
these Indians decided to surrender any land the southern ½ of township 4 and all of
township 3 would not be improved and be a bar against a surrender. Moreover, the
closer farming operations are confined the less expense it will be to the Department
or to the Indians. It is doubtless true that the soil along the Bull Horn is good, but
there is abundance of good land within the area described by me.
Your obedient servant,
Sgd. J. A. Markle, Inspector.
A report on the Blood Reserve in 191619 (March, 1916) Agent Dilworth’s report for 1916. This would be the last detailed Agent’s report written on the Blood Reserve published in the Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs. From 1917 onward, reports are far more general.
Occupations. – The occupations of these Indians are farming, stock-raising,
hay-making, and agricultural labour off the reserve.
Farming. – This occupation started some seven years ago, is now the most
important one of the tribe, and last year reached its highest record. Owing to
propitious weather conditions, and the well sustained and purposeful effort of the
Indian farmers themselves, a large harvest was gathered in good season, and twice
the acreage prepared for the coming year’s crop was seeded this year. Also 1,000 acres
was broken from sod to allow fourteen new farmers to make a start.
18 From Markle, J. A. (1915, June 23). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott(?)]. Department of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development Fonds (RG 10, Volume 4080, file 474,347). Ottawa: Library and Archives
Canada. 19 From Dilworth, W. J. (1916). REPORT OF W. J. DILWORTH, INDIAN AGENT FOR THE BLOOD
AGENCY, ALBERTA. In Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the year ended March 31 1916. Ottawa: J. de La Tache.
20
Stock-raising. – The Blood Indians own one of the best beef-type herds in the
Northwest. This herd supplies the rationing requirements of the reserve, some
350,000 pounds [of] beef annually.
The horse herds have increased in numbers and improved in quality, dourine
discovered amongst them two years ago having been practically obliterated.
Haymaking. – Haymaking, which last year reached record proportions, was
this year curtailed owing to the abundance of feed in the district and consequent lack
of demand. The Indians, however, in addition to supplying the requirements of the
reserve, were able to sell their surplus at fair prices.
Agricultural Labour. – White settlers off the reserve having heavy crops, and
labour being scarce, in the first week in August I sent every able-bodied Indian not
required to perform the labour on the reserve, off the reserve for three months or until
harvesting operations were completed. Some 150 teams and 200 men availed
themselves of the labour at remunerative wages and with satisfaction to their
employers.
Implements. – These Indians take good care of implements purchased by their
private earnings, but poor care of implements purchased for their use out of band
funds.
Buildings. – Each passing year sees a marked improvement in the housing
conditions. New houses are being built yearly, and all are more roomy, better
ventilated and lighted. As a result of this last season’s farming operations, a number
of new farm houses and stables are in course of erection.
Health and Sanitation. – As there is yearly an improvement in the housing
conditions, and as the Indians are yearly changing their diet from one wholly meat to
one made up of vegetable and cereal foods, there is an improvement in the general
health. Scrofulous cases are less and less prevalent amongst children. Tuberculosis
is not so frequently met with. During the year the numbers of the band increased.
While the old diseases are not so frequent or virulent in form, yet there have appeared
for the first time cases of appendicitis, three patients having been operated upon
successfully.
Characteristics and Progress. – These Indians are naturally a pleasure-loving
people, and so far in their development, old men especially, look upon the
adventurous days of the past as the ideal life. These old men are boastful and
vainglorious of their former exploits and adventures. These ideals are being rapidly
changed. Each passing year sees them more content to keep up a sustained and
purposeful effort at some industrious pursuit. The toil and the moil of a busy life is
weaning them away from their former desires, it is encouraging them to make a
home, individual and separate from their relations; is developing their physique,
mentality and moral habits, and is giving them the stick-to-it-iveness that makes for
lasting benefits, independent of help outside their own efforts.
Progress in the direction of applied efforts has been marked throughout the
year, in that it has gone a long way towards obscuring the ideals of the past, and
decisive in obliterating those acquired instincts that tend to make of these Indians
public parasites and private mendicants.
21
Temperance and Morality. – As the year has been a busy one, there has been
much less of intemperance and immorality than has been usual.
“When that time arrives”20 (February, 1917) J. A. Markle, government inspector, to the Department of Indian Affairs.
Sir, –
I have the honour to submit the following report of an inspection made of the
Blood Agency last month.
There were about 480 acres of new land broken last season and 2200 acres
summer-fallowed, or summer ploughed. For some years past I desired farming
operations to be carried along with a view of concentrating this work, i.e. new farms
and new breaking located in the central portion of the reserve. My opinion was, [and]
is still, that at some future data these Indians will be disposed to surrender portions
of their reserve and that when that time arrives fewer obstacles are likely to be in the
way of a surrender if improvements to land [are] made nearer the center than near
to the extreme ends of the reserve. My views, however, on this point did not prevail.
There are about 10 acres under alfalfa, 5 acres under timothy and 210 acres under
western rye grass.
Your obedient servant,
Sgd. J. A. Markle, Insp.
“It isn’t every day”21 (August, 1917)
It isn’t every day in the history of Southern Alberta that a deal for more than
4,000 head of stock and 349,800 acres of range is consummated. But such a
transaction has just been put through whereby Ray Knight, leading stockman of the
south, and J. D. Watson, known to every cattleman from Winnipeg to the coast as the
former buyer for the Vancouver-Prince Rupert Packing Company, become owners of
the Alberta herds of Gordon, Ironsides and Fares, Winnipeg packers, and their
grazing privileges on the Blood reserve south and west of the city.
The deal was consummated a week ago. There are at least 4,000 cattle in the
outfit. There may be more along with the stock and range. The new owners take over
a string of cow-horses and have already engaged a dozen or more riders who have
been in charge of the old outfit.
A couple of years ago the firm of Gordon, Ironsides and Fares renewed their
lease on the grazing privileges of the Indian reserve. Lately, however, their packing
business has grown – so greatly that they were willing to talk business when
approached to sell their Alberta business. Just how much money is involved in the
20 From Markle, J. A. (1917, February 7). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott(?)]. Department of Indian Affairs
and Northern Development Fonds (RG 10, Volume 4080, file 474,347). Ottawa: Library and Archives
Canada. 21 From Immense Land Deal is Closed in the South. (1917, August 1). The Red Deer News, p. 6.
22
deal will not be definitely known until the cattle are counted out. However, on a
conservative estimate, it will take between three and four hundred thousand to swing
the purchase, making it easily the biggest transaction of the kind in western Canada
this year.
“Would throw open to settlers a fine tract”22 (February, 1918)
If the Indians of the Blood reserve show by their vote that they are willing, the
Dominion government will this fall sell a block of land at each the north and south
ends of the reserve, each block approximating 50,000 acres in extent. An upset price
of $20 per acre will be placed on the land. The Indians were to have voted yesterday
on the proposal, but owing to the small numbers present the vote was adjourned to
February 28.
Ray Knight, who with J. D. Watson, is the lessee of the grazing rights of the
reserve, stated that he understood such a proposal was on foot, but he did not think
that the amount of land involved was quite so large, nor did he think that the Indians
would vote away their birthright.
The proposed northern block, if sold, would throw open to settlers a fine tract
of land between Lethbridge and Macleod. On the south end the proposed block is west
of Cardston, close to the Old Man river. The land is the choicest in southern Alberta.
The whole reserve consists of 349,000 acres, so that the proposal is to dispose of about
30 percent of it. This would still leave some 250,000 acres on which about 8,000 Blood
Indians are domiciled. The Lethbridge board of trade has been working for a long
time to have all or part of the reserve set apart for bona fide settlers, and the present
effort on the part of the government may be the result of the local body’s activity.
“Understood to have voted”23 (March, 1918)
The Indians of the Blood Reserve are understood to have voted this week on
the sale of 52,000 acres from the north part of the reserve and 51,000 from the south
part. The land would be surrendered to the Government, subdivided and sold by
public auction, if approved by the Indians.
Sheep on the Blood Reserve24 (April, 1918)
Levi Jensen and Harry Goodwin, of Kimball, moved about 4,000 head of sheep
on to the Blood reservation leases which they have obtained, passing their herds
through the town early this morning. It is understood that Mr. Jensen and Mr.
Goodwin have obtained a large lease of about a dozen sections for sheep grazing
22 From BLOOD RESERVE TO BE OPENED UP FOR SETTLEMENT SOON. (1918, February 18).
The Calgary Herald, p. 11. 23 From THE BLOOD RESERVE. (1918, March 2). The Financial Post of Canada, p. 15. 24 From ARE MOVING SHEEP TO BLOOD RESERVE. (1918, April 24). The Calgary Herald, p. 15.
23
purposes. Quite a number of sheep men have obtained leases on the southwest corner
of the Blood reserve. Inasmuch as there is no place in Canada set apart for sheep, it
appears opportune for the industry to be fostered, at least to a certain degree,
although this land could probably have been farmed to advantage.
It is understood that Messrs. W. E. Pitcher, A. J. Stoddard, J. W. Kearl, et al.,
have secured farming leases of land adjoining Cardston on the north, and will this
summer break up several sections and plant it to fall wheat for next year’s harvest.
By the occupation of the southwest part of the Blood Indian reserve by farmers and
ranchers, the town of Cardston will materially benefit thereby, the chief necessity
being at present good roads over the Blood reserve.
“The Indians themselves are contributing”25 (May, 1918)
Close to 100,000 acres of new land is being broken this year on the Indian
reserves in Saskatchewan and Alberta, it was stated today by W. M. Graham, chief
of the department of Indian affairs in Western Canada, and while a portion of this
amount must be credited to the government, the Indians themselves are contributing
to the greater production campaign in new breaking to a considerable extent.
The federal government has leased considerable tracts from the Indians, both
in this province and Alberta, and is in turn leasing the land out to farmers for grain
production and for grazing purposes, with the object of increasing the production of
wheat and beef. In one reserve alone, the Blood reserve, 93,000 acres have been leased
out for this purpose.
“A new departure”26 (June, 1918)
Indian Commissioner Graham, of Regina, is visiting the Blood Indian Reserve
in Southern Alberta. The Bloods are horse Indians, a tribe of the Blackfeet, and they
formerly enjoyed the reputation of being the best horse rustlers and the most
turbulent Indians in Canada. In the early days thousands of horses were owned by
the Bloods. Subsequently, the department prevailed on the Bloods to go in for cattle,
for probably the Blood reserve constitutes the biggest and best ranches in Canada. It
contains a great variety of the most nutritious pasture in the world, and much of the
high land is particularly adapted for sheep.
A new departure has been recently taken under Mr. Graham’s comprehensive
and varied scheme for fostering greater production of food on the reserve by the
introduction of some thousands of sheep, and among other things Mr. Graham is
visiting the reserve with an eye on this new sheep industry.
25 From BIG ACREAGE INDIAN LAND BEING BROKEN. (1918, May 29). Edmonton Bulletin, p. 1. 26 From SHEEP AND CATTLE REPLACING HORSES ON BLOOD RESERVE. (1918, June 4). The Saskatoon Daily Star, p. 3.
24
“Every inch of the Blood Indian reservation”27 (July, 1918)
Sir – I was much interested in your editorial of yesterday’s issue, entitled, “A
Bad Report.” But, Mr. Editor, it is not at all necessary to force our returned soldiers
to go on land that is unsuitable28 for soldier cultivation.
In your issue of March 14 on this year there appeared29 the following news
item:-
“LETHBRIDGE, March 14. – An urgent petition to the Dominion government
to save the new areas to be thrown open in the Blood reserve from the hands of
speculators is being forwarded to Ottawa by the Board of trade here. The idea is
favored that returned soldiers should be given an opportunity of securing this
splendid land.”
The reserve referred to contains about 575 square miles of as good land as is
to be found anywhere in the world, and it is all ready for the plough. That it is
“splendid land” may be inferred from what Joseph F. Smith, of Salt Lake City,
president of the Mormon church, said on August 5, 1913, when he was over here in
Canada dedicating the site for the Mormon temple at Cardston. “The president was
very much struck with the beauty and fertility of the land which comprises the Indian
reserve. Viewing it from his seat in the car, he said to the people round him, ‘It makes
me feel bad how our own government treated the Indians. But this land here we will
pay for. When the Indians are ready to sell we will pay for it. We won’t begrudge any
money they ask for it.’ From the above statement, made by the head of the Mormon
church, it would seem that they intend, if possible, to obtain possession of the Blood
reserve.” See Morning Albertan, August 5, 1913.
In your issue of April 24, 1928, there appeared another interesting news item:
“CARDSTON, April 23. – Levi Jensen and Harry Goodwin, of Kimball, moved
about 4,000 head of sheep on to the Blood reservation leases which they have
obtained, passing their herds through the town early this morning. It is understood
that Mr. Jensen and Mr. Goodwin have obtained a large lease of about a dozen
sections for sheep grazing purposes. Quite a number of sheep men have obtained
leases on the southwest corner of the Blood reserve. . . . This land could probably have
been farmed to advantage. It is understood that Messrs. W. E. Pitcher, A. J. Stoddard,
J. W. Kearl, et al., have secured farming leases of land adjoining Cardston on the
north. . . . By the occupation of the southwest part of the Blood Indian reserve by
farmers and ranchers, the town of Cardston will materially benefit thereby, the chief
necessity being at present good roads over the Blood reserve.”
27 From Shearer, W. (1918, July 11). Opposes Leasing of Blood Lands. The Calgary Herald, p. 6. Written by William Shearer (1892 – 1961). 28 “W. Bouchner, who travelled […] as a commissioner […] for the purpose of sizing up the land in
places where the government has reserved blocks near the railways for soldier settlement, makes a
detailed report. If he speaks truly there does not seem to be anything specially inviting in that country
for the soldiers. […] Provision should be made for their settlement elsewhere and the reserved lands
placed on the list for homesteading again.” A BAD REPORT. (1918, July 9). The Calgary Herald, p. 6. 29 BAR SPECULATORS. (1918, March 14). The Calgary Herald, p. 1. This brief box is quoted below in full by W. Shearer.
25
Besides the men mentioned above, who have secured from the government
leases of this splendid land, I have the names of nine others who have secured leases
on the same reserve, and they are all Mormons. They have all secured their leases
since the Lethbridge Board of Trade sent the following telegram to Ottawa: “Provided
Blood Indians favorable, suggest certain portion land set aside for sale might be
reserved against soldiers’ applications.”
I maintain, Mr. Editor, that in view of what our returned soldiers have endured
and suffered for the Empire, an in view of the world-wide glory they have brought to
our Dominion, every inch of the Blood Indian reservation should be put at their
disposal.
I also maintain that it is scandalous to offer our returned soldiers such land as
you describe in your editorial, when about 350,000 acres of such magnificent land lies
right here at our very door waiting to be cultivated.
WILLIAM SHEARER.
Calgary, Alta., July 10, 1918.
“A remarkable success”30 (November, 1918)
An official report made to Hon. Arthur Meighen by Mr. W. M. Graham, who
was appointed commissioner to take charge of the greater production campaign on
the western Indian reserves, shows that the campaign has been a remarkable success
and that preparations are being made for production on a greater scale than ever next
season.
Five greater production farms have been located on western reserves and a
large amount of land has been plowed this fall ready for seeding. The farms are
situated as follows:
Gleichen, Alberta, Blackfoot Reserve, 2,500 acres; Cluny, Alberta, Blackfoot
Reserve, 5,500 acres; McLeod, Alberta, Blood Reserve, 5,000 acres; Edenwold, Sask.,
Muscowpetung Reserve, 3,600 acres; Broadview, Sask., Crooked Lakes Reserve,
3,600 acres; Sintaluta, Sask., Assiniboine Reserve, 1,000 acres.
Sixteen large gas tractors were used continuously almost night and day to
bring this land under cultivation. Bunk and cook houses have been built to
accommodate men and granaries are being erected. It will take thirty-six thousand
bushels of wheat to seed this land. The best pure-bred Marquis wheat alone is being
used.
In addition to preparing this extensive area for wheat, Mr. Graham has been
devoting considerable time to the work of increasing beef production. Last March 384
head of stock were purchased and were grazed on the File Hills Reserve. They were
recently sold and showed approximately an increase of one hundred thousand pounds
of beef, and also netted the greater production account a profit of $10,000.
As a result of the department’s efforts, fourteen thousand acres of prairie land
were brought under cultivation by the Indians, while the Indians on the various
30 From INDIANS HELPING TO INCREASE CROPS. (1918, November 26). Montreal Gazette, p. 10.
26
reserves summer-fallowed over ten thousand acres. The area prepared for crop in this
one season is estimated by Mr. Graham as about four times as great as would have
been effected under ordinary conditions. The western Indians have now over twenty
thousand head of cattle.
Besides the work among the Indians, in the neighborhood of twelve thousand
acres were leased to white settlers and have been prepared and ready for seeding
next season. Over two hundred thousand acres have been leased for pasturage at a
rate profitable to the Indians and the department.
The following land is now ready for this coming season:
Greater production farms, 21,200 acres; broken by Indians, 14,000 acres;
broken by white men, 12,000 acres; summer-fallowed by Indians, 10,000 acres.
“A scorching attack”31 (February, 1919)
EDMONTON, Feb. 13. – A scorching attack on various departments of the
federal government was the feature of a lengthy address in the house today by Martin
Woolf, government member for Cardston, who […] attacked the federal department,
unnamed, which had permitted the leasing of huge tracts of land in the Blood Indian
reserve to certain individuals. […] He pointed out that the house had adopted
Opposition Leader George Hoadley’s resolution last year asking to withhold these
lands from homesteading until they could be made available for soldiers; as a result,
they were divided up among big cattlemen for grazing purposes. […] He read some of
the names [of the leaseholders] and their political pedigrees32: W. P. Smith, six
sections; W. H. Steen, four sections; Chris. Jensen, six sections; Ephraim Hart, four
sections; Marston Bros., four sections; Knight and Watson, who got a lease from
Gordon Ironsides and Fares for blanket privileges to graze 10,000 cattle on it during
the summer with the right to put up hay to carry them over the winter. […] One lease
for farming of 5,000 acres he knew was for five years.
“Over 300 head of horses have died”33 (April, 1920)
On the Blood reserve over 300 head of horses have died this winter, and at the
present time the Indian farmers are wondering how they will manage to put in their
crops this year. Many of the Indians are making a little money disposing of the hides
31 From Dominion Government Criticized for Leasing Blood Reserve Lands. (1919, February 14). The Calgary Herald, p. 14. 32 “Mr. Conroy, a lessee of lands on the Hobbema reserves, has written that all the leases on the two
reserves there were given to opponents of the Dominion Government. Whatever may be the merits or
dements of the policy of grazing leases, which apparently are for short terms, it is reasonably clear
that the Department did not use them for purposes of party patronage. Whether the land is suitable
for farming for returned veterans, or anybody else, remains to be seen.” NOT USED FOR PARTY
PATRONAGE. (1919, March 14). The Red Deer Advocate, p. 4. 33 From BANK MANAGER IN MACLEOD IS MOVED. (1920, April 26). The Calgary Herald, p. 15.
27
of the animals; also they have been very busy catching and obtaining the skins of
beavers, lynx, muskrats and other furbearing animals which have been plentiful this
year, thereby making a living for the winter.
“Without asking the Indians”34 (April, 1921)
Grazing leases on the Blood Reserve will be continued throughout this year,
according to an announcement by Premier Meighen, in the Dominion house. […] In
1918 leases were first granted through the authority of an order-in-council, without
asking the Indians, but ample ground was left to support the animals of the Indians.
The leases can be terminated on six weeks notice in writing. The leases are granted
for one year only.
“Persecution, bad faith and chicanery”35 (May, 1921)
A remarkable story, containing allegations of persecution, bad faith and
chicanery by the government of Canada, in regard to the relations of this country
with the Indians of the Blood Reserve, is told by Mr. R. N. Wilson, of Standoff,
Alberta, who is in Ottawa on behalf of the Indians in an effort to get some of their
numerous wrongs redressed. Mr. Wilson describes himself as an Indian trader who
has known these Indians intimately for the past forty years. He was originally a
member of the R.N.W.M.P.36 when in 1881 he met his first Blood Indian. He was sent
in 1882 on duty to the Blood Reserve, where he learned to speak the language of those
Indians, and after securing his discharge from the force in 1884 opened up a general
trading store at Standoff, adjoining the reserve in southern Alberta, in which district
he has resided practically ever since, and always in business associations with the
Indians, more than thirteen years being spent in the Indian service of the
government, from which he resigned in 1911.
“I am merely a friend and neighbor of the Indians,” said Mr. Wilson when he
showed a Citizen representative a power of attorney from the head chief of the Blood
tribe and credential signed by two hundred Blood Indians, including all of the chiefs
and comprising two-thirds of the adult male residents of the reservation, authorizing
him to act for and represent them in urging their complaints upon the attention of
the government. […]
ADVENT OF HON. MR. MEIGHEN
In the course of the interview, sometimes quoting from a memorandum which
he has prepared in an effort to ventilate this subject, Wilson contended that the
34 From WILL CONTINUE GRAZING LEASES BLOOD RESERVE. (1921, April 14). The Macleod Times, p. 1. 35 From Anonymous & Wilson, R. N. (1921, May 6). INDIANS OF THE BLOOD RESERVE MAKE
ALLEGATIONS OF SCANDALOUS TREATMENT BY THE GOVERNMENT. The Ottawa Citizen, p. 17. Written by Robert Nathaniel Wilson (1863 – 1944), who served as an Indian agent on the Peigan
and Blood reserves from 1898 to 1911. 36 Royal North-West Mounted Police.
28
[Treaty] made by the Dominion government with the Blood Indians explicitly gives
the Indians the personal and exclusive use of their lands until and unless they
voluntarily surrender it, and that this was not questioned by any government of
Canada until Hon. Mr. Meighen became superintendent-general of Indian affairs in
1917. That year marked the abandonment by the Indian Department, at least as [far
as] the Blood reserve was concerned, of the traditional Canadian policy of Indian
administration, and it marked the end of the prosperity of the Blood Indians, who
from that time forward were not permitted to enjoy the peaceful possession of their
reserve as guaranteed to them by treaty.
The Bloods, who are one of the most important Indian tribes in Canada, were
the principal [stock] raising Indians of the Dominion, as well as being the second
[most notable] farming tribe in the country when in 1918 the department abandoned
its policy of advancing Indians on their reserve in favor of a policy of Indian reserve
excision in the interests of covetous white men. In February, 1918, during an official
campaign of pressure, the Blood Indians asked to vote on the proposed [sale of] about
30,000 acres of their reserve, a question which they had voted down in the preceding
[year]. By enrolling as voters a [group] of boys under age, by purchasing votes with
tribal funds and favors, and by intimidating Indians, a small majority in [favor] of
the land sale was shown, which was immediately protested by the head chief on the
grounds of bribery, intimidation and fraud.
COERCIVE MEASURES
“A few illustrations will show the dangers to which Indians are exposed when
a government official considers that it is ‘up to him’ to secure land from them by hook
or crook. The first measure taken to force the Indians to sell land was to stop the
development of their farming enterprise, to appropriate and use for other agency
purposes the funds upon which the farming extension was dependent, and to inform
the Indians that no more land would be broken up for new farms until they sold part
of the reserve. Thus in 1916 and 1917, when Western Canada was being ‘stumped’ by
public speakers urging greater production37 of grain, the Blood Indians, while they
had a good crop from their old land, were not permitted to respond to the greater
production appeal, though they had the land, machinery, horses, plenty of willing
men and the necessary capital to operate their traction breaking plow outfits. The
37 A concerted campaign by different levels of Canadian government that began during World War I:
“Co-operation of the provincial governments in the campaign for greater production was asked, on
behalf of the Dominion Government. […] The objects aimed at in the campaign for greater production
[…] may be defined as follows: To plant this spring every acre possible of wheat, oats, barley and rye.
To bring into cultivation every acre possible of new land for a crop in 1919. To increase cattle, hogs
and sheep to the greatest possible extent. To secure cultivation of gardens and vacant lots in town and
city, with a view to raising the maximum amount of vegetables, this purpose to be accomplished
through municipal or existing organizations in such a manner as will insure proper supervision. To
encourage every household in small towns and villages to raise one pig through the season, with a
view to utilizing all garbage for food. […] For achieving these objects […] Provincial Governments to
[…] undertake the work of ascertaining the form of assistance which may be required by their farmers,
in order to secure, in 1918, the breaking of a definite increased acreage of new land more than would
normally be broken for next year’s crop.” CO-OPERATION OF PROVINCES RESULT OF
CONFERENCE. (1918, February 18). The Montreal Gazette, p. 9.
29
irony of the predicament of the Blood Indians in 1917 will be appreciated upon
reading the closing paragraph38 on page 1049 Hansard of April 23rd, 1918, in which
Mr. Meighen says: ‘We would be only too glad to have the Indian use this land if he
would; production by him would be just as valuable as production by anybody else.
But he will not cultivate this land, and we want to cultivate it; that is all. We shall
not use it any longer than he shows a disinclination to cultivate the land himself.’
“The land surrender matter was constantly mixed up with other agency
business, Indian after Indian being made to understand that fair and ordinary
treatment at the hands of the department was dependent upon signing a pledge to
vote ‘Yea.’ For instance, one of the opposing faction, an honest, hardworking Indian,
was told: ‘If you come down here (to the agency) and vote against the surrender, your
family will starve next winter,’ while another opponent of the land sale was offered
an appointment of minor chief if he would change his vote from ‘Nay’ to ‘Yea,’ a minor
chief’s medal being held up before his eyes during the conversation.
“The ration house maintained on the reserve by the department for the double
purpose of assisting the destitute and providing a medium for the distribution of the
beef and flour of the self-supporting Indians, was during this period turned into a
vote-getting machine. Aged and infirm Indians who had for years been on the
department’s ‘permanently destitute’ list had their rations shut off entirely and were
forced to become beggars in order to live, while able-bodied Indians prominent among
the ‘land seller’ faction were to be seen carrying out of the ration house sacks of beef
heavier than they could handle without assistance.”
Mr. Wilson says that in this campaign of official duress, the charge was made
that trust monies belonging to non-assenting Indians were by the manipulation of
official agency records transferred to the credit of “land sale” supporters, thus
administering a punishment and a reward with the same pen stroke. “Implements
purchased with tribal funds and the property of the whole tribe were used to buy
surrender votes, and the agent’s power to assist his Indians with credit orders upon
merchants and dealers for vehicles, tents, machinery and the like, was used to a
remarkable extent in vote getting. Indians who would not consent to the land sale
were black-listed and systematically persecuted. Some of these with money on deposit
at the agency, derived from their personal earnings, were not permitted to withdraw
their money while they remained on the ‘wrong’ side of the controversy and,
contrariwise, other Indians who had no deposits whatever but were ‘right’ in the
official estimation were permitted to draw money at the agency as cash advances
against future earnings that were not even in sight. As agency cash on hand or in the
bank is almost entirely made up of balances from earnings held in trust for individual
Indians, the effect of the above discrimination was to give the ‘Yeas’ the use of the
‘Nays’’ money.
LANDS LEASED TO GOVERNMENT’S FRIENDS
“The immense power of the government, which on an Indian reservation is so
far-reaching, was during this period exercised to make miserable the lives of the
38 I have edited this quote to match the relevant passage on page 1049 of the Debates of the House of
Commons (Hansard) for April 23, 1918.
30
‘Nays’ and their families while the ‘Yeas’ basked in the sunshine of official favor. The
head chief, representing the true majority of the tribe, at once filed at Ottawa charges
of fraud, bribery and intimidation and requested the department not to accept the
surrender without an investigation of his charges, following which protest no further
action was taken by the department with the document, and it was not sent up to the
council for acceptance. While the Indians were awaiting a reply from the department
to the protest of their chief, they were astonished to see white men appearing on their
reserve with many thousands of sheep and claiming the right to do so under leases.
Then it developed that the government had peremptorily expropriated and leased out
the 90,000 acres which the Indians had so recently declined to sell, and in order to
give this arbitrary action a color of reasonableness the executive officers of the
department trumped up the utterly false charge that the Blood reserve was empty
and unutilized, in face of the fact, well known to them, that there were at that time
grazing on the reserve close on to 17,000 head of cattle and horses, belonging to the
Indians and an old leasing company that was paying them $10,000 per annum for
grazing rights.”
“The Blood reserve was already stocked to its average safe capacity for all the
year around grazing in that climate,” says Mr. Wilson, “and the issuing by the
department in 1918 of 38 additional grazing leases was an act either of wanton
recklessness of Indian rights or of deliberate intention to punish the Indians. If the
latter, it was certainly successful.”
Serious reflections are made by him upon the manner in which these leased
lands went into the hands of friends of the present government. “Contrary to Mr.
Meighen’s assurance to parliament,” he states, “that tenders would be called for ‘in
every case where there is time and circumstances permit,’ these leases were let
privately, though there was no reason for haste, unless it was a desire to get the land
into the hands of certain parties before the public generally knew anything about it.
Mr. Martin Woolf, the Liberal M.P.P. for Cardston, in an address in the Alberta
legislature that year, charged that the Blood reserve leases were made a political
matter of by the Dominion government, and [were] granted to his present and past
political opponents. The area covered by these grazing leases included the homes of
many Indians who were ordered to vacate in favor of the lessees, while others were
dispossessed of their fenced pasture fields. Hay lands used by many Indians, some
for 20 and 25 years, and upon which they depended for cattle feed and their own
living, were also handed over to the white lessees to be used by them as hay lands.”
“GREATER PRODUCTION”
Mr. Wilson describes vividly how the white lessees were allowed to impose
upon the Indians. “While the Indian cattle were kept off the white man’s land, the
white man’s cattle and sheep were allowed to graze on the Indian lands. The Indians
made strong protests in this connection to the Indian agent of the reserve, but could
get no satisfaction. On 16th February, 1918, an order-in-council was passed stating
that a special officer would take charge of greater production on Indian lands and
would make ‘proper arrangements with the Indians for the leasing of reserve land
which may be needed for grazing, for cultivation or for other purposes, and for the
31
compensation to be paid therefor.’ These duties were not performed with regard to
the 90,000 acres of leases, as no arrangement of any sort was proposed to or discussed
with the Blood Indians, who knew nothing of any intention to place sheep on their
reserve until the sheep were actually there in thousands, and those Indians who
resided within the area were ordered to vacate their homes in favor of government
lessees. As for compensation to the tribe for the lands so leased or to individual
Indians for losses sustained by the confiscation of their personal holdings, nothing of
the sort was proposed then, or has been during the three years that have since elapsed
with the confiscations in full force. When some of the Indians were expressing in
appropriate language their opinions of the lack of wisdom in crowding their cattle
range with sheep, and their indignation at the rough dispossession to which they were
being subjected, the agent sent an exaggerated report to Ottawa, causing the
government to fear that the Indians contemplated taking the law into their own
hands and expelling the invaders from the reserve, a measure which the Bloods, who
are a tractable people, had not even considered. In consequence of the report of the
agent, however, a higher officer of the department appeared upon the reserve with
three armed policemen and the belated information that the leases had been granted
as a war measure and would be maintained by force if necessary, to accentuate which
the head chief of the Bloods was told that ‘anyone who even objects to what is being
done on the Blood reserve or anyone who advises anyone else to object will be arrested
and persecuted,’ which was a considerable threat to make in support of a bunch of
predatory leases that were absolutely devoid of moral sanction and of doubtful
legality when written.
CALAMITOUS LOSSES
“Eighteen months of wholesale overstocking of the reserve had the inevitable
result of ruining the grass and hay. The local agent warned his superiors of this
condition in his May report and again in his report for June, but though there was a
six weeks’ cancellation clause in the leases, the lessees had too much pull and were
not to be molested. All warnings having failed to induce the government to cancel its
‘greater production’ leases and restore the reserve to the use of its Indian owners, at
the beginning of the winter of 1919-20 the sacrifice of the Indian cattle herd began.
Six hundred were sold for less than half their normal value, and practically lost to
their Indian owners owing to the failure of the officials who shipped them to take the
trouble to properly identify the brands on the animals. The individual cattle brands
of the Blood Indians are numerals, and at the time that these cattle were shipped the
brands were indistinguishable owing to the growth of winter hair, and could not be
accurately read by anyone without clipping on each animal the area of the brand,
which clipping was not done. The I.D. report for 1919-20 shows the sum of $20,463
from this sale as being held in a tribal account at Ottawa, where it apparently rests
yet owing to the fact that the real owners of the money are unknown. Another 400
head of Indian cattle crowded off their reserve by the ‘greater production’ leases were,
to save them from starvation, shipped by rail to the Stony reserve west of Calgary,
fed there until the following summer, when they were returned by rail, minus a
shortage of 150 head, to the Blood reserve, all this cost and loss being imposed upon
32
the unfortunate Bloods rather than disturb the ‘greater production’ lessees who had
within twelve months been permitted by the authorities to remove from the Blood
reserve thousands of tons of cattle feed, which under any system of fair dealing would
have been retained for the use and profit of the Indians.
“In 1919 the Blood Indians had 3,472 cattle; in the following spring the
survivors were counted and found to number about 1,200 which, after allowing for
the 1,000 sent away, left a heavy shortage that had starved to death on their reserve
from which the government had within the year allowed strangers, backed by the
police, to remove thousands of tons of fodder. Moreover, the Indians were forbidden
to skin animals that had died of starvation, though the hides were worth several
dollars each. The Indians believe that the government gave this order to conceal the
great losses suffered by Indian cattle through their feed being taken from them by
the white lessees.
“The losses were not confined to cattle. Throughout the forty years of their
occupation of the reserve, the Blood Indians wintered their horses of all classes by
grazing out on the open range, none being stabled except when in use. During this
winter of 1919-20, their horses died of starvation in such numbers that by spring no
less than 538 fatalities had been reported for record. A deplorable feature of this
phase of the calamity was the fact that the work horses were the heaviest sufferers,
a total of 454 work horses being reported dead of starvation. Some of the Indians who
were farmers lost all of their teams, while many had nothing left with which to either
ride, drive or work.
THE “FORTUNATE INDIAN”
“’The Indian is very fortunate,’ said Hon. Mr. Meighen in the house; ‘he has all
he had before and now, in addition, he has the rental for this land,’ to which the
Indian replies, ‘You have killed my cattle and my horses, by taking from me the grass
that I had before, and though three years have passed I have yet to see the first dollar
of the promised grazing rental.’
“A large sum of money was received by the department from the grazing
lessees, but it has been of no benefit to the Indians as it was kept in a general fund
and was mostly wasted by the government in fruitless efforts to repair the damage
caused by the ill-advised leases. A reading of the somewhat elaborately camouflaged
33
account in the auditor general’s report for 1919-20, pp. I-13739 and I-18340, will show
that $58,807 was expended for cattle management, mainly on imported baled hay,
when $15,000 would have been ample had there been no G. P. leases.
“Of their 66 pure-bred bulls, 35 were sacrificed in a sale at 5c or 5 1-4 cents per
pound, and 22 of the high-priced animals were allowed to starve to death. One
valuable bull was sold for $50 to someone under a fictitious name and reported as
‘old,’ while he in reality was a young animal quite recently purchased for $300.
THE CARDSTON LEASE AFFAIR
“The only ‘greater production’ leasing scheme submitted to the Blood Indians
for their consent was a proposition that the government be permitted to lease to white
men for farming purposes, for a period of five years, a block of about 10 sections of
land (about 6,000 acres) close to the town of Cardston. As this 10-section farming
lease was presented to the Indians as a patriotic measure, it was assented to by a
large majority led by the head chief, who had opposed the out and out sale of reserve
lands. The two conditions then voted upon of particular interest to the Indians were:
(1) That all rental proceeds of the lease should be paid to the Indians in per capita
distribution of cash; and (2) that all straw grown the leased land should become the
property of the Indians for the feeding of their own cattle. After the said 10 sections
had been leased by the department to white farmers, and the agent had advised the
Indians that the rentals therefrom would bring them during the term of the lease
annual per capita payments of about $24, it was arranged that the department should
distribute $6 per capita on account. This payments was made on the 30th May, 1918,
but before receiving the money the Indians were unexpectedly required to sign a
paper which was not explained to them. Some thought that it was a receipt for the
$6, but all signed because they were informed by the agent that unless they did so
the money would be sent back to Ottawa and no payment made until another year.
At the conclusion of the payment, the head chief, who does not speak or read English,
was handed a copy of the paper which they had signed, and upon taking this away
for translation it then became known for the first time that they had signed another
farming lease of a quite different character, cancelling the first one, taking from the
Indians the straw and changing the $6 payment on account into a payment in full.
39 The entry for “Haying operations, etc.” of the Blood Indians of Alberta, on this page, totals $31,000
and consists of the following: “hay, 3,220·114 tons, $34,107.70, no quantity stated, $1,271.30; royalty
on hay, 114¼ tons at $2; straw, 367·916 tons, $2,787.70; green feed, 510·78 tons, $11,160.33; oil cake,
30 tons, $2,220; rebuilt hay press, $400; baling wire, 6,835 lb., $516.80; baling hay, 1,516·64 tons
$6,049.71; baling straw, 27·175 tons, $122.28; weighing, $152.70; stacking, $379.50; wages of men
baling, at $2, $2.50 and $3 a day, $4,602.34; hauling feed, $2,375; sundry labour, $554.03; rider, 79½
d., $159; rent of quarters for crew, 5 m., $50; fuel, $97.60; board and provisions for men, $2,041.46;
travel and outlay of men, $277.66; stabling, horse feed, etc., $347.70; skinning dead animals, $17.50;
fencing stacks, $48; freight, $1,960.92; demurrage, $6; postage, $12.50; telephone tolls and telegrams,
$44.30; hardware, supplies and repairs, $247.85; various items, $254.48; advertising for hay, $1.50;
interest on bank overdrafts, $303.90, dipping 417 head cattle at 50 cts., brand inspection, $50, feed,
$159, board of men, $57.90, insurance, $2, sundry labour, $12; total, $73,885.16; less charged as
follows: - 1920-21, $755.24, Acct. 442, Blood Ranch Acct., $17,400”. 40 One interesting line item from the Blood Ranch Account detailed on this page: “Grazing dues, Gordon
Ironside Fares Co., $10,000; hides sold, $3,000.10”.
34
An important point is that this loss of straw produced on several thousand acres of
the lessees’ crop was a contributing cause of the disaster which overtook the Blood
Indian cattle.
“After being deprived of 75 per cent. or 80 per cent. of their benefits from this
10-section farming lease by the substitution of one legal document for another, the
victims expected prompt and full payment of that little which was left to them, the
annual $6 per capita, promised in the name of the King to be paid on or about the
first of April, but the western officials of the department held back the payment for
five weeks in each of the years 1919 and 1920 to enable a government employee armed
with a rifle to traverse the reserve and observe the consent of each dog owner, under
a threat of shooting his or her dog, to the deduction of dog taxes from the said $6.
“The Indians requested the government to discard the document that was
substituted and to settle with them according to the original and only legal one, but
the government made no response to their appeal.
SEIZURE OF MONEYS
“The Indians complain that in September, 1918, the year before the principal
calamity, the executive officers of the department gathered up on the Blood reserve
and sold a mixed lot of Indian cattle, including three-year-old steers, two-year-old
steers and young breeding cows, the orders being to ‘take everything that is fat.’ For
these cattle the authorities received more than $40,000, the steers in the shipment
being sold for $168 each, at the then price of about 14c per pound live weight. Blood
Indians, whose private property these cattle were, have not been able to secure an
accounting of the $40,000. The owners were bluntly informed that the ‘Indian share’
would be $50 a head, and after a delay of about six months, credits on that basis were
carried to some of their accounts. They subsequently learned that about $20,000 of
these personal Indian funds had been taken and reinvested in other cattle which
were, after long being fed with hay, in turn sold for about $20 a head less than they
had cost in the first place, the loss from this absolutely unwarranted speculation with
trust monies falling upon the Blood Indians. Another lot of Blood Indians’ cattle were
sold for about $15,000 by the executive officers of the department, and of this sum
but $2,000 or 43,000 was credited to the accounts of the Indians who owned the
money, and no explanation given of the balance, though the Indians learned
indirectly that the greater part of the funds had been used to buy cattle, concerning
the branding or disposal of which no information was available.
“Thousands of dollars of personal Indian income derived from beef and grain
sales and on deposit at the agency in trust for them individually were peremptorily
seized for the ostensible purpose of reinvestment in breeding cattle. Protests of the
Indians against this unjustifiable use of their private moneys were repeatedly made,
but were met with the statement that it was the order of the government and must
be obeyed. Some Indians objected that they already had enough cattle, others that
they wanted to handle their own money, but protests availed nothing and the cash
was arbitrarily deducted from their accounts in single amounts of $300 and more, the
total running into thousands of dollars which, after repeated appeals to the
35
government for adjustment, are still outstanding. The laws of Canada seem to provide
no method by which Indians can, as a matter of right, secure a hearing of such claims.
SURRENDER AGAIN DEMANDED
“While continuing to avoid discussion of the memorial with the Indians, the
government informed them last fall that the only way by which they could free
themselves of their misfortunes would be to surrender part of their reserve, from
which it was inferred that the 90,000 acres would be kept from them until they did
so, and that reparation, if made, would be from the proceeds of their own land. This
announcement was followed during the recent winter by the usual preparatory
campaign, in which the Indians were made to feel the pangs of hunger, while the
many thousands of dollars of their confiscated and misappropriated funds were still
withheld from them. At the end of last month, the finances of the Indians being at
about the lowest point in the year, it was considered that the propitious moment had
arrived for another attack on their land holdings, so the Indian commissioner
appeared, accompanied, it is reported, by a force of twenty Mounted Policemen, to
record the vote, but the Indians, to their credit, refused to be intimidated by the great
display of armed force and voted down the proposition, according to the report, by 144
votes to 99, a majority against the land sale, which would seem to be an appropriate
response to the ‘strong-arm’ business methods of a misguided Indian administration.”
“Be wise and persevere”41 (August, 1921)
“Mokokit-ki-aekakimat – be wise and persevere,” advised old Head Chief
Ermine Horses, as he concluded a pow-wow among his people, the Blood Indians, a
few years ago. Such pointed phrasing as this might reasonably be expected to have
come from the pen of Ralph Waldo Emerson, or from our contemporary essayist,
Orison Swett Marden; but paradoxically enough, it is but a commonplace quotation
from the many wise sayings among the Bloods. No old Indian of this tribe ever
concludes a speech without this entreaty, “mokokit-ki-aekakimat.” Hence it is not to
be wondered that the Bloods have attained the distinction of being the most
progressive, the most industrious and the most independent tribe of Indians in
Alberta, and perhaps, in the entire northwest.
Numbering eleven hundred and fifty individuals, the Bloods occupy a reserve
in Southern Alberta five hundred and ten square miles in extent, or an area one-half
the size of Holland. If the Blackfoot, Piegan and Sarcee reservations were to be placed
on the Blood reserve, a 50,000 acre calf pasture would be left over. Of this vast area,
hundreds of thousands of acres are under cultivation by the Indians themselves, and
a few thousand acres are leased to outsiders for grazing or grain-growing purposes.
Many will wonder how the Bloods have been able to hold on to this large tract
of land against the periodic “opening-ups” which have been instituted by the
government in recent years. But after visiting the Bloods, going over every foot of
41 From Long Lance, S. C. (1921, August 27). Blood Indians are Most Independent and Hold Their
Reserve Intact. The Calgary Herald, p. 20. Written by Sylvester Clark “Buffalo Child” Long Lance (1891 – 1932).
36
their reserve and mingling with them for several days, the writer confidently
concluded that this successful tenure was consequent solely upon “being wise and
persevering.” The Bloods, unlike some tribes, have not received much individual aid
from the government, with regard to having houses built for them and being provided
with individual sets of farm implements and team; but they have attained to the same
degree of development through their own personal efforts, which betrays a desirable
trait of character not by any means common to all tribes of Indians. This peculiar
trait is independence. The Bloods are independent to an extreme degree; and it is this
wise, persevering independence that has enabled them to hold on to their domains,
while most other Indians have conceded large strips of their territory to be opened up
by the government.
The Bloods seem to have ideas of their own when it comes to land values, and
in spite of the fact that negotiations have been, and are still being carried on between
them and the Dominion government to the end that a certain portion of their reserve
might be opened up for settlement, they have always found a pound of flesh lacking
somewhere in the bargain and have tenaciously maintained their side of the
argument to the last detail, with the result that they still hold their land as it was
granted to them in the treaty of ’77.
In spite of the fact that the Bloods are identically the same tribe of Indians as
the Blackfeet, and, really speaking, are, like the Piegans, only a band of that tribe
that happened to be on their present location when peace was established and the
treaty of 1877 was signed, they, nevertheless, seem to have acquired a desirable kick
in their make-up that is not enjoyed to the same degree by their two brother bands.
The younger Bloods appreciate the value of education more than any other tribe in
the west, and are actually aggressive in clamoring for more knowledge. This is indeed
strange for Western Canadian Indians, who in the main eye the white man’s book-
learning with something resembling suspicion.
“Give us an advanced education. We need a new school with modern
conveniences. What the United States can do with their Indians, I am sure Canada
can do the same, and better, with hers.” Thus spoke Mike Mountain Horse, son of the
chief of the Bloods, at the 1921 reunion of the Old Boys’ Association, of the St. Paul’s
Blood Indian school.
Joe Beebee, another old boy, told how one Indian had graduated in the United
States as a lawyer; one had been elected a senator and many held high positions, to
which Emile Bull Shields, an ex-student, replied:
“We, too, are beginning to see daylight; we know a little what to do; in the early
days we never tried; we used to make funny remarks about the missionary, but today
we listen to him and learn from him.”
The Blood views with ironical humor the feathered nests that most Indians
like to wallow in, under the protecting wings of the government; as will be gleaned
from the following poem written by Joe Beebee and recited to the amusement of his
fellow comrades at one of the students’ reunions:
37
“Oh, I wish I was an Indian
With a tall and graceful form,
A Hudson’s Bay white blanket
To shield me from the storm.
I wish I was a Siwash,
A Blackfeet or [a] Plute,
Instead of being a white man,
An unprotected brute.”
The Blood legend telling of how they and the Piegans happened to band off
from the parent Blackfeet tribe and become separate tribal units, runs as follows:
Back in the past there lived a chief with three sons, each the leader of a clan
of the tribe. The Indiasn were passing through an extremely hard year and found it
practically impossible to secure enough meat to keep them from starving. The chief
called in his three sons and told one of them to take his band and go west, another to
go south and a third to go east, and not return until they had killed enough game to
keep the tribe from perishing. The sons gathered their bands and went their ways as
instructed, covering hundreds of miles of territory. During their wanderings, each of
them discovered a particular hunting ground that suited him best, bagged their game
and returned with their spoils. The father, upon noticing that the soles of the
moccasins of one band were covered with black, called them Blackfeet. A second band,
having acquired a bloodthirsty nature during their encounters with other strange
tribes, were called the Kai-Nais, or Bloods. However, the manner in which the
Piegans derived their name is not clearly related.
It is known that the bands returned to their respective hunting grounds and
remained there roaming over wide-given areas until the treaty of ’77, when the
government stopped them where they were and said to each of them: “You remain
where you are, on so many acres of land in this vicinity, bounded by so-and-so.” Thus
the Blackfeet were placed on their reserve stretching from Namaka to Bassano; the
Bloods on a strip running from Cardston to slightly above Macleod; and the Piegans,
on a square section of land embracing about six townships and lying between the
Blood reserve and Pincher Creek.
One of the greatest forces for good among the Blood Indians is the St. Paul’s
school, which is conducted under the supervision of Principal Rev. S. H. Middleton,
and run under the auspices of the Anglican church. […] Rev. Middleton is remarkably
progressive in his educational work. Ever on the alert for new ideas from the larger
Indian schools in the United States, he collects important facts from all over the
continent, weeds out the dross and assimilates the better points in his own
institution. He keeps himself in close touch with everything Indian, with the result
that his knowledge of the red man, his ways and his peculiarities has widened into a
philosophy. […]
The school is situated on the west bank of the Belly river, so named after the
Indian, Mo-ko-wa-ni, about 15 miles southeast of Macleod, and immediately across
the river from the agency buildings. It is able to accommodate 60 pupils and the
38
necessary staff, but the buildings are far from being adequate for school purposes –
or for that matter, any purposes of human habitation. They are antiquated remnants
of the old log huts that were used in the old days, covered with boarding and painted
white, and although they do not present an unpleasant appearance from a distance,
their immediate appearance and interiors are woefully ramshackled and deteriorated
beyond repair. Many of the floors are actually bulged up by the pressing earth
beneath; in consequence of the settling of the buildings, and the lines of the exterior
sag pitifully with age.
However, preparations are now on foot to erect one of the finest schools in all
Canada for the Blood and Piegan Indians, but considerable disagreement exists with
regard to the most suitable location of the proposed institution. Some would like to
have the school farther up the river in the neighborhood of the present Catholic
school, and the reserve hospital, others would have it situated closer to the Piegan
reserve, and a further portion of those who have a say in the matter would rather see
the new system of building erected on the present school site, which, it must be
admitted, seems to be topographically the best location on the reserve. However, if
the agency should be moved farther west in pace with growing tendency of the Indians
to move west, the natural geographic location of the new school would be farther west.
The more favorable character of the soil in the western portion of the reserve
is causing more Indians to move their homes every year, and already the majority of
the Bloods reside west of the agency, the vicinity of which is becoming rather isolated.
A drive from the agency through the western portion of the reserve takes one
past scores of excellent crops, farm houses and horse and cattle ranches, all of which
are owned and operated by the Bloods. The Indians were haying when the writer
visited the reserve, and hundreds of them, old and young, could be seen working
silently on immense stacks of the golden stems, mowing and cutting, or turning the
summer fallow. They were “haying” about 50 tons every day, said Agent Faunt.
So striking was the appearance of one golden field of rye along the route
through the reserve, the writer requested that the car should be stopped for a closer
examination. Here, he saw what was undoubtedly one of the best crops of rye in the
whole of Alberta if not the ace of the 1921 yield. Although harvesting was a few weeks
off yet, the mingled green and gold stalks reached well into an ordinary man’s chest.
This wonderful crop had been grown in the face of the drought that has prevailed all
summer in the southern part of the province.
Charlie Pace’s camp and horse ranch could be seen in the distance, and when
his herd was finally passed, it was surprising to notice that most of the horses were
of the larger type and that although the herd contained a few pintos, there were none
of the ordinary cayuses, so commonly owned by Indians present. This fact was
remarked upon by the writer, which brought forth from the agent the information
that the majority of the Indians refused to have anything to do with cayuses; they
would not allow any to be brought on the reserve and when they picked their horses
they invariably chose the larger type.
39
A little farther on another productive looking farm was passed, and the writer
was soon to learn that this belonged to Jim Three Persons, the champion bucking-
horse rider of the world, who had turned from saddle horses to the plow.
The greater production farm started by the government during the war was
still being run full blast; but now by the Indians and for the Indians. The grain raised
on the farm is sold and the proceeds are used for starting new farmers. Six new
farmers had already been given their starts this year, explained the agent.
The Bloods, not having surrendered any of their land to be sold for tribal funds,
do not possess the tribal wealth enjoyed by the Blackfeet, nor the lease money
accruing to the Sarcees. Therefore, there is not yet any systematized way of providing
new farmers with homes and complete farming outfits. Although many of the Bloods
have established themselves on farms by dint almost solely of their own efforts, the
agent always finds practical means of providing the more promising young men with
sufficient equipment with which to begin their farming career – and the above is one
of the methods now being employed.
The graduates of the St. Paul’s school make the best farmers, said the agent;
as their training at the school peculiarly fitted them for the work. Not only had they
gained a good elemental knowledge of farming at the school, but they had also
acquired something of even greater importance; a sense of self-discipline which
taught them necessity for personal effort and work. Further, the girls had learned
the essentials of domestic cleanliness while at school and they were, therefore, able
materially to help their husbands by devoting strict attention to the home, which was
a prominent factor in successful farming. This might be considered a flattering
tribute to Mr. Middleton and his staff of co-workers.
Having traveled from 10 o’clock in the morning until 6 that evening through
70 miles of the reserve, the writer was driven into Waterton Lakes park just as the
sun was making a forced retirement behind the higher peaks of the Rockies. A
beautiful little camp composed of the older girls from St. Paul’s school and Rev.
Middleton’s and Agent Faunt’s families, had brought the party to this out-of-the-way
lake valley in the heart of the Rocky Mountains. St. Paul’s had closed for two months
during the summer, and these girls, ranging all the way from 10 to 18 years of age,
had been brought out to this garden spot that they might remain under the influence
of the school atmosphere and not be retarded by contact with tepee life during their
vacation.
They were, indeed, a happy looking lot, and well should they have been; for
they were provided everything that the modern white child enjoys at summer resorts.
Boating, mountain climbing, games and, at night, sing-songs around tbe blazing
camp fires, were among the scores of diversions at their disposal. This summer camp
is a permanent institution of the St. Paul’s school, which has acquired through the
efforts of Rev. Middleton, six lots at the lower end of the park, on which tehre have
been erected two bungalows – one for the girls and one for his family.
It the people of the world could have seen this group of dusky daughters of the
plains, not yet one generation away from savagery, seated around a big log camp fire
that night, singing “It’s a Long, Long Way to Tipperary,” and many of the latter songs,
40
the words of which even the writer does not know, they would have been everlastingly
impressed. Like all Indian girls, they are [a] very shy and non-committal lot, and by
one not acquainted with Indians, it could easily have been presumed that they could
not speak a word of English, judging from the silence with which they would possess
themselves as they flitted past the main cottage, making their way to and from the
river below. […]
Later on in the night, as the writer sat in the dark, screened verandah of Rev.
Middleton’s bungalow, […] he heard a low, sonorous strain of music coming from the
Indian girls’ bungalow, a few feet away. It swelled and died away against the rocks
on the far side of the lake.
“What is that?” he inquired of the Rev. Middleton, who was engaged in laying
out his camp clothes inside the bungalow. “Oh, that’s the girls singing Vespers before
retiring. They always say their prayers and sing their vespers before going to bed, no
matter whether any of the instructors are around or not.” (“Well,” soliloquized the
writer under his breath, “I wonder how many white children are so true to the
principles of their school, when they are away on their summer vacations?”)
In an ancient Indian tepee, an old-time Indian sits,
With his little grandchild resting by his side,
The boy asks his grandsire why must he go to school
And ‘neath the white man’s rule for years abide
The old chief’s face grows serious, but silently he smokes,
And says in language simple, sweet and mild:
“The old-time days are over, the buffaloes are gone;
No more will Indians hunt them o’er the plains,
The great and boundless prairies,
With their rolling hills and dales,
Are now bound fast in civilization’s chains.
“No more shall we roam the country, with no one to deny
Or tell us where and when we are to go;
The white brother’s laws and customs
Have engulfed us in their clasp
And the Indians’ days are passing sure but slow.
“No more shall we fight our battles, or count the scalps we won,
(The old chief’s hand strays fondly to his belt);
No more we’ll kill the beaver or the gaunt grey timber wolf,
Or treasure up the handsome weasel pelt;
Those days are passing, passing;
We live ‘neath white man’s laws,
And, therefore, you must learn the white man’s ways–
It’s wisdom that will count in future days.
41
And that is just the reason why you must go to school,
And let the white chief teach you all he can;
Mokokit-ki-sekakimat – be wise and persevere,
And they’ll say with pride:
‘There’s one grand Indian,
Hie, hie, hie, hie, h-i-e!’”
Unfortunately, all of the older Indians do not look upon the school in the
favorable light conveyed in the above roughly constructed lines. The attitude
displayed by the dissenters whose children are taken from them is that of a
benefactor. This minority still claims that by placing a child in school he is conferring
a great favor on the principal. However, such cases are few and far between among
the Bloods today, states Rev. Middleton; and the maturing of the coming generation
will render them still less frequent.
Being an offshoot of the Blackfoot tribe, the Blood Indians’ chief dance is the
sun dance. In the old days this dance, which lasted for two or three weeks, was
attended with much bloodshed, and for that reason has been so discouraged by the
government that it is much tamer and much less frequently held now than formerly.
However, the Indians insist that they should be allowed to hold it at least once a year,
which is usually acquiesced in by the government officials and the Mounted Police;
for, as the Indians do not know how to perform our modern dances, it is practically
the only diversion they have.
The sun dance, which is centred in the medicine lodge, is the great festival of
the year; a time of happy meetings, feasting and the exchange of presents. It is a
deeply religious affair, and its execution is taken mor seriously than any of the rites
of the white man’s church. And this is not to be wondered at, when the awful pain
and suffering, and sometimes death, which attended the dance in its original form, is
taken into consideration. In times of stress – when a relative lay at the point of death,
or when a warrior was facing a dangerous operation – he would make a vow for the
medicine lodge that if the outcome should be successful or if his relative should
recover, he would undergo severe physical torture in the sun dance. This was usually
accomplished by inserting leather thongs into one’s hide, tying the other end to a pole
and working upon it until the flesh gave away and freed the dancer.
The vow for the medicine lodge must always be taken by a good woman.
Extremely fortunate is the woman who is chosen to preside over the medicine lodge,
for she is considered by her tribesmen to be the purest woman among them. When
the vow is made to her, she offers up a prayer to the sun, and in case of the fulfilment
of the prayer, she builds a medicine lodge, in which the vow must be carried out by
the petitioner.
About the time the berries ripen the tribe comes together and [members] pitch
their tepees in a great circle, and in the centre the medicine lodge is built. In the old
days the ceremony usually lasted four days and four nights, during which the person
who had taken the vow would neither eat nor drink, except once in sacrifice. But all
42
during this time he would dance frantically around the pole in an endeavor to break
away the strips of flesh which held the rawhide thongs in his chest.
Several ideas prevail among the Indians as to the origin of the medicine lodge.
Some say that it was designated by the Great Spirit as an everlasting feast42 unto
him, and others interweave an ancient romance between a disfigured warrior and a
beautiful maiden into the story depicting its origin.
In the latter derivation it is related that way back into the past there lived a
poor young brave with no parents and with an ugly scar across his face, for which
reasons the Indians called him “Ukski,” or “Scar Face.” His appearance, coupled with
his extreme poverty, made him the butt of all jokes and he was taunted everywhere
he went. There lived at the same time a beautiful girl, the daughter of a chief. Every
handsome young buck wanted to marry her, but she refused them all, claiming that
the sun had forbidden her to marry, as she was the daughter of the sun.
Scar Face, determining to make an end of the disgraces which had been heaped
upon him since his boyhood, resolved to ask the beautiful sun girl to marry him, and
thus give little reason for being considered unfortunate by his fellow tribesmen. When
proposed to, the sun girl replied that she would marry him under the condition that
he should go to the sun and ask his permission, and at the same time have him
remove the scar from his face.
The legend bears considerable detail of Scar Face’s journey to the sun and how
he gained the good graces and gratitude of the celestial body by saving his son, the
North Star, from drowning in the great waters. But the meat of it relates that the
sun informed him that it was the lord of all that the eye could see on the earth, and
told him that the sign by which all of his, the Sun’s people, were known, was the
medicine lodge. “Go back,” said the Sun, “and if any of your people are sick or about
to die, promise to build a medicine lodge if the person recovers. The lodge shall be
built like the world, round, with arched sticks, one-half to be painted red for me, and
the other half black, for the moon.”
The Sun then rubbed some medicine on the young man’s face and the scar
disappeared. He then gave Scar Face two crow feathers and said that they would be
the sign of the girl he was giving him, and that they were always to be worn by the
husband who took the vow for the sun dance. The rubbing of the medicine on the face
of the dancers is always carried out before a dance, as everyone who has witnessed
the festival knows.
The making of the braves is always carried out in the sun dance, and in the old
days they went through the above described tortures to show that they were worthy
of the order of the brave.
The Blood Indians of today do not, of course, carry out the tortures attending
the old sun dances, but they hold them in a milder form. They have a special place
provided for their different dances, which is not interfered with by officials of the
reserve; as it is recognized that, without the white man’s many diversions to make
life worth living, the red man must have some means of his own for getting rid of his
excess energy.
42 The original has ‘least’ here.
43
Rev. Middleton aims gradually to replace these dances by teaching the younger
Indains the modern steps, and he believes that once a sufficient number have learned
to waltz and perform the other dances they will prefer them to their own. While at
Waterton Lakes, he and Mrs. Middleton escorted the girls to the dancing pavilion
occasionally to give them an opportunity of catching on to the white man’s dances, by
observation. Like all other Indians, the Bloods are good mimics, he said, laughingly,
and they would be practicing these dances no sooner than they had got away to
themselves.
Socials are held at the school every Friday evening, and he intends very shortly
to add a period of dancing to this evening’s programme of entertainment.
One place of merit on the Blood reserve, left unmentioned so far, is the reserve
hospital, run by the agency under the supervision of the Catholic church. This
institution is a model of efficiency and cleanliness, and devotes special attention to
the lying-in ward, where the Indian women undergo child birth, and at the same time
are taught the principles of midwifery and the necessity for sanitation in this respect.
The Catholic school is situated just across the road from the hospital.
In closing this article it is right to state that no little of the progress being made
by the Bloods is due to the efforts of the two very practical men who look after the
business, educational and spiritual sides of their affairs. Rev. Middleton and Agent
Fount are both young men with progressive ideas peculiarly fitting them for the
positions which they hold. Mr. Faunt has been with the Bloods about six years, during
which time he has brought about several vital improvements in their well-being. He
has done much to teach the less scrupulous Indians the value of money and of the
chattels and properties which they hold. Instead of having the cattle branded [as
government property], as has been the practice in the past, he is now giving each
Indian his quota of cattle to breed, care for and sell, which is calculated to bring out
more individuality on the part of the ranchers.
Rev. Middleton is assisted at St. Paul’s school by a very competent instructor,
J. R. Heron, and a staff of teachers and instructors composed of L. Wood, Miss
Stapleton, Miss Wilkins and Miss Wood.
The Bloods, with their huge reserve, their usually good health and their
invincible spirit of independence, might easily be called the aristocracy of the Indians
of Western Canada. They are overcoming the shock of civilization in a remarkable
manner, and with no apparent present decrease in their number, they should be able
to hold their own among the civilized forces of the future with comparative ease.
44
Moving the Blood Agency43 (May, 1923)
Residents of Macleod are up in arms over the rumour current here that the
new $100,000 Indian school on the Blood Reserve is to be built at a point three miles
from Cardston and that the Blood Agency buildings are to be at an early date moved
across the reserve to a point within seven miles of Cardston. People of this town and
district are naturally asking what advantages are to accrue to the agency or the
Indians by reason of the proposed moving of the agency site – especially in view of
the fact that the majority of the reserve’s population is resident on tilled44 lands west
and south-west of the present agency site and much nearer it than they would be to
the proposed new location near Cardston. It would be of interest locally if a definite
reason could be figured out to justify the expense45 of moving the present agency when
it would appear this expense could be obviated by building the new school at a point
near the agency as now located and contiguous to St. Paul’s Mission and the Roman
Catholic Mission, both of which have been powers for good in Indian Education – why
would not the continuance of the community as now established and with the addition
of the new school be perfectly satisfactory and do away with much expense in moving
– Why?
“The new Anglican boarding school”46 (August, 1924)
The new Anglican Indian boarding school on the south end of the Blood Indian
reservation is now nearing completion, and will be one of the most up-to-date
equipped colleges in Western Canada. It is a large red-bricked edifice of rectangular
type, with three floors and accommodation for one hundred and fifty pupils and a
staff of sixteen. The building is modern in every way, with hot and cold water, electric
light, steam heat, shower baths and other latter day improvements. There is a big
auditorium, where meetings, concerts and other gatherings will be held. One of the
features of the new school will be the gymnasium, which, when completed, will be one
of the finest in Canada. The school will be named after the old Indian mission on the
43 From WHY MOVE THE BLOOD AGENCY. (1923, May 31). The Macleod Times, p. 2. 44 “The Indians on the Blood Reserve, under Indian Agent Faunt, have magnificent crops, and
threshing operations are being carried on there. They have their own machinery, which is being paid
for out of the proceeds of the Blood Reserve farms. A number of Indians have private fields of grain
which are threshed by the reserve outfit, the cost of same being borne by the individual. Mr. Faunt
states that this year’s output will break all records for production on the Blood Reserve.” FINE CROPS
ARE BEING THRESHED. (1923, September 21). The Calgary Herald, p. 24. 45 “Bennett-White Construction Co., of Calgary, announced Friday afternoon that the company had
just been awarded two contracts in the province, amounting in all to $67,000. One is for the erection
of a group of agency buildings at the Blood Indian reserve near Cardston at a cost of $27,000.”
AGENCY BUILDING WILL BE ERECTED AT BLOOD RESERVE. (1923, September 29). The Calgary Herald, p. 14. 46 From NEARLY FINISH INDIAN SCHOOL BLOOD RESERVE (1924, August 28). The Calgary Herald, p. 11.
45
north end of the reserve, St. Paul’s, with Rev. S. Middleton, B.A., noted Indian
educationist, as principal.
The boys will be fully instructed in farming of every description, as there will
be a large experimental farm attached to the school, which will be managed by
competent farm instructors. Already many hundred acres have been summer-
fallowed and a large acreage put into wheat this spring, which will soon be ready for
harvesting.
The girl pupils will be given a full course in housekeeping and domestic science
by a staff of fully qualified teachers. The pupils will receive a complete course in
education up to Grades 10 and 12.
The new edifice is situated within about four miles of Cardston, and is
attracting a large number of tourists, as it is only a short distance from the main trail
to Waterton Lakes. The building will be completed this year, and arrangements are
already made for occupation in the next few months.
“The best satisfied and most prosperous citizens”47 (January, 1925)
Five or six years ago the eleven or twelve hundred Indians of the Blood reserve
in Southern Alberta were causing the department of Indian affairs all sorts of trouble.
They were discontented with their conditions, had apparently lost all faith in the
officials of the department, and were about ready to go on the war path. Now,
according to a report received by the department, summarizing results of the last two
or three years of most successful farming operations48 under the direction of the
Indian commissioner, W. M. Graham, the reserve contains some hundreds of the best
satisfied and most prosperous citizens of the Dominion. It is one of the most thriving
communities in Southern Alberta.
“Excellent work is being done”49 (June, 1925)
Indians on the Blood Reserve are breaking considerable new land this season,
from 1,500 to 2,000 acres. In most cases excellent work is being done. In fact, most
whites could profitably emulate methods used by the Indians, who, under intelligent
supervision, are raising good crops.
Certainly no exception can be taken to Indian Agent Faunt’s contention that
the sooner all the Indians get into the farming game, the better for all concerned.
Tom Three Persons, famous as a rider of the wild and woolly bronc, has proved
beyond doubt that he can ride a bucking plow as well as a bucking horse. He is today,
perhaps, one of the largest individual farmers on the Reserve, with his 150 acres into
crop and about 100 acres of summer fallow.
47 From Indians Farm Successfully. (1925, January 28). The Oyen News, p. 5. 48 “On the Blood Reserve the Indians have been moved to the southern area to secure the benefit of
better soil. During the past two years these Indians have spent over $100,000 in additional
equipment.” PROGRESS OF THE RED MAN. (1925, April 1). The Red Deer News, p. 2. 49 From HEAP RICH INDIAN. (1925, June 25). The Macleod Times, p. 4.
46
Joe Bull Shield is a close second, however, if not on a par with Tom. That Joe
is trying to make good use of the profits from his 6,300 bushels of wheat, raised last
year, is evident. He is building a barn and a good house on his place at farm four.
As he glides by in his Wyllis-Knight sedan, with the engine purring like a cat
before an open fire on a winter night, it causes one to reflect upon the advancement
made by the Indians in the last quarter century.
“They are becoming real citizens”50 (July, 1925)
A journey from Cardston across the Blood Indian Reserve, reveals the most
splendid country in Alberta, or in Canada for that matter, in passing over this
wonderful tract of land, which is a veritable wonderland. The Blood Indians bid fair
to become the richest people on the face of the earth. If as the Duke of Argyle wrote,
in that splendid “Dominion Hymn,” “Our sires, – won, with master hand, far more
than gold in Mountains – the Glorious prairie land,” there was one corner of it they
were kind enough to leave to the original owners, and these Blood Indians are reaping
the full benefit.
But the outstanding feature of the ride across the Reserve, is not the waving
fields of luxuriant grain, nor the big herds of fat cattle, nor the vast numbers of
excellent horses, both saddle and work animals of the best types, but it is the
imposing spectacle of St. Paul’s Residential School at the side of the road as one leaves
the town of Cardston, and then to pass on a mile or so more and again come into view
of another vast structure being built in like manner as St. Paul’s, the new Roman
Catholic school near the Agency Buildings.
This splendid new R. C. school is now going up rapidly and typifies the progress
being made by the Indians in that department of life, the intellectual, which is worth
more than gold or even the “glorious prairie land.” This second new school on the
borders of the town of Cardston will be a credit to the Indians, and will, with St.
Paul’s, provide ample accommodation for the entire child population of the Reserve.
A visit to the Reserve, too, is an education nowadays. The conversation with
the Indians themselves is enlightening. They are becoming real citizens, and it is a
very unusual thing to find a young Indian unable to converse in English.
“Infamous legislation”51 (June, 1920)
Mr. Owen Wister52, the distinguished American writer, in his latest and timely
volume on British-American relations, states that America’s blackest page in history
is her treatment of the R----- Indians. Few Canadians will disagree with Mr. Wister’s
50 From Rapid Progress On New R. C. School On Blood Reserve. (1925, July 27). The Lethbridge Herald, p. 2. 51 From Wilson, R. N. (1920, June 25). INDIAN AFFAIRS. The Ottawa Citizen, p. 22. Written by Robert Nathaniel Wilson (1863 – 1944), who served as an Indian agent on the Peigan and Blood
reserves from 1898 to 1911. 52 Owen Wister (1860 – 1938), an early and influential writer of American Western (“cowboy”) fiction.
47
condemnation of his country’s Indian policy, but most Canadians will be surprised to
learn that there is at the present time being written into the history of Canada a
black page in connection with that same subject which, if not checked, will soon
reduce this country to the level of the United States fifty years ago in Indian
administration, with the difference, of dubious credit to us, that the Americans
dishonored their Indian treaties when the Indians were warlike and strong, thus
involving their country in costly and bloody wars, while we Canadians honored our
treaties sufficiently to keep the Indians quiet until they were numerically weak,
unarmed and helpless, when by means of sundry acts of parliament under the skillful
guidance of the Hon. Arthur Meighen53 we have proceeded to make “scraps of paper”
of every treaty obligation assumed by Canada insofar as Indian landholdings are
concerned.
The safeguarding of such land as was retained by the Indians under the
descriptive name of “reserves” was the principal obligation assumed by the
government of Canada in her Indian treaties. We Canadians are not openly refusing
to acknowledge our treaty obligations because, to quote Mr. Meighen, “it is desirable,
if possible, to avoid anything in the nature of dissension, or anything in the nature of
a charge against us of infidelity.” We prefer to invade the treaty in a roundabout way,
attack them on the flank, as it were, and under cover of various catch terms such as
greater production, enfranchisement, emancipation, etc., which method enables us
sometimes to accomplish our objects without even attracting the attention of the law-
maker.
It would be interesting to know how many members of parliament were aware
that in 191854 they gave Mr. Meighen autocratic power to seize the individual
holdings of Indians on their reserves, their pasture fields, their hay lands and their
homes, and, if he were so disposed, to trade these off for the political support of the
covetous white men of the neighborhood. It is not here suggested that Mr. Meighen
would descend to such practices, but the point is that parliament has given him the
power to buy votes with Indian lands, so long as all transactions are covered by leases
arranged between the lessee and a specially provided official, without consulting the
Indian owners of the property.
Another use to which the present administration’s radical Indian legislation
can be put and which has already been exercised, is the persecution of Indians who
have refused to sell land to the government. A case in point is that of the Blood
Indians in Southern Alberta, one of the most enterprising and progressive tribes in
the Dominion. These people turned down in January, 1918, a proposition from the
government permanently to relinquish 90,000 acres of their reserve for sale. In the
following month, Parliament amended the Indian Act as above, and immediately the
heavy hand of the government fell upon the unfortunate Bloods. The 90,000 acres in
question were peremptorily seized by a special officer appointed by Mr. Meighen and
operating under himself personally, independently of the ordinary machinery of the
53 Arthur Meighen (1874 – 1950) would serve as Prime Minister in 1920, 1921 and 1926. At the time
this article was written, he was Superintendent of Indian Affairs. 54 Meighen served as Superintendent of Indian Affairs from 1917 to July, 1920.
48
department. This official proceeded to lease out the 90,000 to white men, ordering out
of their homes a score or more of the Indians, whose long established holdings
happened to be in the way, and this initial attack was followed by a campaign of
persecution which in two years has placed the affairs of these Indians in such
deplorable state that they have memorialized the government in the person of the
responsible minister, Mr. Meighen, for immediate relief from the intolerable
conditions imposed upon them, or for a judicial investigation of their grievances.
While the minister has not shown a disposition either to relieve the Indians or permit
their troubles to be investigated, there is reason to hope that he may be eventually
induced to do so.
A paragraph in our “black page” is the legislation known as Bill 14, the object
of which is supposed to be education, enfranchisement, etc., but which is another
attack upon the Indian Reserves, as it empowers the minister to declare an Indian or
tribe of Indians enfranchised by fiat from Ottawa, following which the minister
assumes the legal right to dispossess the “emancipated” s----- of his lands and dispose
of the same, the idea seeming to be that having an interest in a landed estate is
inconsistent with citizenship, or with the particular brand of citizenship that Mr.
Meighen has in store for the Indians.
The educational feature of Bill 14 is as bad as the rest of it, as it provides for
arrest and imprisonment of children in sectarian boarding schools, the only schools
in existence on most of the western reserves. In a country which boasts of its religious
freedom, it will be time enough to enforce compulsory education when we have
provided the reserves with non-sectarian national day schools. What right have we
to, as this bill does, compel an Indian to choose either a Roman Catholic or a
Protestant boarding school for his child? What if her prefers the religion of his fathers
or some white man’s faith, neither Roman Catholic nor Protestant? He should be
perfectly free to do so if our vaunted religious freedom is real. Compulsory
proselytization or compulsory Christianization is aimed at, rather than compulsory
education.
Where in Canada or in any other civilized country can the police, in the sole
interests of education, wrest a seven-year-old from its parents and incarcerate it in a
boarding school conducted by another race? The writer knows many Indian mothers
who have themselves been educated in the Indian boarding schools who emphatically
declare that no daughter of theirs will ever attend one, and the grounds of their
prejudices are well known.
Some of the schools are excellent and conducted by first class people, but all
classes of girls necessarily attend them, the depraved and the good often occupying
the same dormitory for years. In his capacity of justice of the peace of Alberta, the
writer is frequently applied to by the authorities of the Indian boarding schools in
their efforts to check the practice of young men gaining access to the girls’ dormitories
in the night time; and in one case of the sort, involving four young men, two of them
were afflicted with loathsome disease. Would Mr. Meighen compel a daughter of his
to take such risks? He certainly would not. Then let him withdraw his infamous
legislation.
49
“In the face about three times”55 (April, 1928)
One of the most important appeal cases heard in the district courts of Alberta
was heard Tuesday in Macleod before His Honor Judge A. M. Macdonald. The case
was an appeal from Magistrate Low’s finding in the hearing of Rex vs. Edwin Smith.
The defendant, Smith, who was disciplinarian at the R. C. Mission on the Blood
Reserve, was fined $10 and costs by the magistrate for assaulting one of the pupils at
the school, Albert Many Fingers. The case was appealed and in the hearing today J.
D. Matheson of Macleod and J. W. O’Brien of Cardston, appeared for the crown, while
G. E. A. Rice, of Shepherd, Rice and Fairbairn, of Lethbridge, appeared for the
defendant Smith. Judgment was reserved.
The first witness on the stand was Albert Many Fingers, who stated that he
was 17 years of age, and a pupil at St. Mary’s R. C. school on the Blood Indian
Reserve. On January 9 of this year while the pupils were marching in to breakfast,
Edwin Smith, one of the masters at the school, called him out of the line and after the
other boys had gone in to breakfast, punched him (Many Fingers) three blows on the
nose and another on the side of the face at the same time calling him an animal.
Smith refused to let witness go and wash his face, although it was all bloody, but took
him into the dining room and then told the other pupils that that would happen to
any animal who did not do what was right in the school. Witness stated that he had
never given any cause for such treatment, and during his six years as pupil at the
school had only been punished once. He also said that the principal, Rev. Father
Raux, came up to him in the dining room just after the beating and told him he was
glad to see he had been punished, and raised his hand to hit him on the head.
In cross-examination, witness denied that he had ever been disobedient, or had
talked or teased the girl pupils. He said that until that time Smith had always been
friendly with him. He (witness) had never told anyone that Smith was frightened of
him, and that he was going to fight him.
The last witness, although able to speak English perfectly, refused to answer
counsel’s questions on many occasions unless he had an interpreter, Emil Smallface,
to assist him.
The next witness was Jim Big Crow, who bore out the former witness’s
statement as to Smith calling Many Fingers an animal in the dining room and saying
that it was the punishment the rest of the animals would get if they misbehaved
themselves.
Bob Big Sorrel Horses, another pupil of the school, gave corroborative evidence
of Jim Big Crow as to Smith’s remarks in the dining room.
The Rev. W. R. Haynes, pioneer missioner of the Peigan Reserve and Missions,
was then called by the crown. He stated that he had been in charge of Indian schools
for the past 30 years. In reply to Mr. Matheson, witness did not think Smith had any
right to hit the boy with his fists. He had never done so, and never would. If there
55 From INDIAN PUPIL ASSAULT APPEAL HEARD, MACLOED: JUDGMENT IS RESERVED –
DISCIPLINARIAN OF R. C. SCHOOL, ADMITS HE PUNCHED FACE OF “BAD” SCHOOL BOY.
(1928, April 5). The Macleod Times, p. 1.
50
had been any serious trouble the lad should have been sent to the principal for
punishment. In reply to His Honor, witness emphatically stated that in his opinion
there was no difference between white boys and Indian boys. They always acted the
same; he could never see any difference, although he had taught both in Indian
schools and white schools. In cross-examination, witness admitted that if one of the
older boys had offered to fight, he (witness) would have knocked him down, then taken
him to the principal. Witness had not heard of any assault on masters at other Indian
schools.
This was all the evidence for the crown.
The first witness for the appellant was Edwin Smith himself. He stated that
Albert Many Fingers had been a source of annoyance to all the staff for several
months prior to the beating he had given him. Witness had talked to Many Fingers
about it and tried to correct him by kindness, but the boy only laughed and grinned
at witness and openly defied him on many occasions. Just prior to the 9th of January,
witness received a complaint from one of the Sisters that Many Fingers had been
carrying on indecent conversation with the girls during the master’s absence. He
therefore changed Many Fingers’ seat in the dining room so that the boy’s back was
towards the girls, but the boy only became more insolent. He also had told other lads
in the school that he (witness) was afraid, and he was going to fight him. Smith
consulted with the principal of the school as to what should be done, and the Rev.
Father told him that he would have to punish the boy himself, otherwise he would
lose all prestige with the other boys.
The next morning, which was the 9th of January, witness called Many Fingers
from the breakfast line, and told him to go into the playroom. He followed the boy in
and said that on account of his rank disobedience and insolence he would have to be
punished. The boy then put up his fists and witness immediately punched Many
Fingers in the face about three times. The boy stepped back, and there was no more
fighting.
After this he told Many Fingers he was sorry he had to do that, as he had
treated the lad with great kindness previously and he had taken advantage of it. He
then asked Many Fingers if he would obey him, and the boy replied he would, so he
told him to kneel on the floor, which was done. He did not let the boy wash his face,
as he thought it would be an example to the other big boys, especially so after Many
Fingers boasting that he would fight Smith and beat him. When he took Many
Fingers into the dining room he told the other boys that any lad who disobeyed the
rules and regulations of the school would also be punished. He had never called the
boy on any occasion an animal, and never had any thought of doing so. He considered
he took the best course in hitting the boy in the face, after seeing him put up his fists,
to maintain the dignity of the school and for further discipline and order. Witness
stated that the school teacher, A. Cody, witnessed the whipping in the playroom.
Arthur Cody, teacher of the St. Mary’s school on the Reserve, thoroughly bore
out the statements of the former witness in every point. In answer to the judge,
witness stated that in his opinion the boy certainly deserved the whipping. He had
been obstreperous for several weeks previous sand warnings had no effect on him
51
whatsoever. In witness’s opinion, Indian pupils were far harder to teach and handle
than white children. There had been no swelling on Many Fingers’ face after the fight,
as witness had cause to correct the boy shortly after for irreverence during prayer,
and there was no mark whatever on the lad’s face. He often had to correct the same
boy in school, and only a short while previous to this whipping had punished him for
running away from school.
William Mills, a pupil of the school, gave evidence as to Many Fingers boasting
that he was going to fight and whip Smith.
Judge Macdonald said he would reserve his decision, as he had not decided on
the point whether or not Smith should have punished the boy the way he did. His
Honor was convinced that Many Fingers thoroughly deserved chastisement as there
was no doubt he was a bad boy and had caused lots of trouble at the school. His actions
on the witness stand had left a bad impression with the court. In spite of his speaking
fluent English he was cunning enough when it came to a somewhat difficult question
to ask for an interpreter who could not speak as good English as himself. It was a
very important case to decide, as it would be a ruling for all other Indian schools.
There was no doubt whatever that discipline was absolutely necessary in these
schools, as in any other school, and there was also no doubt that the boy thoroughly
deserved the punishment, but the only question His Honor would have to decide on
was this: was the mode of punishment administered by Smith the correct one? His
Honor clearly stated the ruling was one of the most important he had had to decide
upon, and he reserved his decision56 on the point before mentioned.
This is the first case in Canada where an Indian child’s parent has laid
information of this kind against a school principal, master or matron.
“Metamorphosis”57 (December, 1927)
Our where the west ends, if the Rocky Mountains mark that point, Canada’s
Indian “citizens” are telling strange tales. They are not tales of war, or of the hunt,
or of horse stealing escapades. Nor are they tales of love underneath the prairie
moonlight. Yet they are tales of romance quite as fascinating as those sung to the
throb of the tom tom when the frontier was young.
The word “citizens,” you will notice, is quoted. To “crib” a line from the
breakfast food advertisement – there’s a reason. For while our Indians are real native
sons and daughters of Canada, they have no voice in public affairs. And while no
fewer than 4000 of these braves of the new era served overseas [during the Great
War], not a few making the great sacrifice, they have no vote.
56 “The appeal of Edwin Smith, disciplinarian at the Roman Catholic Indian school on the Blood
reserve, a case arising out of certain punishment meted out to an Indian student, Many Fingers, by
Smith, has been upheld by Judge A. M. Macdonald of the district court here.” RIGHT TO PUNISH
PUPIL SUSTAINED. (1928, May 3). The Edmonton Journal, p. 1. 57 From Steele, C. F. (1927, December 17). Metamorphosis of the Red Man. The Edmonton Journal, p. 33. Written by Charles F. Steele (1857 – 1932).
52
We Pale Faces point to our proud and ancient forbears, the cultured French,
the sturdy English and Scotch, the adventuresome stock of many nations that
pioneered the West in the days of the prairie schooner and plodding oxen. Splendid
roots of a mighty race they were! That we admit. And yet these trail-blazers were not
the first Canadians. When they set foot on Canadian soil they met peoples – the
Indian tribes – whose histories reached far back into antiquity.
Citizenship, full and complete, might not be a good thing for the Indian – today.
He might not make good use of that gift. That is not a problem for today. But
tomorrow – that is another story.
I have before me a copy of the weekly newspaper printed in a southwestern
Alberta town – Cardston. I read this:
“Tom Three Persons of the Blood Indian reserve drove home from town today
at the wheel of a new sedan.”
This little item about Tom and his sedan wasn’t much to look at. It was buried
in the middle of a column of social and personal stuff, wasn’t even given a heading to
earmark its real news. In fact, an Indian driving a motor car wasn’t news – at
Cardston. And yet Tom Three Persons at the wheel of his new sedan somehow
summed up the whole story of Indian development in Canada.
Changed, indeed, are the Indians of today. They are doing remarkable things;
they are telling strange tales.
Now, take Tom Three Persons. Tom is one of the 400 out on his reserve. If the
Indians had a “Who’s Who” Tom would be listed. He is a famous Indian. A few years
ago he won the Canadian riding championship at the Calgary stampede and has been
a hero ever since. He learned to ride mean horses on the range. Tom is still riding the
range, but it is at the wheel of an automobile.
Certainly, Tom can afford that car, for this upstanding Indian farmer threshed
3,573 bushels of hard spring wheat in the fall of 1926. When he bought the sedan he
was not extravagant. Tom needed the car in his business, for he is farming and
ranching on a big scale. “It’s coming to Tom. He’s worked hard and he’s a good Indian,”
one of Tom’s neighbors remarked as the erstwhile bronco buster tackled another sort
of “cow pony,” one that worried him more than did Dynamite in the Calgary
championships.
One often hears the remark that it is a pity the red man is passing. The pity is
unnecessary, for the red man is not passing. Under the fostering policy of the
Canadian authorities, a policy based on that Magna Carta of our Indian tribesmen,
the proclamation of King George III. on October 7, 1762, the native races are
increasing. There are now over a hundred thousand Indians in Canada, located on
1,570 reserves, tribal home lands representing some five million acres.
The Indian branch attached to the department of the interior informs us that
the real and personal property of the Canadian Indians approximates in value
$75,000,000, and that their income for the season of 1925-26 was over $10,000,000.
The amount of the Indian trust fund during the year was $12,418,450, showing an
increase of over a quarter million dollars as compared with the previous year.
53
This is the wealth of the Indians of Canada, who a decade or more ago were
restless and indolent wards of the government.
Nor is this evolution of the Indians confined to dollars and cents, cattle and
cars. Far from it. Culturally, the Indians are progressing through that intimate and
beneficent contact with the church and the leadership provided by the government.
Consider the education of the Indian for a moment. It is one of the major expenditures
of the federal government, for it requires two millions a year to finance the 74
residential schools for Indian children, operating over the dominion, plus the 16
combined residence and day schools and 254 straight day schools.
Religiously, the Indian has likewise responded to the influence of the white
man. Most of the Indians of today are members of the Christian faith. Six thousand
alone, chiefly the older members of the tribes, still cling to the ancient aboriginal
worship. In point of denominational adherence the government figures are
enlightening. There are among the Canadian tribesmen 48,671 Roman Catholics,
23,557 Anglicans, 13,930 Methodists, 2,175 Presbyterians, and 1,173 Baptists.
Someone has said that “in the Indian youth lies the hope of his race.” It is true.
Given an education he has a powerful Something that will keep him climbing,
contented and solvent. Although the thought may be tinged with sadness, the modern
Indian youth knows but little of the customs and traditions of his fathers. His eyes
are set forward, not backward. He sees a new day dawning for his people. Indeed,
that day is here for history furnishes no example of progress by a primitive race in a
similar time to match the progress made by the western Indian tribes of Canada.
I quote here a man who has spent many years among the Bloods of
Southwestern Alberta – Rev. Canon S. H. Middleton, principal of St. Paul’s
residential school:
“Under the service of this (the Canadian) educational system the Indian is
casting away the things which typify his old barbarous life. He has gone from the
moccasin to the shoe, from the blanket to the coat, from feathers to the hat. He has
exchanged the bow for the plow, and turned from the buffalo to the white man’s herd
and flock. He is forsaking a weird and uncertain conception of divinity for the church
and organized Christian benevolence of his white brother. He is lifting drudgery and
burdens from the woman of his race and granting them higher ideals of home-keeping
and womanhood.”
It is a far cry from the Indian of today – Tom Three Persons at the wheel of a
$2000 automobile – to Tomb’s forbears of yesterday, those splendid but savage
tribesmen who defied the white man’s invasion of his lands and the white man’s
intrusion upon his tribal institutions. The years between are crowded with stories of
pain and self-sacrificing, patience and devotion, stories reaching back to the years of
the Jesuit Fathers, those fearless priests who carried the cross into the wilderness.
That story must be left to others, for our purpose is to picture the Indian of today, the
red men who are telling strange tales.
As in the progress of the Bloods is reflected the whole evolution of the Western
Indian tribes, let us look at these Bloods, these dusky plainsmen whose very name
suggests war and pillage.
54
They were the leading tribe of the great Blackfoot Confederacy, of whom Capt.
Palliser in the late fifties writes with such vivid description in his report to the British
government. The Palliser expedition sent out by his majesty’s government to explore
far western Canada 10 years before Confederation spent several years among these
Blackfoot tribes, and in his report the famous geographer and scientist says of them:
“The Blackfoot Tribes comprehend the Blackfeet, Blood Indians and Peigans,
who all speak the same language and have the same habits of life. They trade chiefly
with Americans, as they share in the subsidies granted according to the Indian treaty
by the United States government, a portion of that territory lying south of the
boundary line as well as to the north within British rule. The Blackfeet themselves
trade a good deal at the Rocky Mountain House, principally bartering provisions for
rum, tobacco and ammunition; and they all prefer the goods supplied by the Hudson’s
Bay Company as superior in quality to those from the American forts.
“In the summer these Indians form large camps along Red Deer river or Bow
river, far out into the arid plains, but where there is always enough grass in some
spots to support their large bands of horses. They are the real Bedouins of the
prairies, having always parties on the move in every direction, making rapid
journeys, sometimes to the American trading posts, for the sake of gathering news
concerning other Indians, or of the buffalo. They have large bands of horses, and some
of fair quality. Their only food is the buffalo, and most of them will go a long time
hungry rather than eat ducks, rabbits and any kind of small game.
“As part of the subsidies they receive flour, sugar and coffee; but they care very
little for such articles of food, which they say make them sick. Like the Cree, when
moving about they use the ‘travailles,’ but their tents are much larger than those of
this latter people, it being not uncommon in a Blackfoot camp to see them of forty or
fifty buffalo skins sewn together, the more usual size only requiring from twelve to
twenty skins. They are always conical, with triangular lappets at the apex for
directing the smoke as it escapes. As they travel so much over bare plains, where
there is no timber, their tent-poles are made of light dry wood, so that they are easily
conveyed by attaching them to a horse with their ends trailing on the ground. The
smallest tent requires thirteen poles.
“The Blackfoot tribes are fond of fine dresses for themselves and gay trappings
for their horses. Their chiefs have state robes of ermine fur and of other skins, and
their medicine-men have dresses adorned with eagle feathers. The women of this
tribe are often comely, and they always dress neatly with ornamented tunics and
leggings of cloth or deerskins, worked with beads and porcupine quills.
“They have many mysterious and ceremonious dances, in which they make
great use of drums, rattles and shrill whistles. Their chanting on these occasions is
more harmonious than that of the Cree, and they seem to join in these rites with
greater sincerity than other Indian tribes. They are of wilder nature and more
treacherous than the Cree, and yet have certain ideas of honor to which they rigidly
adhere.
“The young men are great horse thieves, but are more under the control of their
seniors than is the case with the other Indians. They are constantly at war, either
55
with the Cree, Assiniboine or Crow Indians; horse-stealing on one side or the other
being generally the cause of all their quarrels.
“The Roman Catholic missionary at Lac Ste. Anne, M. Le Combe, has made
one tour among these Indians with a view of establishing a mission, but, as we have
already remarked, it will be much more difficult to effect any real improvement
among these tribes than among those who dwell in the woods. Their constant
communications with the Americans, their frequent migrations and their mode of life,
and their sole dependence for food on the chase of the buffalo, are all against their
adopting those habits of industry without which there can be little real advancement
in their condition.”
Such were the Bloods as Capt. Palliser saw them in 1858.
Today the picture is completely changed. In the blaze of a new day the Indian
is enjoying the influence of the white man’s civilization. He is up-to-date. The Blood
Indian father runs his farm as efficiently as his neighbor; his wife takes a pride in
keeping her kitchen clean and her chickens laying; his son is “stepping on the gas”
and buying $50 suits; and his daughter is bobbing her tresses and amusing the family
with her version of the latest dance steps.
There are schools and churches, movies and radios, motor cars and blooded
animals, brass bands and church choirs, on the reserve, and if things move as they
are, Pres. H. W. Wood and his Farmer supporters in Alberta will soon be organizing
a U.F.A. local among the 190 Indian farmers growing wheat on the Blood tract.
Just a few facts now about these warlike, light-fingered Bloods of yesterday:
They thresh annually in the neighborhood of 200,000 bushels. In 1926 the
disastrous fall storms cut down their crops to 125,000 bushels. The Indians do all
their own work, owning their implements, including two or three threshing outfits.
The revenue from their farming operations is controlled by the agency, each Indian
farmer having his own account through which all his business transactions are
negotiated. He is furnished with a yearly statement of his income and disbursements.
As with the whites, there are good farmers and poor farmers among the
Indians. We have already mentioned the bumper crop of Tom Three Persons. He
stands first, but there are other “wheat barons” on the reserve as well as Tom. Take
Joe Bull Shields. Joe threshed 2,800 bushels; Leonard Sweet Grass, 2,300 bushels;
Big Sorrel Horse, 2,600 bushels; Chas. Davis, 2,300 bushels; Dan Chief Moon, 2,00
bushels, and scores of others that harvested 1,000 bushels or more.
Good grades of beef cattle, 2,000 head in all, are to be found on the Blood
reserve. A few years ago the government gave the Indians a regular ration of meat.
Now the Indians are raising their own meat and have fat steers to sell every fall.
Finished on some of the finest prairie grass ranges in the west, the Indian beef always
commands top prices. Leading stockmen of the tribe are Tom Three Persons – Tom,
you see, bobs up again among the successful ones, possessing that “it” which spells
success – Cecil Tallow, Shot Both Sides, Running Antelope, Stephen Fox, Maurice
Many Fingers and others with similarly queer names, but with sound ideas as to the
good and bad points about an animal. Departmental instruction and guidance in the
selection of good marketable stock has resulted in an impetus in ranching among the
56
western tribes generally, and it is estimated that they run on their reserves
approximately 20,000 head.
The Indian has always been a keen lover of the horse, and a favorite pastime
in the “good old days” was horse stealing. Once a white man’s steed was spotted it
was as good as gone. Twenty years ago the Indians rode diminutive ponies, multi-
colored and fantastically marked. These non-descripts have given way to stout, well-
bred, useful animals. Many own thoroughbred stock, for the Indian is an ardent
follower of the “sport of kings”.
Such a man is the Indian of today: Quick to learn and ready to go forward he
has made remarkable progress. True, much of the romance that surrounded him in
the days of the Sun Dance and tribal war has faded out of the picture, just another
reminder of the passing of the old west, the west of the buffalo, the whisky trader,
the lonely priest. The Indian of today is the symbol of that transition through which
western Canada is passing, the departure of the “wild and woolly” era of foundation
building, the incoming of that new era of growing industrialism, expanding cities,
improving social conditions. In him may be visualized the spirit of the new west.
57
Government reaction to conventions at Macleod (1924 – 1925)
“A conclave of sober-minded men and women”58 (November 13, 1924)
More than a hundred Indian delegates from every Blackfoot tribe on the
continent attended the first convention of Blackfoot Indians held in the town hall,
Macleod, yesterday and today. The Bloods, North Peigans, South Peigans and
Blackfoot reserves sent a number of delegates, accompanied by their chiefs and minor
chiefs, to take part in the discussions and air their grievances against the government
and government officials.
It was no longer a meeting of feathered and painted savages gathering together
to discuss the affairs of a fresh marauding venture, but a conclave of sober-minded
men and women seeking to obtain rights which they claim are justly theirs.
“Our land should not be leased”59 (November 13, 1924)
Thursday morning, November 13th, 1924, the Indian convention opened in the
usual way and the majority of those registered answered their names. The chairman
then called on G. G. Coote, M. P. [for Macleod,] who told them he came to learn, by
hearing, what they had to say. “We are all brothers and the King knows the Indians
as well as he knows the white brothers, and all are the same to him. You were given
lands for yourselves to have and hold and not to be leased or sold without your
consent.” Mr. Coote said he would listen and talk later. […]
John Cotton, Blood, complained that they took their wheat to the elevator,
their cattle to the butcher, “and we don’t get any account for what these are sold for.
I had a good crop in 1923 and have not heard what it was worth. I went to see the
agent but he is always away. Why do we have an agent if it is not to give help? We
asked agent to give us orders on Macleod but he gives them on other places. We like
Macleod and the people.” […]
John Mountain Horse (Blood): “I was overseas and did my part there [during
World War I], with your white boys, and we don’t want to go to war to get our rights
at home in Canada. Our land has been leased. We want to trade in Macleod, but our
agent sends us to other places.” […]
Mike Oka (Blood) – “We all know we cannot outdo the white man. Our reserve
has been leased for sheep and they destroy the land for cattle, and it takes them a
long time to grow again. Our boys went to the war. They came back wounded. Some
died. And we don’t get any pension. I am now raising cattle. Our wheat was shipped
and we got very little for it. Our land should not be leased.”
58 From GREAT RALLY OF BLACKFOOT INDIANS IN SOUTH ALBERTA. (1924, November 13).
The Calgary Herald, p. 1. 59 Indians’ Chief Grievances Concern Grazing Leases and Attitude of Agents. (1924, November 17).
The Lethbridge Herald, page unknown. Clipping from Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
58
John Mountain Horse brought in the following resolution: “That we petition
the government to remand Section A 90 of the Indian Act and place us where we were
before the war, as in the Treaty of 1877,” and asked Mr. Coote to present the petition
to parliament. This was carried.
Sgt. J. A. Webb to C. Junget60 (November 14, 1924) J. A. Webb was a Sergeant with the R.C.M.P. This was his report on the 1924 convention to Christen Junget, commanding officer of the Southern Alberta District.
Sir:-
I have the honour to report the following re: [the] Indian convention
held at Macleod 12th & 13th November, 1924.
At 2.p.m. Wednesday 12th November 1924 the meeting was called to order, on
the Platform was W. M. Shields Esq. M.P.P., Mayor MacDonald, Dr. Fanset,
President of the Board of Trade, Archdeacon Hines of Brocket, Chief Shot Both Sides,
of the Blood, Chief Calf Child of the Blackfeet, and Chief Crow Eagle of the Peigans,
and other Minor Chiefs.
There were about One hundred Indians, and a good number of Macleod people
present. The Convention was opened by May MacDonald, who gave all a hearty
welcome and the freedom of the City. Dr. Fanset also made a few remarks.
H. J. Hamilton, a South Peigan from Browning, was elected Chairman, and
Mike Mountain Horse Secretary.
The Secretary told those present that the object of calling this Convention was
to tell their grievances and get the sympathy of the white people so that they might
bring pressure to bear on the Macleod Member of the Federal Parliament, and he
bring their grievance before Parliament at the next session.
Mr. Shields, M.P.P., was the first speaker. He told those present that he was
there to represent Mr. Coote, M.P., who was unable to be present due to a previous
engagement, but that he (Mr. Coote) would arrive in Macleod at mid-night, and would
attend Thursday’s session. He told the Indians he was sorry to hear of their troubles,
and complimented them on their endeavor of trying to have their grievances adjusted,
and that they were going the right way about it, (that a little stick was easily broken,
but it was very hard to break a bundle of little sticks when tied together,) and that if
they all worked together they were bound to get results, and their grievances would
no doubt be remedied, wishing them success this closed his remarks.
I might state that the Indians had a number of grievances, and although none
of these were discussed separately and disposed of one by one, each Indian as his
name was called up got up and apoke on his own grievance, thereby losing a lot of
time and [causing] a great deal of repetition. Their grievancese were as follows:-
60 From Webb, J. A. (1924, November 14). [Letter to commanding officer]. Indian Affairs (RG 10,
Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Sgt. Major James
Albert Webb (1870 – 1954).
59
That the Agents on both the Blood & Peigan Reserve were not treating a
number of the Indians properly, that on both Reserves there are a number of old
people that can not work, getting no rations and are very hard up. That according to
the Treaty of 1877 The Great White Mother, by her Agents had said that the Indians
should have rations so long as the Sun should rise and set, and the rivers flow. That
this part of the Treaty was now disregarded.
That lands on both of the Reserves were leased without the consent of the
Indians, contrary to the Treaty of 1877. And that the Indians who had lived all their
lives on these leased portions had now been ordered to move elsewhere on the
Reserve.
That the Indian [grain] Elevator at Brocket had been sold and the Indians had
received only $2,000.00 on same, and they wanted to know what had become of [the]
balance of Money paid for this Elevator.
That there was no individual book account kept on either Reserve, whereby an
Indian might know at any time just how his account stood, some of them stated they
had not received any money, neither a statement for their 1923 crop, and now money
was due for the crop of 1924.
That the Agent on the Blood Reserve would give them no cheques, only
purchasing orders and these were always made out to merchants at Cardston, he
would issue none to other Towns. One Indian stated that he had to pay in Cardston
$7.00 more for a piece of machinery, than in Macleod, and he thought that as they
earned the money they should be allowed to spend it where they wished, and finally
that both Agents were crooks and should be discharged.
That at the signing of the Treaty in 1877 the Indians were promised $12.00 per
person, this was to be the annual payment, this amount was received at the signing
of the Treaty, since then we have received only $5.00 per person, and want to know
what has become of this extra $7.00 per person since that time.
That the Government had promised to give employment on the Reserves to the
ex-pupils after leaving school; this was not done, and an ex-pupil could not even get
a job as teamster on the Reserve.
The foregoing with minor grievances took up the afternoon, and the meeting
adjourned at 5.P.M. until 8.P.M. After the adjournment the Indians were banqueted
by the Board of Trade and the Town’s people.
At 8.p.m. the meeting was again called to order, and discussion on the
forementioned grievances continued until 11.p.m. at which time […]61 Mr. A. F. Grady
was made an Honorary Chief of the Blackfoot […] and given an Indian name: “Ah-po-
kops, O-to-kon.” […] After this ceremony the meeting adjourned until 10 a.m.
Thursday morning.
At 10 a.m. Thursday morning the meeting was again called to order, Mr. Coote
M.P. for Macleod being present. He was the first speaker called, and told the Indians
he was sorry that he had been unable to attend the previous session, and at the
present time he had nothing to say until he had heard their grievances.
61 Omissions are due to damage to the original document.
60
Then there was a repetition of the previous day’s talk, and this lasted until 5
p.m. after which Mr. Coote told the Indians that he was only one in the Parliament
but that he would do whatever he could for them. […] The convention closed at 6.p.m.
[...] The convention was very quiet and orderly, and the Indians behaved themselves
very well indeed.
C. Junget to R.C.M.P. Commissioner62 (November 17, 1924)
Although you have undoubtedly seen an account of this Indian Convention, the
first of its kind ever held in this District, I thought I would bring to your attention
certain matters relative thereto.
There is a great deal of resentment at Macleod over the fact that the Indian
Agency has been moved from Standoff to within a few miles of Cardston, owing to the
fact that the Indians engaged in agriculture have moved to the Southern part of the
Blood Reservation and there being practically nothing left up around Standoff.
It would appear that the Indian Agent of the Blood Reservation is in wrong
with the people of Macleod, and that Macleod resents very much the attitude he takes
toward the old Town in using his influence in taking everything to Cardston.
A. F. Grady to Charles Stewart63 (November 18, 1924) Alfred Francis Grady (1857 – 1944) occasionally handled legal matters for the Blood Indians. Charles Stewart (1868 – 1946), a former premier of Alberta, was Superintendent General of Indian Affairs in 1924.
Dear Mr. Stewart,
On Wednesday and Thursday of last week the Blackfoot-Bloods and Peigans,
Indians, held a convention in Macleod for the purpose of talking over their troubles,
as they told me, “just like the white people do.” They asked me to help them in
arranging matters for them, which I did.
They talked of their difficulties with the Agents, not giving them statements of
what they turned into them, as Beef, Wheat, and labor, they were charged for all they
get, and think the Agent should give an account to each man, like white men do.
They spoke about the Treaty of 1877, and that the Chief should received
$25.00, each minor Chief $15.00, and each person $12.00, now they get only $20.00,
$10.00, and $5.00.
They were given land, after all theirs was taken from them. Now the Indian
Department tries to sell some land, and they lease the land without the consent of
62 From Junget, C. (1924, November 17). [Letter to R.C.M.P. Commissioner]. Indian Affairs (RG 10,
Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Christen Junget (1876
– 1969), then R.C.M.P. Commanding Officer of the Southern Alberta district. 63 From Grady, A. F. (1924, November 18). [Letter to Charles Stewart]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Alfred Francis Grady (1857 –
1944).
61
the Indians. They can use all the land for their stock, and hay, if they had hay left
over they could sell it to White men.
They want an investigation into their affairs, so that they may have an
accounting of all their business every year.
They want to be able to get their money when there is any coming to them, and
to be able to talk with their Agent some time.
They do not blame the Government, they blame all on the employees of the
Government, who they say are not all straight in business matters.
These are the things they talked about, and asked me to tell you, as head of
their department. I am only giving you these facts, as they gave them to the
convention, and to me for you. I do not hold myself responsible for anything said or
done, only as said or done by these Indians.
They intend to hold another big Convention, and Celebration in Macleod, next
summer, and ask their “BIG CHIEF” to come and help them at the time, June 29th
to July 4th 1925.
Mike Mountain Horse to J.T. Faunt64 (November 22, 1924) Mike Mountain Horse (d. 1964) was a Blood Indian and World War I veteran. J. T. Faunt (1882 – 1949) was the Indian Agent for the Blood Agency.
You have spoken to me about what took place at the convention of Indians at
Macleod and [I] will explain as follows:
In the first place, the meeting was arranged for by Long Lance, an Indian of
the United States, to get the sympathy of the public, in order that pressure be brought
to bear on the Government with a view to having that section of the Indian Act which
authorizes the Government to lease at will any portion of an Indian Reserve without
the consent of the Indians, out of the Indian Act.
Long Lance himself was unable to be present and he asked me if I could carry
through the convention, which I agreed to do and notified the Chief of the Blackfoot
Reserve and the Peigan Reserve that such a convention was being held. I also asked
Bob Hamilton, an Indian from Browning, if he would come and act in an advisory
capacity, which he agreed to do.
I then saw Mr. Grady and Mr. Ferguson in Macleod and asked them what
arrangements could be made for renting the town hall in Macleod and explained to
them the purpose of the convention. They sent me to the Mayor, who agreed to let us
have the use of the town hall free for two days. The people of Macleod also, very kindly
arranged to provide the delegates with a banquet on the first night of the convention.
When the meeting was opened up I explained to the delegates why the
convention was called, that it is for the purpose as mentioned above. Very few of the
delegates, however, did confine themselves to this one subject and were inclined to
64 From Mountain Horse, M. (1924, November 22). [Letter to J. T. Faunt]. Indian Affairs (RG 10,
Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Mike Mountain Horse
(d. 1964).
62
voice personal grievances and I invariably told them that this was not what the
convention was called for and also told different ones to quit talking which it was
hard to get them to do.
I told the Blood Indians that they had nothing to kick about especially about
their lease, but it was altogether different with the Peigans as the lease over there
was crooked.
The statement which appeared in the paper65 of what Chief Shot on Both Sides
was supposed to have said was not correct. What he did say was this: “That he was
not going to sell any land, but he was not opposed to leasing the Reserve.” He did not
speak at all the second day.
In connection with the above and form personal observation on the Reserve, I
still feel that the Bloods have no kick coming, as I have witnessed their pay-day when
individual Indians have drawn cheques from fifty to a hundred dollars at the Agency
and fail to see where the distress comes in as talked of at the convention.
I find that they are making great progress towards independence and am also
of the opinion that the Indians as a whole are not yet in a position to manage their
own affairs, as anyone observing them making purchases could see for themselves. I
am in hopes however that with guidance, they may soon reach this condition.
I am making this statement with a view to offsetting the wrong impression
conveyed in the several reports which have appeared in the public papers recently.
C. Stewart to A. F. Grady66 (November 24, 1924)
Dear Mr. Grady,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of November 18th, […] dealing
with the meeting which was held by certain Indians of the Blackfoot, Blood and
Peigan reserves at Macleod.
It is of course impossible for me to say to what extent this meeting was
representative of the various elements on these reserves, but I shall give the matter
my best attention. You are no doubt aware from your own experiments with Indians
that their grievances are sometimes imaginary. In my administration of the
Department I have always taken care to find out what was the basis of any complaints
brought to my attention. I presume the outcome of the meeting will be that the
Indians will present me with a copy of their grievances in order that I may be able to
obtain proper explanations and give the Indians the information they require. I shall
be glad to receive any representations that the Indians may formally care to make.
65 “Shot-on-Both-Sides, chief of the Bloods, said: ‘I will speak on the land only. We do not want our
reserves leased, but it is, and many sheep have been driven on the land. We don’t like this, and still
they are there. We have not received any lease money for the leases. I want to keep our reserve for our
people; we need it all, and will not sell a foot of it.’” PEIGANS SEEK PROBLE OF LEASE ON 22,000
ACRES. (1924, November 15). The Lethbridge Herald, unknown page. From a clipping in Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. 66 From Stewart, C. (1924, November 24). [Letter to A. F. Grady]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Charles Stewart (1868 – 1946), then
Superintendent General of Indian Affairs.
63
W. M. Graham to D. C. Scott67 (November 28, 1924) In 1924, William Morris Graham (1867 – 1940) was the Indian Commissioner at Regina.
You wrote me last week regarding a gathering of Indians that had taken place
at Macleod. I regret that such a gathering did take place. It was perhaps engineered
by outside influences, in fact according to press reports it was. This, in all probability,
means the start of a very serious situation, and the Department should take steps at
once to see if something could not be done to stop this outside interference. Personally
I would be helpless to do anything; it would have to come from higher up.
There is no doubt in my mind if this is to continue, and it will, that the
Department will be faced with a great deal of discontent on the part of the Indians,
which shall be put into their minds by people who do not understand the Indian
character, and who will lead them to believe that they have grievances where no
grievances exist. I doubt whether the instigators of this meeting really know what
has been done on the Blood reserve in the way of advancement. It is needless for me
to tell you what the Indian character is like, you know as well as I do that they can
be made to believe that they have a grievance whether they have or not.
J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham68 (November 30, 1924)
The meeting was not at all a representative gathering of the Indians &
consisted for the most part of a few agitators and loafers. The man Hamilton has been
a thorn in the flesh of Superintendent Campbell for years and has been the author of
several petitions etc. which reached Washington & which resulted in an investigation
of conditions on the Blackfoot Reserve, with the result that Hamilton was proved to
be an unscrupulous liar & trouble maker & now the United States authorities pay no
more attention to his correspondences.
I think myself however that the people who were really at the bottom of the
whole affair were a few of the Board of Trade of Macleod who are still sore over the
moving of the Agency from the North end to its present location. I am the one who is
supposed to have engineered this move.
Shot Both Sides & the other chiefs have been in to see me about the meeting
& are very much put out at the whole affair & Shot Both Sides wanted to write to the
papers repudiating the several charges supposed to have been made at the meeting
67 Graham, W. M. (1924, November 28). [Letter to D. C. Scott]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by William Morris Graham (1867 –
1940), then Indian Commissioner at Regina. 68 From Faunt, J. T. (1924, November 30). [Letter to W. M. Graham]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Joseph T. Faunt (1882 – 1949),
Indian Agent.
64
& he expressed himself as being thoroughly satisfied with the way things were
working out on the Reserve under the present policy, and that he, nor any of the Band
were ever in as good shape as they are now & that those who were kicking were those
who would not work and that if they would just keep their hands as busy as they kept
their tongues they would be well off too.
The reporting to the papers was done I believe by A. F. Grady, a seeker after
every Government job that comes along & by Mr. Underwood the brother-in-law of
Mr. Middleton & who acts as press agent for his reverence.
A. F. Grady to C. Stewart69 (January 6, 1925)
Dear Mr. Stewart,
The Indians of the Blood and Piegan Reserves, with other Indians of Alberta,
and adjoining Provinces have decided to hold a Big Indian Celebration in Macleod,
June 29-30th, and July 1-2 & 3rd, and have asked me to write you [for] approval of
this, and to invite you to attend it as Their big Chief. It will be only as Indians
celebrate among themselves, and part of it may be along the line as given to the big
Jubilee in Macleod, during 1924. They will be assisted by the white people, and are
willing to give assistance in the way of Policing among themselves, as they did last
summer. Awaiting your early and favourable reply,
Yours truly,
(Signed) A. F. Grady
Mike Mountain Horse to D. C. Scott70 (January 9, 1925)
Dear Sir, –
I am writing in the hope of laying a few facts before you. We had a convention
at Macleod last November, at which it was decided to hold the next convention at
Macleod in July of this year when the Indian is through with their work, and it was
also decided to ask you or Mr. Hon. Steward to attend and open this convention if
your work permits you, and it was also decided to hold a joint celebration, an all round
Indian affair.
I see in the Indian Act where the Indian Act prohibits Indians being used by
exhibitions or [for] stampede purposes. I am very sorry this has never been enforced
for the simple reason that the Indians are kicking about the white people for using
them for these purposes, and never get equal treatment with white contenders such
as was done at the Macleod Jubilee, and that the Calgary management does not see
that the Calgary management does not see that the Indians are rationed properly
during their stay.
69 From Grady, A.F. (1925, January 6). [Letter to Charles Stewart]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. 70 From Mountain Horse, M. (1925, January 9). [Letter to D.C. Scott]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Mike Mountain Horse (d. 1964),
a World War I veteran.
65
This celebration we [are] intending to hold will be along progressive lines and
[we] hope it will be an incentive for the Indians to keep climbing the ladder towards
good citizens if we get enough backing. We also intend to display Indian school
children’s’ work and other provisions of Indian advancement, and I hope that the
Indian Department will give us all the possible support so that in time this
progressive celebration will take the part of the sun dances.
I may add, Sir, that we don’t intend to have a white man act in any capacity
on the committee. Everybody will be Indian from the President to the last man on the
committee.
Mike Mountain Horse to C. Stewart71 (January 24, 1925)
I have the honor to acknowledge your letter to Mr. A. F. Grady of the 24th
Nov. 1924 on behalf of my people who attended the Indian convention at Macleod on
Nov. 12th, 13th of last year. As it is your desire, Sir, to have a copy of the complaints
and grievances brought before the convention sent to you, I have been given the task,
as I was the secretary of that convention. I will give you the complaints in rotation by
tribe, taking the Blood Indians first.
The Blood Indians complain that they are never given a statement of their
earnings, especially their wheat money, and also a statement of their rations, that
they are never told what price their wheat sold for and that the only time they know
they have no more money is when the Agent tells them verbally.
Second complaint is that the Indian Agent is hardly at the office to attend to
his work as he is at Cardston; all the time he takes his children to school in the
morning when he should be in the office, he spends very little time in the office some
mornings and the same thing in the afternoon, he goes to Cardston at 4 o’clock to get
his children from school and the consequence is that some of the Indians don’t get no
attention from him after traveling considerable distance to see him.
Third complaint is about the lease of the Blood Reserve of sheepmen. In the
first place the Indian Agent negotiated separately with each Indian Chief to sign
terms for this lease which is contrary to the Indian Act, as it is clearly set forth in
section 49 of the Indian Act that no lease of any Indian Reserve shall be binding
unless assented to by a majority of the band, at a meeting summoned for that purpose.
However, we are given to understand that at a later meeting between the Indian
Commissioner and the Head Chief that terms were signed by the Chief on behalf of
the Indians which is again contrary to the Indian Act for we cannot find any section
of the Indian Act where the Head Chief has authority to sign alone on behalf of his
people.
Fourth complaint is against S. S. 3 of Section 90 of the Indian Act giving power
to the Supt. General of Indian Affairs to lease Indian Reserves without consulting the
Indians, which is contrary to the Blackfoot treaty of 1877 which gave us these
71 From Mountain Horse, M. (1925, January 24). [Letter to Minister of the Interior]. Indian Affairs
(RG 10, Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
66
Reserves forever and that never gave any power to any future government to amend
any of its clauses and stipulations in the future and we the Indians assembled in
convention do hereby petition the Federal Government to repeal Section 90 of the
Indian Act at the next session of Parliament and give us back our rights in having a
controlling voice in the disposition of our lands.
D. C. Scott to Colonel C. Starnes72 (January 31, 1925) Cortlandt Starnes (1864 – 1934) was Commisioner of the R.C.M.P. in 1924.
Mike Mountain Horse seems to be the person chiefly interested in this
proposed celebration, but I think the good people of Macleod are really providing the
motive power. They wish to maintain whatever allegiance is left to Macleod in these
reserves and to make it a point of interest. Both the Minister and I have received
letters asking for our approval of this celebration. We have not yet decided to give it.
While on the surface it is supposed to be just a sports day for the Indians, it will be
made, no doubt, an occasion for all the grouchers to air their imaginary grievances.
D. C. Scott to Mike Mountain Horse73 (February 2, 1925)
Dear Sir, –
I am in receipt of your letter of January 9th, inviting the Honourable the
Minister or myself to attend the celebration which you think of holding at Macleod
from the 29th June to the 3rd July, 1925.
I am obtaining some additional information for the Minister on this subject.
You will readily understand that he cannot say so far ahead whether it will be
possible for him to be in Macleod at that date.
I am very doubtful whether you can usefully prolong this celebration for five
days, but I would sympathize with anything that was progressive. In a celebration of
this kind an attempt should be made to get away form the objectionable features of
stampedes, etc., but I am not aware how this can be done and at the same time attract
the public.
Yours very truly,
(Signed) Duncan Scott
Deputy Superintendent General.
72 From Scott, D. C. (1925, January 31). [Letter to Colonel Cortlandt Starnes]. Indian Affairs (RG 10,
Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. 73 From Scott, D. C. (1925, February 2). [Letter to Mike Mountain Horse]. Indian Affairs (RG 10,
Volume 4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
67
D. C. Scott to J. Byng74 (February 3, 1925) Viscount Julian Byng (1862 – 1935) was Governor General of Canada in 1924.
The Deputy Superintendent General presents his compliments to the Governor
General’s Secretary, and begs to acknowledge the receipt of the letter addressed to
His Excellency by Mike Mountain Horse.
The Deputy Superintendent General notes that His Excellency is disposed to
give his patronage to the proposed convention75, and he therefore hesitates to give
adverse advice, but under the circumstances he feels compelled to do so.
Last year some restless spirits on a Southern Alberta Reserve organized a
convention at Macleod, at which certain grievances were aired, and the matter has
been given a good deal of attention in the public press. There is hardly any foundation
for these grievances which might as well have been brought to the attention of the
Government through its Agents.
Unfortunately the Town of Macleod has been deprived of a section of the Indian
trade by the removal of the agency headquarters to the southern part of the reserve
near Cardston, and it is very evident that these Indian demonstrations were
supported by citizens of Macleod, with the hope of holding the allegiance of the
Indians.
Mike Mountain Horse has written to both the Honourable the Superintendent
General and his Deputy, asking for their presence and support, but no favourable
answer is being sent. The Agents of the district have been communicated with, and
until there is a better understanding than exists at present, it is not the intention to
give support to this gathering.
J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott76 (February 15, 1925) Joseph T. Faunt (1882 – 1949) was an Indian Agent for the Blood Reserve.
The meeting of Indians held at Macleod was not representative of the
progressive element on the Reserves, but was merely a gathering of a few of those
who don’t work themselves & who try their utmost to hold back others from work &
you will know how representative it was when I tell you that it was held in the little
two by four office of Mr. Grady who has an eye to being an Indian Agent or Postmaster
or anything else that the Government might care to hand out to him.
74 From Scott, D. C. (1925, February 3). [Letter to Governor General]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Duncan Campbell Scott (1862
– 1947). 75 The Governor General declined his patronage of the event on February 9, acting on Scott’s advice. 76 From Faunt, J. T. (1925, February 15). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
68
Mike Mountain Horse himself does not stay on the Reserve but lives in Macleod
on the earnings of his wife who does washing & cleaning to support herself &
husband.
So far as the Indians not receiving statements of their earnings, I have yet to
learn of one Indian who has been refused such a statement, but having just one man
in the office & knowing as you do the amount of work transacted in this office you can
readily understand that it is hard to have these accounts all copied out of the ledger
just when an Indian should happen to call for a copy. I make a practice of allowing
any Indian farmer who has a mind to, [to] inspect his account in the ledger & if he
cannot read it himself, bring anyone he wants to interpret the entries to him & I do
not think anyone could be more open than that.
So far as the rations are concerned, I do not know what they mean by a
statement of their rations as none of them have up to the end of 1924 had any ration
credit & I have been issuing Destitute rations to all the farmers throughout the
working season & collecting from out the proceeds of their crop in the Fall & for the
most part these collections have not yet been made, not having had the time so far.
When these collections are made the amount is refunded to Ottawa to offset any
overdraft beyond the allowance voted for rations.
In the Fall of the year when harvesting operations are on, I do not spend a
great deal of time in the office, except on Wednesdays which I devote entirely to the
Indians & on Sundays when I attend to my correspondence. For two months,
September & October, I took my own, the clerk’s & the Farm Instructor’s children to
Cardston at 8 o’clock in the morning & got the mail & met any Indians there who
required any repairs or who had purchases to make in the way of machinery &c. &
all those who were working knew where to find me in the morning & your
correspondent does not mention that I had more than likely been in the office since
five in the morning writing wheat tickets for those who were going through early with
loads of wheat. No; he would be sound asleep at that time & there was no chance of
his knowing that other people were working while he slept. Then again I was in the
field all day directing the operations & generally keeping things going & when you
stop to consider that I had as high as seven outfits threshing at once time & hauling
nine to ten thousand bushels of wheat to the elevator in a day, I did not have much
time to sit around in my office. I always left instructions when I left the office, that if
I was not back by five o’clock, a team be sent in to bring home the children. Since the
weather got colder the children have been boarding in town & are only home for the
weekends & sometimes not then. This is one of the comforts we enjoy through the
buildings being erected eight miles from town when they might just as well have been
build close to Cardston & alongside the point where all the trading is done.
About the leasing of the North end of the Reserve, I would explain that when
Mr. Graham was here in the Summer he met Shot Both Sides, the head chief, & one
or two of the minor chiefs & discussed the terms on which they would be prepared to
lease that portion of the Reserve & they came to terms on the matter. When Mr.
Graham went back to Regina a form of resolution was drawn up & sent to me to
submit to the Indians. At that time the Indians were all assembled in camp for the
69
filming of the “Policing of the Plains” & I sent word to them that I would be in the
camp on a certain day & met them on that day & had the resolution read to them &
interpreted by several different interpreters & even by the official interpreter for the
Blackfeet Reservation at Browning, Montana & having business to attend to in
Macleod, I left the papers with the Chief so that they could discuss them in my
absence & would call in there on my way back & get the verdict. When I came back
they advised me that the terms were satisfactory & that they were willing to sign &
this was done in the presence of witnesses & right in the open.
There might have been a few objectors to the proposition but these were a very
small minority & I am satisfied that if it were put to a vote tomorrow, it would carry
by an overwhelming majority.
This same Mike Mountain Horse wrote me a letter some time ago repudiating
a lot of the stuff that was supposed to have been said at the meeting in Macleod &
saying that the Blood Indians had no kick coming in connection with the
administration of their affairs. A copy of this letter I sent to Mr. Graham & I have
good reason to believe that most of this stuff is being stirred up from the outside &
by people who probably think they have an axe to grind.
I trust, Sir, that I have made myself clear & that the explanation given of the
several matters may prove satisfactory to you.
A. F. Grady to C. Stewart77 (March 7, 1925)
Dear Mr. Stewart,
The Committee in charge of the Indian Convention, and Celebration for June
30th 1925, and following days, were delighted with the report from you, as given to
Mike Mountain Horse, and myself at Calgary, that you had no objections to this, and
that to assist in making it a greater success, the Indians, Bloods and Peigans would
be paid their Treaty money the week before July 1st, so that they may be able to have
a good time. The Committee asks for your confirmation of this in a letter either to
myself, or to Mike Mountain Horse. Last year these Indians were paid their money
just a few days before the 1st of July. They are all looking forward to seeing you open
this big celebration, on July 1st, 1925.
Yours truly,
(Signed) A. F. Grady
77 From Grady, A. F. (1925, March 7). [Letter to Charles Stewart]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
70
C. A. Arthur to D. C. Scott78 (March 9, 1925) Chester A. Arthur (1876 – 1929) was Indian Agent for the Peigan Reserve.
As far as I can see the proposed celebration is doomed to failure as I am
informed that the head Chief on the Blood reserve will have nothing to do with it as
he rightly assumes that it is promoted by some Blood Indians and whites in Macleod
in whom he has no confidence and he is not desirous of embarrassing the Minister in
his administration of the Indian’s affairs.
For these reasons I think you would be ill advised to accept an invitation to
attend or to in any way give official sanction to this celebration.
Personally I have always opposed this kind of celebration as I have found that
anyone can unsettle the Indians by talking to them from the outside and making
them believe that they have a grievance where none exists.
D. C. Scott to A. F. Grady79 (March 25, 1925)
Dear Sir. –
The Honourable the Superintendent General has directed me to reply to your
communication to him of the 7th March, and to say that while he has consented to
approve for this year of the gathering of the Indians at Macleod, he has done so under
a certain definite understanding as to the character of the celebration and the way in
which it is to be carried out.
It is understood that the sports engaged in will not consist of any pagan dances
or performances of any kind, and that in the competitions Indians only will take part.
The Honourable the Minister thinks that all such celebrations or sporting events
should be carried out by the Indians on their own reserves, and hereafter this should
be looked forward to. It is though that three days is quite sufficient time, as within
this time limit there should be all possible scope for any games or competitions or for
an exhibition of industrial or school work.
Arrangements will also be made to pay the Indians treaty on the Blood and
Peigan reserves on or about the 25th of June, but this is not to form a precedent.
Will you kindly communicate these facts to Mike Mountain Horse, who wrote
to the Minister under date of March 8th.
Yours very truly,
(Signed) Duncan C. Scott
Deputy Superintendent General.
78 From Arthur, C. A. (1925, March 9). [Letter to Duncan C. Scott]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. Written by Chester A. Arthur (1876 –
1929), Indian Agent for the Peigan Reserve. 79 From Scott, D. C. (1925, March 25). [Letter to A. F. Grady]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
71
J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott80 (March 25, 1925)
If the Indians go to Macleod [at] the end of June by which date they cannot
possibly have their farm work done, I will not be able to get them back on the land
again until harvest, as immediately after Treaty & the Sports they will be into the
hay camp & from there to the harvest, which will mean practically no land prepared
for [the] 1926 crop.
Mr. Arthur & Mr. Gooderham will also be affected adversely & I think Mr.
Gooderham is having a lot of trouble now on account of the shortage of feed through
the Indians being away last Summer to the Stampede in Calgary & the Jubilee in
Macleod & I certainly don’t want to [go] up against anything like that as we have
practically no Band Funds to fall back on. There is a certain season for doing the work
& if it is not done during that season it is generally left undone & if this Macleod
event is to be pulled off we might just as well begin to figure out how much the
Department is going to be called upon to put up to see the Indians through 1926.
I think the suggestion as to the granting of $200.00 from Band Funds towards
the prize list for the fair on the Reserve is a good one & if you consider it favorably I
will obtain a resolution from the chiefs authorizing the spending of this amount.
I trust, Sir, you will give the matter serious consideration before approving of
this proposed celebration in Macleod.
J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham81 (April 7, 1925)
The Minister has granted permission to the Indians to participate in a three
day celebration in Macleod on the understanding that the sports will not include any
pagan dances or performances of any kind.
I am sorry that his permit has been given as it is going to seriously interfere
with my work on the Reserve and I do not think the Indians as a whole are in favor
of going to Macleod & would prefer to have their sports on the Reserve along about
the 14th & 15th of July and I had already asked the Department to pay treaty on
July 13th to fit in with these sports.
Those Indians instrumental in setting up the Macleod affair are offering
upwards of three thousand dollars in prizes for the various events and are figuring
on receiving from some moving picture outfit $3500.00 for the picture rights in
connection with the affair, and no picture outfit is going to give $3500.00 for pictures
of Indians running races etc. and I know they are figuring on Indian parades, dances,
sham battles etc. and where is it going to stop?
We lost a lot of valuable time last year on account of the Jubilee and if the
Department is looking for progress along industrial lines amongst these Indians, I
think the local Agents ought to be consulted, that is, if they are to be held responsible
80 From Faunt, J. T. (1925, March 25). [Letter to D. C. Scott]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093, File
600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. 81 From Faunt, J. T. (1925, April 7). [Letter to W. M. Graham]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
72
for any progress the Indians do not and can not make if they are allowed to leave
their Reserves at the call of every jerkwater town along the line who want to stage
something of the kind as a means of helping out their merchants who are slowly
starving to death, and by coaxing the Indians away from their work (and God knows
it has been hard enough to keep them at their work) will soon have them in the same
condition.
I have been planning to have this a record year so far as preparation of land is
concerned, but I might just as well crawl back into my hole until this thing is over
and dream of what might have been.
C. Stewart to W. M. Graham82 (May 18, 1925)
With regard to the Macleod Indian celebration, I am becoming somewhat
alarmed about this matter. I note the letter from Indian Agent Faunt, complaining
that his Indians have already become somewhat disturbed, and that he fears the
celebration will have a bad effect upon them, with consequent difficulty of getting
them to do any work.
Upon thinking the matter over, I have decided to ask you to make an
investigation and find out exactly what the Indians and Grady are doing at Macleod.
The head-lines on the letter you sent me from Mountain Horse would indicate that
they are going away beyond anything that was contemplated. I distinctly refused
them permission to carry on their old pagan customs, but agreed that there was no
objection to including all the white man’s games, including horse races. However, I
think the best thing to do is to put the whole matter in your hands in order that it
may not get out of bounds, and I will write Grady and Mountain Horse to this effect.
C. Stewart to Mike Mountain Horse83 (May 18, 1925)
Dear Chief Mountain Horse,
You will doubtless recall that when you interviewed me in Calgary, along with
Mr. A. F. Grady, with reference to the proposed celebration at Macleod, it was
distinctly understood that the Indians would not indulge in any of the old pagan
customs, but that all white man’s games would be allowed.
I note by the advertising on the letterhead you are using, that the celebration
has the appearance of going beyond what was originally contemplated, and as
complaints have come in from different Indian Agents that the Indians are already
becoming unsettled on account of the forthcoming event, I have thought it well to
have Indian Commissioner Graham personally take this matter in hand. I would
82 From Stewart, C. (1925, May 18). [Letter to W. M. Graham]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 4093,
File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada. 83 From Stewart, C. (1925, May 18). [Letter to Mike Mountain Horse]. Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume
4093, File 600,107). Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada.
73
therefore be obliged if you would address any communications you may have in
connection with the celebration to the Commissioner at Regina.
I have sent similar advice to Mr. Grady.
Yours faithfully,
(Signed) CHAS. STEWART
“Fast passing in Canadian history”84 (July 2, 1925)
For the first time in the history of Canada, three thousand redskins from four
western provinces and Montana have journeyed into Macleod to hold an all-Indian
celebration and to form a league of plains Indians. Vivid reminders of a day that is
fast passing in Canadian history are to be seen everywhere. On the east side of the
town eleven hundred Bloods are camped in picturesque, bright colored tepees. In the
centre of the town are the Blackfeet from Montana, and here and there throughout
the town limits are other camps of Stony, Sioux, Cree, Sarcees, Peigans and
Assiniboines.
The three-day celebration was opened yesterday with a gigantic Indian
pageant nearly two miles long. The only white persons in this spectacular procession
was a small contingent of mounted police which led it.
That the Indian still retains his old superstition of the white man’s camera was
evinced by the fact that the three motion picture men who had come to town to film
the celebration were forbidden to do so by the chiefs. A letter which the frantic
cameraman procured from Mayor Macdonald later in the day had no effect on the
chiefs, who were obdurate in their decision. Hence, this historic event will never be
seen by the outside world. […]
Indian methods of transportation which have been all but forgotten, were seen
in this remarkable pageant. Old women glided along between squads of mounted
warriors with the dog travois carrying their household possessions and their children.
The dogs trotted along as though they, too, belonged to the recent dark age in
American history. Many of the braves were totally stripped to the breech-cloth and
painted from head to foot.
Five thousand visitors brought in on special and regular trains over the
Canadian Pacific railway, attended the all-Indian stampede. In the afternoon, Tom
Three Persons, Blood Indian, former world’s champion bucking horse rider, won the
calf-roping contest. […]
As the sun sank below the Porcupine hills last night, the Indians retired to
their camps and began to sing and dance to their mournful music and throbbing tom-
toms. Macleod was never more reminiscent of the days of ’74 than it is at this colorful
moment.
84 From MOVIE MEN ARE BANISHED BY INDIAN CHIEFS HEADING M’LEOD’S BIG TRIBAL
MEET. (1925, July 2). The Edmonton Journal, p. 2.
74
Rations and Cattle Killing85 (1888 – 1895)
“We killed our cattle from hunger”86 (March 19, 1888) In 1888, Hayter Reed (1849 – 1935), then assistant Indian Commissioner, met near Edmonton with Chief Alexander Laviolette (1867 – 1919) of the Montagnais (or Innu) First Nation87, and Chief Michel Callihoo (1824 -1911), founder of the Michel First Nation. Their bands were accused of killing government cattle; the chiefs argued this was the result of starvation from insufficient rations. Though not with the Blood Indians, the report of this meeting provides insight into Reed’s thoughts about rations and cattle killing in Alberta.
A public interview between the assistant Indian commissioner and the chiefs
Alexandre and Michel, with their councillors, was held at the police barracks,
Edmonton, on Thursday forenoon. Major de Balinhard, Indian agent, Supt.
Griesbach, Insp. Casey, H. S. Young, of the H. B. Co., Rev. Pere Blanchet, D. Maloney
and others were present. John Rowland of St. Albert interpreted for the Indians and
Mr. Reed employed his own interpreter.
Mr. Reed said he had come in pursuance of his promise of the day before to
hear what the Indians had to say.
Alexandre said he spoke as it might be for God and for the government on
behalf of the poor people who could not speak for themselves. “I don’t depend on what
you are doing here – both of you (Messrs. Reed and de Balinhard). Everything has
been going badly since you two came here. We consider that you have acted against
the law. It is you who have caused the government cattle to be killed. You knew last
fall that game and fish had failed in this country. You have come from far and you
have seen no track of anything to kill and eat. You see how miserable the Indians are
here, and when you go back you will tell them all is well.”
Mr. Reed – You told me all this when I saw you before, and I gave you your
answer then. The government is pretty well aware of the facts of the case. My
business here is to report the facts to the government, which I will do.
Alexandre – What I say is truth, as everyone who is here knows. Because it is
true I sent the telegram to Sir John. I have waited for an answer, but have got none.
I am not as wise as you, but I have a mind to think of these things. I follow the track
of the law and am not ashamed. White men would do as we have done. We killed our
cattle from hunger. Hunger might make us kill each other. It is as [if] you were
pushing us to do evil. That we have eaten our horses and the cattle that the
85 Unless otherwise stated, all extracts are from Blood Agency – Correspondence regarding certain
individuals of the Blood Reserve charged with killing cattle belonging to the Cochrane Ranch
Company. (1893-1896). Indian Affairs (RG 10, Volume 3894, file 97,443). Ottawa: Library and Archives
Canada. 86 From HUNGRY INDIANS. (1888, March 19). The Edmonton Bulletin, p. 4. 87 His headstone in Edmonton reads ‘Chef des Montagnais, Fort Chipewyan’.
75
government gave us should be blamed on you. What the poor people are saying every
day rings in my ears. We do not depend on you.
Mr. Reed – Does he mean that the promises I made him yesterday won’t be
kept?
Alexandre – I am talking not of what is ahead but what is behind, since last
fall. It is since then we have eaten the cattle.
Michel – When we were forced with hunger we went to the agent here. He
spoke well to us but that did not fill us. When matters did not improve we said, “Let
us see how it is further away.” We got no answer from the telegram we sent. We see
that nothing is going right from Regina. You knew that it was a hard year with us. If
you wanted to save us, why did you not send the food while the roads were good? The
Indians had asked for 500 sacks of flour this winter. He heard that only 300 sacks
had been sent. “Perhaps Sir John does not know we are starving.”
Replying to Mr. Reed Michel said that before sending the telegram they had
gone to the agent and asked for food. They knew that next day was ration day, but
they did not wait to see what would be given them on that day.
Mr. Reed said that the total number of sacks of flour asked for was 500, but
the department were using their judgment about the time for delivery.
Mr. de Balinhard said that was the trouble; 200 were not to be delivered till
June.
Mr. Reed – The object of the government in not sending the flour sooner was
to assist the farmers of the country by buying as much as possible from them. It was
not until late in the fall that the department found they could not get enough flour
here. It had to be brought all the way from Winnipeg. The contractor met with many
accidents and did not get in when agreed. The government would have delivered the
flour sooner if they could.
Replying to Mr. Reed Michel said that he had two cattle of his own and had
had five pigs, but they had starved to death. He had earned money by freighting, but
had not yet received it. His son had earned some and had received it.
Rev. Father Blanchet, at Michel’s request, conversed with Mr. Reed in French.
Ma-me-na-wa-ta, of Stoney Plain, said “I have been called a coward for not
killing cattle. It is true. I am a coward and have killed none. I am glad to see you here,
and am surprised that you have come now when everything is scarce. This one and
that one is naked. The wives are freezing for lack of clothing. Why is the clothing now
lying in the store on the reserve not distributed? When you go those you leave behind
will not do as you promise. They seem to be above you. If your promises are not carried
out after you leave I will kill cattle as others do. The only way to get anything from
the agent you send us is to flatter him. I have always wanted you to look favorably
on me. You put an egg – the law – into my hand. I did not break it and neither have
these others. We are trying to gain what the Queen promised us. What we gain we
like to have in our hands. We want these promises fulfilled now.”
Sknee Kue blamed the Regina officials and accused them of misusing the
money placed in their hands by the government for the benefit of the Indians. He
said, “You do not expend as much this year as before. When we could help ourselves
76
you helped us more, this year we cannot help ourselves and you bring less. Do you
promise to give us three meals a day until the ice is gone, or is this increase of food to
be only for one day? When we see that you will help us, we will thank you.”
Mr. Reed – I am here on behalf of the government to see whether the Indians
are able to provide for themselves or not. After making enquiries I find that they
require more rations. Consequently I increased them, and will allow them a
reasonable quantity until such time as those who are able go off to hunt. The
government does not wish for any one to suffer from lack of food. But though the
government aids the Indians, and in most cases very liberally, the Indians are
expected to aid themselves by every means in their power. Some Indians receive a
great deal of provisions, others only a little and others none at all, according to
circumstances. As I told you, my promises are being kept and both flour and meat are
being sent out to you so that you will not want. A few Indians are out hunting, and
are doing remarkably well. Alexandre himself has killed thirty deer this winter, and
two others whom I met have killed 90. I know it is hard to get out and hunt, the snow
is so deep, but some can help themselves. Michel said a day or two ago on his reserve,
“If these promises are fulfilled we are happy.” They are being fulfilled.
Alexandre said he had killed thirty deer, but he was the best hunter in this
part of the country. Others could not do as he had done. There was not more than
twenty deer left in this vicinity. “You know it is deep snow and a hard season. You
knew these things before. If you had opened your eyes before, things would not be as
they are. But you did not want to see; you want to do nothing but gather money. Your
name is neither good with Indians or whites – neither of you.”
Mr. Reed – We know many things, but we did not know whether or not there
was going to be fish or game.
A young man said he had lost his wife and two children by hunger, and as he
was now alone he could manage to support himself.
Mr. Reed said if the government thought he could earn his living it would not
help him at all.
Alexandre said he understood that the government said, “If you help
yourselves we will help you;” not, “If you help yourselves we will leave you off.”
Another councillor said, “I am a coward, but when I hear my children cry from
hunger I kill cattle. I think of you as the cold; you want to kill all on the reserves.”
Alexandre – You were sent word last spring about sickness on the reserves. On
my own reserve many have died of sickness and hunger. Medicine is no use without
food. Thirty have died on my own reserve, and fifteen besides. Five of my own children
have died, most of them grown up. I sent word every day but you would do nothing
for me. You think what I say of the sickness is not true. I tell you in your ears you lie
when you say you take the part of the sick children.
Mr. Jim had been used to working for the whites. This winter he could get no
work. There was no game and no fish, and he had nearly starved to death depending
on the Indian department. He did not go to the whites to sell his country. They came
to him to buy it, and now they would not pay the price.
77
Mr. Reed ordered dinner to be provided for the Indians, and assured them that
they would receive the increase of rations promptly.
“They immediately say it is the Indians”88 (January 17, 1890)
Major McGibbon, inspector of Indian agencies, being in town, THE HERALD
called his attention to published statements in reference to Indians killing cattle on
the ranches, and asked him if there was any foundation for these statements.
“No definite charges have been brought against the Indians,” said the
inspector. “The charges have been of a general character. No direct case has been
brought under our notice which we could investigate. It is well known that calves and
young cattle are often killed by wolves and coyotes. So much is this the case that some
of the larger ranches in the Macleod district have provided packs of hounds to hunt
and kill these animals. When certain people find their calves killed they immediately
say it is the Indians, but they have no proof. It is not fair to make general charges
against those who have no means of defending themselves. The charges should be
specific. They should give date, place and all particulars. If such definite charges were
made I would sift them to the bottom, but up to this time no statement has been made
that we could lay hold of. I have been inspecting the agencies around here for the last
four years, and I have never had a case of this kind brought before me that there was
a shadow of truth in. The Indians are exceedingly well behaved and orderly, and have
great respect for other people’s property. This opinion I have formed after four years’
study. The Indians have no occasion to steal. They are well fed and well looked after
and have no need to resort to killing cattle to get a living. I repeat: If any one has any
definite charge to make, I will see it promptly and fully investigated.”
“A question of rations and money”89 (January 22, 1890)
Referring to the question of the conduct of the Indians, especially in regard to
killing range cattle, Mr. George K. Leeson, the well-known contractor, informs us that
he has had several hundred cattle at large at Morley for several years, and much of
the time they are running with Indian cattle, and he has never known an instance of
the Indians killing his stock.
It is only right to say in this connection that Mr. Stimson, at the Gun club
meeting, spoke very positively of Indians killing cattle on the High River ranges. He
spoke of what he knew; not of what he did not. His statement in regard to Indian
depredations was corroborated by a correspondent at Mosquito Creek who, writing
without any knowledge of Mr. Stimson’s having made a statement on the subject,
alleged that within his knowledge Indians had been killing cattle in that locality.
Notwithstanding the good conduct of the Indians at Morley, it must be assumed that
range cattle have recently been killed by Indians. There is something, however, in
88 From Major McGibbon on the Indians. (1890, January 17). The Calgary Herald, p. 4. 89 From THE INDIAN QUESTION. (1890, January 22). The Calgary Herald, p. 2.
78
Major McGibbon’s contention that provable cases should be submitted to the Indian
department for investigation.
If the keeping on the Indians on their reserves is merely a question of rations
and money, the expense should not be considered for a moment. If the Government
are powerless under treaties to keep them from wandering in armed bands over the
cattle ranges, then they should endeavor to secure such a re-arrangement of the
treaties as will prevent this go-as-you-please business from continuing. No one wishes
to extend to the Indians treatment less generous that what the whites receive, but at
least the Indians should not be fed at the expense of the whites and at the same time
enjoy privileges which are denied to whites. The indiscriminate killing of game out of
season and the invasion of cattle ranges in armed bands would not be tolerated in the
case of whites and should not be permitted in the case of Indians. The country is
getting settled up too fully, game is getting too scarce, for a continuance of the
proceedings which might have been all right in a different condition of the country,
long ago, and the management of the Indians should be changed to suit.
H. Reed to T. M. Daly (January 6, 1893) Hayter Reed (1849 – 1935) was Indian Commissioner in January of 1893. Thomas Mayne Daly (1852 – 1911) was Minister of the Interior and Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
Dear Mr. Daly,
I return herewith Mr. W. F. Cochrane’s letter90 with the following expression
of my views as asked for:-
Although unaware of this complaint when making a visit to the district from
which I have just returned, I made particular enquiries relative to the Indians killing
stock. Ever since ranchers went into the Western country we have heard such
complaints. While quite prepared to admit that individual Indians are occasionally
unable to resist a favorable opportunity for killing an animal, we always held about
the Calgary Districts what I now hold regarding that of McLeod, that White criminals
were more to blame than Indians. With regard to the Calgary District the truth of
this has been demonstrated and the conviction and commitment to the Penitentiary
of some White men has pretty well put an end to such complaints.
If the Bloods have been killing cattle it cannot be properly attributed to
insufficiency of rations for on my visit just referred to, I found them in receipt of the
same average per capita rations as given for nearly a year back, with which, they
went out of their way to inform me when I was there last September, they were well
satisfied, however the Winter being severe and fewer opportunities existing at this
season to enable them to help themselves, and with a view to remove any temptation
to kill cattle, I increased the ration, on the occasion of my recent visit.
90 This letter is apparently missing. In the archive this item is followed by a letter from W. F. Cochrane
on the same subject, dated September, 1893.
79
I did hear some reports, but learned from the Sergeant in charge of the Police
Detachment, the facts to be that four carcasses had been found, only one of which
showed signs of having been shot.
The animals had been driven down to the low lands to shelter them from a
storm, and as some cows were in poor condition the Police Sergeant’s suggestion that
they may have succumbed to exhaustion, seems not unreasonable.
The Sergeant informed me furthermore that the Ranch Inspector, when a
Constable mentioned the subject to him, said that he had heard such reports before
and “took mighty little stock” in them or something to that effect, meaning that the
killing was not done to any great extent.
He told me moreover that five days before Mr. Cochrane’s complaint, the Police
Patrol called in the usual course to enquire if there were any complaints to make
about depredations, and learned that there were none.
The Indians claim that much of the suspicion attached to them results from
their having to drive away the Rancher’s herds and the cattle of others from
trespassing on the Reserve, which is one of the finest for grazing purposes in the
country, and I have therefore instructed that before driving off cattle they shall get
one of our people to accompany them for their protection, ill as the time of our
Employés can be afforded for such purpose.
I have had more than once to draw the Company’s attention, through the
Agent, to such trespassing, which last year caused serious inconvenience, by the
destruction of grass which our people depended on, but even if not used for
themselves, these Indians as well as all others are very jealous of trespassing on their
Reserve, and must of course be protected in their rights.
It may be next to impossible for the Company to prevent such occasional
trespass, but if it occur they need not be surprised if the Indians chase the cattle off.
I may add that if the Company keep six men only to look after some 15,000 cattle
they need not be surprised if they occasionally suffer at the hands of White or Indian
marauders.
Those acquainted with what goes on across the Line consider Ranchers on this
side have cause to be thankful, and give our Indians great credit for their behaviour
in this respect; still however, we are only too anxious to put an entire stop to such
conduct, and I cannot but regret that if Mr. Cochrane had any reason to believe killing
was going on to any such extent as he describes, he did not inform us in order that
extra precautions might be taken.
I have now communicated with the Police Commissioner with a view to extra
exertion to put a stop to cattle killing by whomsoever it may be committed.
In conclusion I may remark that these people are apparently only in a position
to judge of the rations the Indians have been receiving, from the amount of beef
purchased from themselves, and while not unnaturally they may desire to see
increased liberality in a direction which materially affects their own market, they are
ignorant of many circumstances upon which the question of the sufficiency of the beef
ration hinges.
80
No doubt, as Mr. Cochrane says, many Indians are at times away, the
inducements offered to visit their relations across the Line are largely responsible for
this, but I have never heard of Indians on the Reserve not drawing their rations, nor
do I believe it.
Yours faithfully,
(Signed) Hayter Reed
Memorandum by H. Reed (February 22, 1893)
Mr. Cochrane’s statement, as to the Peigans of the United States being much
more liberally provided for than our Indians, is correct, but it is submitted that this
fact must prove the good management and treatment of our Indians by our officials.
As to calling for returns, the Department, it is thought, is in possession of the
facts connected with the daily issues. It would certainly be bad management if our
Indians were, year in and year out, to receive the same daily allowance. The issues
are governed by circumstances. No such instructions, by themselves, have ever been
given new Agents as mentioned. Certainly every effort is expected to be made by all
to reduce the issues as much as possible, consistent with circumstances, but other
and more important qualifications are necessary to entitle an Agent’s claim for
advancement to be considered. Those who are the most liberal in the issue of rations
are not, as a rule, the most successful officials.
Mr. Cochrane is apparently disinclined to give us credit for knowing much of
the work with which we are particularly charged. It is thought our own officials are
the most likely to know whether Indians draw their rations or not, and they believe
that they do.
The undersigned would ask the Department to compare the issues to the
Blackfeet and Peigans for the same periods which shew, it is thought, a higher rate
to the Bloods, but no complaints have come from either of the former, nor have any
complaints been received about cattle-killing.
A construction has been placed upon the last clause of the letter of the
undersigned of 6th January foreign to that intended, as the undersigned has always
entertained a much higher estimate of Mr. Cochrane’s character than to impute
motives of endeavouring to create a larger market by making such complaints.
(Signed) Hayter Reed
“Self Supporting Indians”91 (February 22, 1893)
We hear great complaints from cattlemen about Indians camping on the range.
There are, it is reported, at the present time no less than twenty-seven lodges on High
River alone, and a party of Sarcees with fourteen tepees have been camped near
Pekisko all winter. It is perfectly obvious to the meanest capacity that a party of from
100 to 150 Indians are not living on game shot on High River. There is no game worth
91 From SELF SUPPORTING INDIANS. (1893, February 22). The Calgary Herald, p. 3.
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mentioning on High River or in any other part of Southern Alberta. The Indians have
killed everything living there they could come across both in season and out of season
until there is nothing left to kill.
The logical consequence is that they are living on beef, a deduction which is
supported by actual evidence. Hides and beef have been found in their lodges quite
recently. Of course the Indians have found a dead animal. They always do. Equally
of course it would be pretty hard to convince any reasonable individual that if they
had happened to run across a live steer, when nobody was looking, they would not
have to search very long before finding a dead one pretty close to the same locality.
They must be killing cattle or they could not live. It is impossible to prove, but it is as
morally certain as anything on earth.
Now, why are those Indians allowed to wander over the country and inflict this
loss and annoyance on the neighboring cattlemen? For a very simple reason. The
whole aim and object of an Indian Agent’s existence is to show a clean ration sheet.
It is the highly commendable ambition of the Indian Department to make the Indians
self supporting. This idea conflicts with the life-principle of the Indian, which is
simply to get as much of the Indian Department for nothing as possible. But he also
has a rooted objection to be obliged to live within the limits of his reserve, and of this
the much worried agent takes advantage. By granting passes for the purpose of
“hunting” he gratifies his wander-loving charges and soothes the departmental mind
with a small “total drawing rations.” Whether there is anything to hunt or not is a
minor matter. The ration sheet, at all events, is “clean.” If the unfortunate cattlemen
have to furnish the objects of the Indian hunt, that does not appear on any return,
and the returns are what count at Ottawa. The blue book statistics of self supporting
Indians in Treaty No. 7 do not contain a hint that they support themselves at the
expense of the nearest herd, but that does not render them any the less available for
refuting the factious opponents of the Minister of the Interior when the Indian
Department estimates come up.
We do not blame the Indian Agents. Indeed, what between the Indian
Department and the Indians, the traders and the missionaries, the inspectors and
the ever-lasting call for returns, and yet more returns, we do not know any
government officials in the country more sincerely to be pitied. It is the whole system
of making results appear to have been attained, which have not been attained, that
is to blame. No doubt the idea of making the Indians self-supporting in course of time,
is an excellent one in its way. Considerable progress has among them in the course
of the last ten years. But they are a long way off from being self supporting yet, and
will be for quite a while, in spite of all returns and blue book figures to the contrary.
And it is high time that this farce of making clean ration sheets by granting passes
for the purpose of “hunting” was discontinued, at all events south of the
Saskatchewan. The sooner the department recognizes the fact that “hunting” is
merely a facetious way of writing “shooting cattle” the better. The little official farce
may be very amusing at Ottawa, but the cattlemen in Alberta rather fail to see where
the funny part comes in.
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H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 11, 1893)
I have the honor to refer to an article which appeared in the Calgary Herald’s
weekly issue of 22nd ultimo, under the caption “Self-supporting Indians,” to the effect
that our Indians in Treaty 7 are hanging about the Ranges and living on cattle which
they find dead, but actually at any rate in many instances, kill, and that this is the
outcome of the insufficiency of the issues of food made.
It is of course difficult to ascertain what amount of truth, if any, there may be,
in these allegations.
I have instructed all the Agents to do all in their power to put a stop to what is
being complained of, to employ if necessary Indian scouts as detectives, and to go out
and bring in Indians who are in situations which are likely to tempt them to commit
such depredations as are complained of.
I have, moreover, directed the attention of the Commissioner of N. W. M. Police
to the matter and he informs me that his force is patrolling the country as well as
possible, but they themselves have seen nothing to justify such indiscriminate
statements.
In the article referred to, particular reference was made to the Sarcees, but I
have have quite recently been advised by Mr. Agent Lucas that he had been asking
Mr. Fred Stimson, one of the stock owners upon whose range the Sarcees are
generally to be found when away from their Reserve, about the matter, and was
informed that the Sarcees had not troubled him this winter.
The Blood Agent reports that many cattle have been dying in the District and
a number of Ranchers [have been] giving the Indians permission to remove the beef.
With regard to insufficiency of rations tempting Indians to commit these
depredations, I am not prepared to admit that there is justification for the assertions
made. It is of course regarded as a matter of the greatest importance to keep rations
down as much as possible without entailing suffering, and when it is remembered
that an ounce per diem multiplied by the number of souls rationed will represent an
annual money expenditure aggregating many thousands of dollars, the necessity for
the strictest economy will be apparent. A sound discretion is, however, exercised and
if the circumstances are in any way exceptional, a corresponding increase is made,
but it is obvious that if these Indians are to be allowed all they want without exerting
themselves, nothing will ever be accomplished in the direction of making them self-
supporting.
That cattle killing would to some extent be carried on by Indians under any
circumstances is altogether probable, and more so when they are surrounded by such
large Ranches as are in their District, nor can the hope to entirely put a stop to such
depredations, whether committed by Indians or whites, under these circumstances,
be reasonably entertained.
83
J. Wilson to H. Reed (March 16, 1893) James Wilson (1850 – 1923) was Indian Agent for the Blood Agency.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letters dated 28th ultimo
and 10th instant, and to inform you that I have engaged the services of two Indians,
“Running Crane” and “Bear’s Hat” to act as scouts and detectives.
The former lives opposite the Cochrane Ranch Company’s place, while the last
named resides in Red Crow’s village. Both Indians are good reliable men and I have
every confidence that they will do what is wanted of them.
During the last month there has been only one case of suspected cattle killing
by Indians in the neighborhood of the Reserve, and in that case the cow was so week
she lay down to die, and there was proof that the animal had not died of exhaustion.
The greater part of the trouble comes from the fact that some Ranchers will
give Indians letters authorizing them to take dead cattle with their brands on and
although it does look hard to see good beef going to waste, still when an Indian is
armed with a letter of authority, it is hard to put a stop to them or to keep them from
wandering around the Reserve looking for dead cattle.
When in Lethbridge some time ago I had some conversation with Mr. Curry &
Mr. Harvis, the Manager and Foreman to Messrs. Conrad Bros., about giving Indians
notes and they admitted they had done so, while the Indians have told me that the
Brown Ranch Co. on the St. Mary’s River have also been giving them leave to take
the beef from the dead animals. I also know that at the Mormon Colony they have
been allowed to do so.
As far as possible however, I will endeavor to keep the Indians from going over
there, but these places are so close that they never actually require to leave their
Reserve to obtain possession of these dead animals.
H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 25, 1893)
In my letter already referred to I explained how a small daily saving in rations
to so many mounts up in the course of the year, and that if Indians are to be allowed
all they want without exerting themselves, nothing will ever be accomplished in the
direction of making them self supporting. I may add that nothing you could give these
Indians would prevent a demand for more.
The Government gives them far more than in any way bound to do by Treaty,
and while they are in possession of ponies, rifles, etc., etc., which if hard pressed they
would speedily dispose of for food, and while supporting (instead of killing and eating)
large numbers of dogs, no credence need be placed in stories of their seriously
suffering.
I have, however, given such instructions as to remove any doubt as to their
being in want.
The Indians however are not wandering about much, and everything
considered they have been very successful in keeping them at home. Nomadic by
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nature, they would roam when the fit was on them, even if by doing so they left
abundance behind them, and an army of soldiers or police could not prevent their
slipping away.
It was specially stipulated by them when they entered Treaty that they should
not be tied down to their Reservations, and although I have often taken the
responsibilities of employing police to send them home, the greatest caution has to be
exercised, for were they to offer resistances and conflict ensure, they have the law on
their side. Under these circumstances Agents must often, against their own wishes,
issue Passes to Indians who they know will leave in any case, and so preserve an
appearance at least of control, and a knowledge of their movements.
“He can snap his fingers at the police”92 (March 29, 1893)
Speaking of the killing of cattle by Indians, the Macleod Gazette says:- “Unless, therefore, an Indian is found actually in the act of the killing it is more
than probable that he can snap his fingers at the police. Only this week four Blood
Indians were brought in by the police from Stand Off charged with cattle killing, each
one when arrested having a quarter of beef in his possession, but the brand was
missing, and although they were put in the guardroom and given a preliminary trial,
it will be next to impossible to convict them. This condition of affairs calls for some
action; either the law of this country should be amended so as to make anyone
arrested for cattle killing, with beef in his possession, prove his right and ownership
to that beef, and not as at present, lay the onus of the proof on the owner of the
missing animal; or some scheme should be devised whereby Indians should not be
allowed off their reserves at any time without the written permission of the agent in
charge, stating distinctly when the bearer was allowed to go, what for, and how long
he was to be away. And any Indian found off his reserve without a pass, or found in
any other direction than that his pass called for, etc., should be promptly arrested;
and we have no doubt that the annoyances complained of by the ranchers resulting
from itinerant bands of Indians would then speedily end.”
“An agreement for mutual protection”93 (June 28, 1893)
In the absence of an incorporated association, a number of the stockmen of
Southern Alberta are entering into an agreement for mutual protection. For some
time past depredations on the range are known to have been committed in nearly
every part of the country, but unfortunately for the ranchmen the arm of the law has
not always been long enough to reach the scoundrels, who are fattening on their ill-
gotten gains. Detectives have been employed by the stockmen, but the experiment
has not proved a success, for even in cases where men, well known to have never
owned a head of stock, and with unsavory reputations otherwise, were found in
92 From CATTLE KILLING INDIANS. (1893, March 29). The Calgary Herald, p. 4. 93 From $500.00 REWARD. (1893, June 28). The Calgary Herald, page unknown.
85
possession of beef, the law as it stands gives no one the power to compel such men to
prove their claim to the beef, and it would be very difficult to prove the crime by
circumstantial evidence. The law punishes the offence severely when discovered and
satisfactorily proved, and as a means to that end the large ranchers are now offering
a reward of $500 for information leading to the conviction of persons killing, branding
or otherwise illegally handling cattle bearing their brands. The reward may possibly
have a better effect in securing evidence that will convict than any means yet tried,
as it will virtually make every man in the country a detective.
W. F. Cochrane to L. Vankoughnet (September 6, 1893) W. F. Cochrane, rancher, died in 1944. Lawrence Vankoughnet was Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs (Hayter Reed would soon succeed him in the role).
The claim that white criminals are more to blame for cattle killing in the
neighbourhood of the Blood Reservation may do to make the Department in Ottawa,
or to anyone unacquainted with the District, but though it may have been true of the
Calgary District, the claim would carry no weight with anyone who knows the
Country about the Bloods.
With regard to reduced rations causing cattle killing, Mr. Reed’s answer is not
an answer to my statement. I state that from the time Col. Irvine went there as Agent
(1st Feb. 1892) and commended the reduction of rations, cattle killing had been on
the increase. When I wrote, the first severe wintry weather was on, and some cattle
had been drifted down to the Range between our home ranch and Stand Off, where
cattle killing if going on, would be more easily detected, and in consequence six head
were discovered butchered, without anyone going out of their way to look for them.
Another was reported to me afterwards that had been killed the same week, which
makes seven. The Police and Local Indian Officials have always known my views on
this subject, which has often been talked over between us, and I had ceased to report
every case discovered, as nothing could be done about it; but this was too much to
stand without making a protest. There are other ways of killing cattle than by
shooting, and cattle were not dying with exhaustion at this time. I do not know who
the Ranch Inspector is, whose opinion is quoted, nor can the Police Commissioner
inform me, but [I] do not consider it worth much.
With regard to the Police Patrol receiving no complaints. It was before I had
heard of them, that they were there, I think, and, I do not remember their ever asking
if there were any complaints, or answering that there were none. It would not,
however, have occurred to me to have made any complaints to them, as I could see
their Superior Officer any time, and actually did, and talked the whole matter over
with him that week, as I did also with Supt. Steele before posting my letters.
I do not deny that our cattle do trespass to some extent upon the Reservation,
but, the Indians trespass to quite as great an extent upon our Range, which, I have
always considered an off-set. If I could keep the cattle off the Reservation, I should
86
like to do so, but, where they run on the Reserve it is part and parcel of the same
piece of range that we have the lease of the greater part of, and, you cannot make
cattle respect a survey line.
We have always tried to be neighbourly, and do not wish to receive any benefit
from grazing on the Reserve for nothing. This is a matter which I hope to take up
with you when I go down to Ottawa shortly. I do deny though, that the Indians drive
our cattle off, though, I know they have done so to other people’s cattle on other parts
of the Reserve, or that this has anything to do with their killing cattle. We have
several times received instructions from the Agent to remove cattle from the
Reservation, and have always done so when requested, and many more times when
not requested.
I should like to know who informed Mr. Reed that I kept only six men to look
after some 15,000 cattle, and am willing to leave the question to anyone in this
Country as to whether I have the reputation of neglecting the care of our cattle by
being shorthanded, or otherwise. Of course, if I have to hire men to do Police duty, I
do need more.
As to the Indians going out of their way last September to inform Mr. Reed
that they were well satisfied with their rations, either the Interpreter deceived him,
or some Indian that wanted something said so to please him, or he was deceived in
some way. Because, my men who deliver beef on the Reserve, and see a great deal of
the Indians, and understand their language to a great extent, told me that there was
a great deal of dis-satisfaction amongst them.
It is not so much the way our Indians are rationed or treated, that makes them
more law abiding than those on the American side, as the different administration of
the law in the two Countries, for, I do not believe our Indians are as well treated as
the South Peigans at whose Agency I have been in Montana.
Mr. Reed’s insinuation that this complaint is made with the view of increasing
our own market, was expected, and that is the reason that I hesitated to make this
complaint until the matter got so serious that I could not neglect to, any longer. As a
matter of fact, there is no profit in selling beef at Contract prices at this season, and
it would pay us much better if we were not obliged to furnish any at this time of year.
Mr. Reed thinks we only judge of the rations by the amount of beef purchased
from ourselves, but, I happen to know more than he thinks about it.
You can easily call for returns which will show you that the per capita ration
has been very materially reduced during the past year. The ration used to be a pound
and a quarter, and was reduced to 0.98 of a pound, and I was told a still further
reduction was contemplated. If you ask for the instructions given New Agents, I think
you will find that they were given to understand that their chances of getting on were
in proportion to the amount of rations they could save. I have seen some of the ration
returns, and compared them with those of the previous year.
As to the last statement that the Commissioner does not believe that the
Indians on the Reserve sometimes omit to draw their rations, who is most likely to
know something about this – he who pays an occasional visit to the Reserve, and has
87
never lived among or near these Indians, or, we who are practically among them all
the time?
In conclusion, if this policy of reduction goes on, our lives as well as our
property will be in danger. These are very different Indians to deal with, from those
that broke out in 1885, and very differently placed.
S. B. Steele to H. Reed (June 9, 1894) Sir Samuel Benfield Steele (1848 – 1919) was District Commander for the N.W.M.P.
I have the honour to report, that in consequence of having heard a great deal
of talk among the settlers, to the effect that cattle killing was increasing since the
rations of the Indians had been reduced, I caused inquiries to be made and with a
great deal of difficulty, have secured some valuable information from three Indians
of the Blood Reservation on the subject.
These Indians have never been before the Police upon any charge, and are of
good character. I therefore rely upon what they say.
Inspector Jarvis and Staff Sergeant Hilliard have been working at this matter
for some months past, but have only just succeeded in obtaining any reliable
information, the Indians being afraid at first to tell the whole story, but I promised
them that their information would, as far as their names are concerned, be
confidential, and on that promise, they told me all they knew. The substance of their
statement is as follows:-
The rations are issued as follows: three days’ rations at one time, and then
another four days’ rations.
The three days’ issue is used up on the morning of the second day, leaving the
Indians 1½ days without food.
The four days’ issue only lasts them for two days, and they are therefore two
days without food before the next issue is made.
They state that the “meat choppers” and Indian Department employees get
plenty to eat, issued to them.
They all agree in saying that the Indians kill cattle, and estimate the number
at from 25 to 30 head per month.
The killing is always done at night, and upon the same day of the week as
rations are issued, their object being to conceal the offence, because the fresh meat
would not be noticed so much on that particular day.
The Indians stated that there are times when they are hungry in spite of all
they kill.
The Indians do not kill small cattle; they kill the large animals and have a
preference for cows.
Up to last Summer Chief “Red Crow” had no complaints, but from last fall, he
has not had sufficient rations.
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The Indians say that if there were two cordons of sentries around the camp,
the hungry Indians could go through, kill cattle, and return with the meat, without
being discovered.
The above statement is, I believe, founded on fact, and as far as the hunger of
the Indians is concerned, can be corroborated by Inspector Jarvis, and the
Department at Stand Off.
The Indians do not cast any reflection upon the officials of the Indian
Department; they believe that they receive all the officials are authorized to issue to
them.
As you are aware there is a great deal of patrolling done, but as I have said
before, as long as the Indians cannot support themselves, which they cannot do in a
country where there is so little rain and no irrigation, they will not starve, while there
are upwards of 80,000 head of cattle running on the ranges, and I may add that were
it not for the vigilance of the Police there would be a great deal more cattle killing
done.
Even if the number of Police were doubled or trebled, it would be an easy
matter for an Indian to steal out at night and kill an animal without being caught, as
anyone acquainted with their craft knows full well.
A. E. Forget to H. Reed (June 16, 1894) In 1894, Amédée Emmanuel Marie Forget (1847 – 1923), was Assistant Indian Commissioner, and Hayter Reed was DeputySuperintendent General of Indian Affairs.
I enclose herewith a further report received from the Commissioner of N. W.
M. P. relative to affairs on the Blood Reserve, in connection with which I would offer
the following remarks.
If so extensive a system of cattle killing is going on as is referred to, it seems
incredible that the arrangements necessary for the distribution of some 20,000 lbs. of
beef per month, which is derived therefrom, can be carried on with such perfect
secrecy as to completely escape the notice of our officials, the Agency Scouts or the
Mounted Police.
Upon looking into Red Crow’s statement that up to last Summer he had no
complaints to make, I find that while the average rations for the 10 months from July
1893 to 30th April 1894 are actually slightly higher than the average for the
preceding fiscal year (as will be seen from a comparative statement enclosed
herewith), the average number of Indians rationed has fallen from 1524 in 1892-93
to 1386 in the first 10 months of 1893-94.
The Annuity paysheets for 1893 show 1494 Indians as having been paid, and
there were 117 absentees of whom 47 could not be accounted for.
If, as is assumed, some 1400 Indians on an average were drawing rations prior
to July 1893 for 1524 Indians, there would very naturally be a pinch felt when the
number allowed for was reduced by some 124 rations, even though the average p. c.
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was slightly increased. This seems to account in part, if not wholly for the cry of
reduced rations.
H. Reed to F. White (June 28, 1894) Frederick White was Comptroller of the N.W.M.P.
It seems incredible that some six or seven animals should be killed, and some
800 lbs. of beef, derived therefrom, distributed weekly, without some sign being found
by your men, the Indian scouts, or our own people, which would enable the
depredations to be traced to the perpetrators.
Were the Indians in receipt of the quantity of beef which it is alleged they steal,
in addition to the allowance they receive, together with flour, from the Department,
it is hardly conceivable that even they would be complaining of being hungry; and
consequently the conclusion seems forced upon one, that the statements made by the
Indians who furnished the information are exaggerations of what doubtless may have
a sub-stratum of truth, but as already said, enquiries are being instituted.
H. Reed to J. Wilson (August 2, 1894)
Let counsel be secured to defend any Macleod Indians lately or about to be
arrested for cattle killing.
H. Reed to A. E. Forget (July 4, 1894)
Strong complaint has just been made by Senator Cochrane about the Indians
killing cattle on the Company’s Ranch.
Something must be done to put a stop to these depredations, and the Agent
should be told that he is expected to devise measures for that end.
If necessary an additional scout or two should be temporarily engaged, and
consultation should be held with the North West Mounted Police with a view to co-
operation with them. Again, the offer of the reward of $500 made by the Ranchers’
Association for detention of such crimes should be widely circulated among the
Indians. These suggestions are such as occur on the spur of the moment and at a
distance, but the Agent on the spot should be in the best position to devise effective
measures, and, as already said, should be told that he is expected to do so.
I would again remind you of what has already been written you in this
connection about giving a sufficient ration, and may add that it should be made such
as to remove occasion for grumbling on the part of the Indians.
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S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (July 17, 1894)
I have the honour to report that two Blood Indians named “Broken Leg” and
“Crow spreading his wings,” have laid an information against another Blood Indian
named “Big Forehead” for cattle killing.
In the event of a conviction being obtained, could you do anything towards
obtaining a reward for the informants? I think $100 would be ample.
Some time ago I wrote to Mr. Curry of Lethbridge on this subject, and he
informed me that although there is a standing reward of $500 offered by the
Association for information that would lead to a conviction in such cases, that reward
is not offered to Indians.
T.P. Wadsworth to A. E. Forget (July 28, 1894) T. P. Wadsworth (1838 – 1917) was a government inspector.
My dear Forget,
To confute the statement that the Indians look thinner than formerly on
account of insufficient food, I would like to send East the photos of about 50 men and
women taken promiscuously. Why! such a contention is absurd, the Indians look
remarkably well and I find all such assertions based on hearsay, and the cattle killing
is exaggerated. Should not these Indians who are held for trial be defended? The
ranchers want their case made as black as possible, anything to force higher and
higher rations.
Yours truly,
(Signed) T. P. Wadsworth
J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 4, 1894)
Sir:
Confirming my telegram of today’s date, I have the honour to inform you that
there are sixteen Blood Indians committed to prison on a charge of cattle killing.
So far, only six committal papers are ready for perusal, and in company with
Inspector Wadsworth I went over these very carefully. The other ten will be copied
out in a few days, when I shall call for copies. In these first six cases it appears as if
a defense will do little good. These men are mostly young, and some of them seem to
glory in the fact of having committed the act charged. But it is a strange thing that
two of the worst among the whole lot who had anything to do with this cattle killing
are allowed free. I am told they are Queen’s evidence, but from their past record, and
from what appears to be on the face of these six committal papers, there is little doubt
in my mind that the two principal ringleaders are to be allowed to go free, while a
number of young men and lads are likely to be punished for offences into which they
have been, in a great measure, drawn by these two men. The one “Big Bib,” was
sentenced to 5 years in Stony Mountain about six or seven years ago, and along with
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the “Dog” escaped while on his way down East. He eluded the Police for about 3 years,
and at last gave himself up and returned to the reserve after being in prison for about
2 years only. Since then, he has been up for rape, though not convicted. He has also
been in a number of woman scrapes, and is on the whole one of the worst characters
in the on the Reserve.
The other Indian, “Black Rabbit,” is also a wild fellow, always into some
mischief. It is only a little over a year ago that he pulled his rifle and stood off a
Constable of the N. W. M. Police who was sent to apprehend him. These two seem the
principal witnesses.
I shall look into the other cases and will report to you later on.
I ought perhaps to mention here that upon receipt of a telegram from the
Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, I today wired Inspector Wadsworth
to secure the services of Charles McCaul, Barrister, Calgary, who, should he accept
the defense, will be able to defend them in a thoroughly satisfactory manner.
This cattle killing business coming to light is the result of quarrels among the
Indians themselves, who to “get even” as they say, give each other away. Once started,
then the friends of the first committed immediately turn round and tell all they know
about the friends or relations of the first informers; and so it goes.
There is one thing which stands out clearly all through these depositions,
which I think shows the spirit of Police supervision and bravado in defying the law;
else how can one account for the fact that nearly all these cases have occurred within
a short distance of the North West Mounted Police detachment at Big Bend; and yet
with all their patrolling and scouting, not one case was discovered by the Police? Out
of the whole sixteen cases, as far as I can hear or see, not one case can be claimed as
the outcome of careful watching on the part of the police or information got from their
scouts. If Indians can ride out within a mile or so of the detachment and kill cattle;
what in the name of goodness is the use of having Police? This Big Bend detachment
is under charge of Inspector Jarvis, who according to Major Steele’s report had been
for “some months” busy working up evidence re: starving Indians and rations;
evidently to the serious neglect of his legitimate work of keeping an outlook for
criminals. What is the use of the Police talking about having Indian Scouts and
patrols if cattle can be killed under the very noses of the detachment men?
The fact of the matter is that these Indian Scouts have their time greatly taken
up by carrying mail instead of looking for and trying to keep down crime.
In my opinion, if Major Steele is right in his belief that 350 head of cattle are
killed every year, the time has arrived when these Indian Scouts should be taken out
of the hands of the Police altogether, and a system of Indian Police started on the
Reserve, which system, I understand, works in a very satisfactory manner upon
United States Reserves. At all events, it is surely worth trying; if for no other reason
than the admitted inability of the present system of Police detachments and scouts
to find out the cattle killers. And I would strongly ask you to give this view of the
matter your favourable consideration.
With further reference to my letter of 23rd July on this subject; I beg to say
that this cattle killing has had a good deal of my attention, in order, if possible, to
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have an entire stop to it; and after careful consideration, the best plan which suggests
itself to me is this, that unless under very exceptional cases, the Indians be not
allowed to visit the Timber Limit; except at stated times, and then in one or two large
parties, under proper supervision, instead of as at present, where every family goes
at will to cut logs. In this way, all those who wished to cut house logs, fencing, saw-
legs, &c. could be sent up – say in the fall – to do this work and then immediately
after spring work is over, another party could be sent out to run the logs down to their
respective villages.
Instructions could then be issued that no Indian be allowed to visit the Timber
limit without a pass: and seeing the last 15 miles of the way is over lease land, I think
there would be little objection raised, and it would only be under exceptional cases
that a pass could be granted.
Should this proposal meet with your approval, I shall intimate this to the
Indians, and also ask the Supt. of the N. W. M. Police to keep a sharp lookout for
Indians in this Big Bend District.
A step like this would, I think, satisfy the Cochrane Ranch that the
Department were anxious to put down cattle killing, and it would then be known
when parties were on the River and gave the Police a chance to watch closer.
I have &c.
(SIGNED) Jas Wilson
I. A.
A. E. Forget to H. Reed (August 8, 1894)
My dear Mr. Reed:
I was going to write you today for authority to engage the services of a counsel
for the defense of 18 Indians committed to stand their trial at Macleod for cattle
killing, then the information reached me this morning that direct communication had
been had with you on the subject and that you had wired Wilson to retain a counsel.
Acting on this authority the services of Mr. McCaul have been secured and his
terms, which I have approved, are $25.00 per day and expenses from the time he
leaves his office until his return. The Judge will be asked to fix the sitting of the Court
for the trials so as to permit of Mr. McCaul leaving Calgary on Wednesday and
returning on Saturday, asking a total of 4 days’ absence only.
Yours faithfully,
(Signed) A. E. Forget
H. Reed to A. E. Forget (August 14, 1894)
It seems evident that a desire exists on the part of interested parties to make
it appear that the Indians are kept so short of beef as to be driven to commit
depredations, and you should see that our people are on hand and exert themselves
to disprove any such contention.
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“Kill cattle to keep from starving”94 (August 15, 1894)
Macleod Aug. 15th. – No less than seventeen Indian prisoners occupy
compartments in the N. W. M. Police goal at this place. Sixteen of them are in for
cattle killing, chiefly on the Cochrane lease, the Southeastern limitations of which
end in the Blood Reserve, where the Indians were captured. The trial promises to be
most interesting, and may result in a change of the ration system at present in vogue
in the reserve. The Red men claim that they have not sufficient food and are
compelled to kill cattle to keep from starving. If this is true it is hard on the Cochrane
Ranch and other companies who suffer in consequence. Inspector Jarvis and Sergeant
Hilliard, N. W. M. P. , who are stationed on the reserve, have been most active in
making arrests without fear or favour, doing their duty faithfully in that state of life
in which it has pleased the Government to place them. C. C. McCaul Q. C. will act for
the defense in the trial, while the prosecution will be conducted by M. McKenzie and
C. Conybeare C. P.
S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (August 18, 1894)
I have the honour to inform you that of the sixteen Blood Indians, charged with
cattle-killing:-
Six were sentenced yesterday, to two years each, in the Penitentiary.
Five, to terms of imprisonment from one to six months each, in the Guard Room
here.
Four, released on suspended sentence, and one, a boy, dismissed.
Those for the penitentiary will be sent down, as soon as possible, after the
“Committals” have been received from the Court.
J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 20, 1894)
Sir:
I have the honor to report that His Honour Judge Macleod had the 16 Indians
committed by the Police on a charge of cattle killing and for stealing the beef of these
same animals, duly tried before him on Thursday and Friday last.
In accordance with instructions, Mr. McCaul, Calgary, appeared and defended
them, and this gentleman will report to you on the legal matters in connection with
the trial.
On the advice of Mr. McCaul (who saw how matters stood) all pleaded guilty
to the different charges or part of the charges laid against them – their depositions
leaving little room for calling evidence to clear them. I repeatedly tried to get up
evidence in defense of these Indians but it was easy to see from the first that no
defence was wanted by the ringleaders in the affair. Their first and only cry was,
94 From the Semi-Weekly Free Press. Date unknown. Page unknown. Article extract found in the same
collection as the letters.
94
“How is this going to affect the rations?” All made up their minds to the same story
and I was told previously that this was going to be in a manner a test case whether
they or the Indian Department were right that rations had been reduced.
White Calf (who has been leader of all this outcry) had a son among the number
charged and he was first called. When asked by His Honour what he had to say why
sentence should not be passed upon him, young White Calf (Never Ties His Shoe
Laces) entered into a long speech about rations and all being starving, that the
rations did not last them out &c. The other Indians when called upon all made similar
statements, some saying the rations only lasted them for two days and that five days
they went hungry. The Judge repeatedly appealed to me to tell him what rations were
issued to Indians and I gave him a note of what the average issue was and also told
him that the working Indians were given an extra ration. In order to disabuse the
Judge’s mind of any opinion that he might have had that these Indians were having
their rations reduced, I took the liberty of giving him figures to show that since
November 1892 when Col. Irvine resigned, the rations had been considerably
increased.
This seemed to satisfy His Lordship because before passing sentence he
repeatedly told the prisoners that they were talking nonsense, that their rations could
not be used up in such a short time.
There can be no doubt His Lordship saw how matters were because from his
knowledge of Indians he could not mistake the meaning of their continued and
repeated reference to Inspector Jarvis and rations. One could almost imagine that
this cattle killing had been done for the sole purpose of getting rations raised.
His Honour sentenced six of the ringleaders to two years imprisonment, viz.,
Never Ties His Shoe Laces, Wolf Child, Tough Bread, Nibs, Short Man, and Long
Time Squirrel while Slap Face and Many Different Ages were sentenced to six months
and Carries Something and Melting Tallow to one month imprisonment each. One
boy was discharged before being tried, being too young, while five Indians who were
good working fellows and who had been strongly recommended by me to His Honour
were discharged on suspended sentence.
After Court “White Calf” addressed His Lordship on the ration question but
got little encouragement from him. Judge Macleod spoke to them well and said if this
continued there was a chance of their rations being taken away altogether as there
was nothing in their Treaty calling for rations.
Were these Indians spoken to in this firm way by the Police instead of being
encouraged in their unjust demands, things would be soon in a very different position.
As it is, however, this trial will now show the Indians who are their friends and will
do a world of good ultimately.
I have the honour to be
Sir
Your obedient Servant
(Signed) Jas Wilson.
Ind. Agent.
95
C. C. McCaul to A. E. Forget (August 21, 1894) C. C. McCaul (1858 – 1928) was a Calgary barrister.
Dear Sir:
Referring to your No. 1581 of the 8th instant, I beg to say that I left for Macleod
on Wednesday the 15th instant, returning on the night of the 17th. On arrival at
Macleod I met Mr. Wilson, the Agent, at the Blood Reserve and in company with him
carefully read through all the depositions taken on the preliminary examination of
the Indians charged with cattle killing, as well as the statements made by the
accused.
In each case the evidence was perfectly clear, and indeed, each of the accused,
in his statement before the Justice of the Peace, had clearly admitted taking part in
what they described as a “hunt”. Under these circumstances it appeared to me that
there was no other course but to plead guilty, and, as Counsel, to make a statement
in each case of any extenuating circumstances. I accordingly prepared a concise
analysis of all the cases, stating, from information given to me by Mr. Wilson, which
were industrious and steady Indians, and which were idle and bad, and any
extenuating facts in each of the cases: this I submitted to Judge Macleod and on it he
largely based the sentences which he imposed. Unfortunately the Judge has left this
memorandum (with a note of the sentences imposed) at Macleod, and I will not get it
until tomorrow, when I will forward it to you.
Before delivering sentence the Judge, as is usual, asked each of the prisoners
what he had to say why sentence should not be delivered, and each of them stated
much to this effect: that they had been supplied with 7 days rations to go up into the
timber and that the rations only lasted them for 2 days, and that they were starving
for the remaining 5 days. I asked the Judge however, to consult with Mr. Wilson the
Agent, who explained to him the true state of affairs, and I think the Judge was pretty
well satisfied that the Indians in question had had probably a glorious feast for the
first 2 days that they were out, and having disposed in two days of seven days rations,
that their excuse for killing cattle was not one which should entitle them to great
leniency.
My fee, as arranged with you, is $100 and my expenses amounted to $14.35 for
which sums we shall be pleased to receive departmental cheque.
I have the honour to be
Sir
Your obedient Servant
(Signed) C. C. McCaul
A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (August 27, 1894)
During the past week a number of complaints have been received from Indians
to the effect that they are not getting sufficient food. On the evening of the 18th,
accompanied by interpreter De Roche, I visited the following Indians, viz: “Bull
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Plume,” “Crop Eared Wolf,” “Rough Body,” Minor Chief Eagle Rib’s wife and Red
Crow; these people are the heads of families. I was only able to find a half lb. of dried
beef at Eagle Rib’s. I took their statements and forwarded them to you.
While at Big Bend on the 23rd instant Mr. D. H. Cox of “Mountain View’
reported to me that while riding on the range near the Bull Horn Corral and close to
a Lake, he found four head of Cochrane Ranch cattle that had been recently killed by
the Indians. On the same date the foreman of the Hatfield Ranch and myself were
coming across country from their place between the Kootenai and the Belly River, we
ran on an animal that had been killed about a week from the appearance of the flesh
on the bones.
J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 28, 1894)
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 1581 of the
22nd regarding the inability of the Indian Scouts to detect or report these cases of
cattle killing, and suggesting that steps be taken to secure the services of more useful
or reliable men.
In reply I beg to say that I have been changing these scouts for some time back,
not having been satisfied with the information received from them. I had “Bear’s
Teat” and “Running Crane” removed and “Bull Horn” and “Peigan French” put on,
but found the change not much [of an] improvement. I then changed these two men
and have at present Running Crane and Bobtail Chief as Scouts.
The information I got from the Scouts only take me a certain length, and when
pressed, all the length you get is to know that a certain person killed an animal. I
have repeatedly tried to get at one or another of the parties concerned, but they
invariably hold together and it is only when you manage to get them to fall out among
themselves that the whole truth gets out. I knew, for instance, that “Never Ties His
Shoe,” who was sentenced to two years, had killed an animal, and also knew where
the hide was cached, but could not get further and to merely tell this man I knew
such was the case would have done him no good.
In the cases referred to by you it must be kept in mind (1) that these cattle
were killed on the Western boundary of the Reserve or just beyond it; some 28 miles
from the Upper Agency and at least 15 miles nearer the Mountains than any Indian’s
house, (2) that this beef was not brought into or near the village, but consumed by
the Indians either in the Timber Limit or on the drive down. You can thus see how
hard it is to get information regarding matters taking place so far away, and had it
not been for these Indians falling out and quarreling among themselves, these cases
might never have been heard of.
I shall see Farmer McNeil & Clard in the course of a day or two and will talk
the matter over with them, and try if another change of men will do any good. Cases
like the ones brought before the Courts lately are not likely to occur again because
for the future Indians will only go in large parties to the Timber Limit, and will be
accompanied not only by a white man but by one of the detectives as well.
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A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (December 16, 1894)
Sir,
I have the honour to submit this my report for the week ending the 13th
instant. While en route to Stand Off from Big Bend, with Scout Big Otter, on the 10th
inst., we ran on to a four year old steer that had been shot and killed the night
previous by Indians, and about three parts of the beef taken away. The scout and I
followed the trail, which led in the direction of a house occupied by an Indian named
“Left Hand,” “Broken Leg,” and “Crane Chief”; beef has been found in the bush close
to their house. I issued warrants for their arrest and gave them a hearing, and
remanded them for eight days. The animal belonged to the Cochrane Ranch Co.
On the 11th inst. I committed “Black Rabbit” for trial, for killing cattle on the
30th November last. I regret to observe that cattle killing, close to the upper cam just
on the boundary of [the] Reserve, is on the increase. I believe that more convictions
could and would be obtained if a certain sum of money was placed at my disposal, to
be used in privately stimulating some of the Indians secretly to inform on members
of their tribe; by small gifts I feel sure this could be done, and I can suggest no better
way of getting at the ring leaders than [to] do so.
With reference to the case of David Mills, employee on the Blood Reserve, I
have had a long personal interview with Mr. Wilson the Indian Agent, in which I gave
him all the information in my power, and have handed him the names &c., of the
Indians whom Mills allowed to draw treaty & rations for dead Indians, together with
all the evidence I had collected to prove the charge. I also informed him that I could
get further evidence if necessary and that I would aid him in any way he might
suggest.
“Taken many guns,” Blackfoot Indian, was tried before me on the 18th inst.,
and convicted for removing a hide from an animal found dead, contrary to Hide
Ordinance No. 17, 1889. I imposed a fine of $5.00 and costs or in default one month’s
imprisonment. On the same date “Stabs twice,” a Blood Indian, was charged with the
same offence, case dismissed.
I have etc.,
sgd A. M. Jarvis, Insp.
J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 25, 1895)
I am not of the opinion of Mr. Jarvis that cattle killing is on the increase. On
the other hand I would point out that since last Summer these Indians have been
residing on the reserve more closely than they have ever done; and from all reports
got from my own Scouts there seem to be very few carcasses of animals around.
Omitting the two animals supposed to have been killed by Indians and for which they
await trial, only two animals are reported to me as being found dead on the prairie.
It would be well to remember that all cases of animals found killed are put
down as having been killed by Indians, while there are lots of White men in the
country at present who have more necessity to kill animals than the Indians. Only
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the other day I was told that two men, now out of the country, but who used to reside
at Whoop-up, made a practice of going out and killing cattle, and I have no doubt
these are not the only men who do.
With regard to Inspector Jarvis’ suggestion that secret money be given to
Indians to give information, I would say that there has been a good deal of false
swearing of late, and I am afraid this would encourage it. If the Police Scouts are not
enough, I would prefer seeing them increased rather than this secret way be
introduced. Giving money bribes would make it hard for the Indian Department
officials to get private information.
J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 17, 1895)
During the month of December Inspector Jarvis, at the request of Supt. Steele,
came to me privately and told me certain charges had been made against Mills of
trafficking in tickets belonging to dead Indians – that he had accepted Treaty money
or part of it from certain parties, and that he had traded in ration tickets. I asked Mr.
Jarvis to give me all the information he had on the matter, and said I would enquire
into them without letting Mills know anything of it, and would inform him what I
thought ought to be done.
Inspector Jarvis thereupon gave me the six following charges against Mills,
viz:-
1. A sworn information by a Blood Indian named “Many White Horses” (step-
father to Bear’s Teat) in which it was alleged that a woman, “Don’t Move Lodges,”
No. 39, had been paid and allowed to draw rations here as a Blood Woman, while at
the same time she was being paid and drawing rations at the Blood [sic.] Agency.
2. That “Cross Child,” a Blood Indian, had got from Mills a ration ticket under
the name of “Little Person” for three, and that he had drawn rations of beef and flour
on the ticket and had given the same to a White man.
3. That “Crow Head” in Band G. had been paid as a Blood Indian and rations
drawn, he being either a North or South Peigan Indian.
4. That “Porcupine Bull’s” ticket for rations was being allowed to be drawn by
“Wolf Scout’s” wife.
5. That “Shakes His Feet” was dead and that his name had not been taken off
my books – that some one had drawn pay and rations for him after death, and
6. That “Bob-tailed Chief” had conspired with Mills and had drawn Annuity
money for Indians who had been dead for years. That Mills accepted whole or part of
this money. Bob-tailed Chief is said to have admitted this.
Charge 1.
When inspector Jarvis handed me the information re: “Don’t Move Lodges” I
at once and in his presence turned up my Pay Books and showed the Inspector my
pencil notes made before payments. This note was to the effect that this woman was
supposed to be drawing at Blackfoot Crossing and here. I told Mr. Jarvis that I had
written to Indian Agent Begg, but at that time had not got his reply. I said there did
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not appear to be anything in this case against Mills, because I paid the woman on my
own responsibility, after hearing the facts of the case.
This case stands thus: This woman ran away to the Crossing some years ago
and lived with a Blackfoot Indian. Her husband died and she came back here last
year to stop for good. She is a Blood woman and her sister is married to Many White
Horses. After she came here and before payments she told Mills the name of her late
husband, and it was information got from Mills which led me to suspect she was
trying to draw at both places. Since this information was sworn out I received a letter
from Indian Agent Begg saying the woman was not paid at his Agency, but was
reported as being at the Bloods. I have written Mr. Begg and told him the woman is
a Blood and would reside here; and as she was on my books I paid her and asked him
to note that she was now going to reside permanently on this Reserve.
In prosecuting this enquiry I cross questioned Many White Horses, and after
some trouble he admitted he knew this woman had neither drawn rations nor money
for some time at the Crossing – that her tickets had been taken in and torn up some
two years ago. The information therefore sworn before Inspector Jarvis by this Indian
was a false one. There is nothing as far as I can see against Mills in this case. In fact,
as I have already said, it was his calling my attention to the case that led to the
correspondence with Mr. Begg.
Charge 2
Cross child admitted having drawn rations on a ticket for 3 when working with
some other Indians putting up hay – said he did not know what name was on the
ticket nor who it belonged to. Got the ticket from Mills’s wife – never on any occasion
gave beef or flour to a White man. It afterwards turned out that this ticket belonged
to “Spears a Knife,” half brother to Mills, who was working off and on in the same
haying outfit. There used to be two Indians known as “Little Person” on our books –
on the one ticket there were two persons and on the other one blind woman. It could not therefore be a ticket with Little Person’s name, and was more likely to be “Spears
a Knife’s” ticket.
Charge 3
Crow Head is one of these cases which have given considerable trouble in the
past, and which have often been brought to your attention. This Indian was registered
as a Blood years ago, but has been going back and forwards to the South Peigans. In
my correspondence with Capt. Cooke, this case was overlooked at the time as well as
one or two others, and his name did not appear on the list of Indians supposed to be
drawing at both places. No charge was made against Mills of benefitting by this man;
merely the charge that Crow Head was a Peigan Indian. I have noted the case for
next year’s payments and unless his family is able to show they are not drawing at
the South Peigans, payment will be refused.
Charge 4
“Porcupine Bull’s” sister is married to Wolf Scout, a blind old man who owns a
lot of good horses. Porcupine Bull as a rule herds and works for this Indian, and his
sister nearly always draws his rations for him. I have known this for years and see
nothing wrong in it.
100
Charge 5
“Shakes His Foot” (or as we have it, Strong Day Light – A. 90) died and his
death was duly registered and the ration ticket reduced by one. He died before
payments and Treaty money was not paid in this case.
Charge 6
Bob-tailed Chief was examined in every way possible, but on all occasions he
most emphatically denied ever having had anything to do with tickets other than his
own. He never drew for any one either dead or alive. Says he never had anything to
do with Mills or any other person about drawing Government money for dead Indians,
and knows nothing of it. He says he never even said such a thing in joke.
This was the result of my enquiries and I took my notes and read them to
Inspector Jarvis in his own house, saying that I did not see any charge of trafficking
in tickets could be brought home upon such evidence. Farmer Clarke acted as
interpreter for me and I also saw some of the Indians alone.
The whole thing is, in my opinion, the result of a feeling for revenge on the part
of Bear’s Teat, Many White Horses and a Halfbreed named Wagner – the latter being
a useless idle fellow who is always into trouble and who has been ordered off the
Reserve frequently.
Many White Horses and Bear’s Teat are Step-father and son, and what has
made them angry is the fact of their ration ticket being reduced by one, owing to a
brother of the latter’s stopping at the Blackfoot Crossing and having been taken off
the rations although paid for here. Bear’s Teat, I believe, says Mills was the cause of
their ticket being reduced. I have been in correspondence with Indian Agent Begg
since November about this young man, who I rather think is drawing pay at both
places, but the fact that he goes under a different name at the Crossing makes it hard
to identify him.
Police Scout Bear’s Teat had been employed by me in former years long before
he was a detective on the Reserve, as well as during his term – in going very carefully
over the tickets and no Indian knows the pay books or tickets better. I therefore think
that instead of censuring Mills for his conduct, he deserves some credit for the very
correct manner in which the pay books now stand, because were it possible to bring
other cases up against him they certainly would have been brought. It must also be
kept in mind that there are over 400 families on the Reserve squandered over a wide
tract of country who are constantly moving from one place to another.
I do not however depend entirely upon Mills to report the correct number. Each
Farmer is given a book with a list of his Indians and the number in each family, and
have instructions to note down any difference they may find, and these books are
carefully gone over before the payments to see that all deaths &c. are duly recorded.
In any difficulty the detectives are also applied to and ordered to give the exact family.
It is also part of their duties to report all deaths. I always carry a book myself and
note the families for the purpose of verifying my books.
Under all the circumstances, I do not think it necessary to make further
enquiries, but I shall take an early opportunity of seeing Inspector Jarvis again and
asking him if he has any more evidence to bring forward or any fresh charges to make.
101
J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 11, 1896)
With reference to previous correspondences on the subject of trespass by cattle
on the Reserve I have now the honour to inform you that I held a meeting, on
Wednesday last the 8th inst., with Red Crow, Day Chief, Blackfoot Old Woman and
Calf Shirt, representative men, regarding this matter.
I may say the reason I did not bring this matter sooner before the Indians was
that I felt certain the best time to bring it up was when any complaint was made, and
at one of my recent visits to Red Crow he spoke of cattle on the Reserve, and I at once
invited him down with some others to hear the views of the Department and myself
and to give me their opinion on what they thought should be done.
I explained to them at the meeting on Wednesday that white men had
repeatedly warned for the past 10 years or so to keep their cattle away, but although
every step possible had been taken with this view, they had continued to run their
cattle here in spite of us.
I then read the Indians part of my letter to you June last and part of your reply
dated 11th Sept, and advised them to give this system a trial explaining that the
moment they wanted the grazing land for their own cattle notice would be given to
the white men to remove their stock and all contracts cancelled.
After a considerable amount of talking they each agreed that it would be well
to try it, and said if possible to help them to get some remuneration for the use of
grazing rights. I explained to them that the white men had yet to be seen on the
matter, and that I would take an early opportunity of going round among them, and
if I succeeded in gaining their consent to this scheme would have contracts drawn up
and agreed to at a full meeting of Indians.
Since the meeting I have seen two minor chiefs who also said they were
agreeable and I feel sure the matter will receive the unanimous consent of the others.
I am glad this subject has been discussed and such a satisfactory conclusion
arrived at, and I will lose no time in calling upon the settlers of the surrounding
district to find out how many are likely to take advantage of the offer.
This scheme will no doubt receive opposition from the Cochrane Ranch
Company, but some other arrangement might probably be made with them which
would not press so heavily, and especially as we are indebted to them for a great part
of the hay we cut and sell. I shall see Mr. Cochrane along with the other settlers.
“The business is constantly increasing”95 (December 20, 1901)
Mr. William Cochrane, of the Cochrane Ranching Company, located in
Southern Alberta, […] said that while the ranching business had been good in the
Northwest during the year or two, he regretted that so much money had been lost in
Alberta during the early years on account of a lack of experience. He believed,
however, that Southern Alberta will in time become a district for general farming.
95 From STOCK MEN REJOICE. (1901, December 20). The Montreal Gazette, p. 6.
102
The number of cattle now distributed over the different ranches was, he said, greater
than ever before, and the business is constantly increasing.
He has been seven years on the Cochrane ranch, which is between the Belly
and Waterton rivers, extending twenty-five miles up and down with a width of from
four to six miles, the southern portion being about twenty-five miles from the
American line. The ranch embraces 60,000 acres, but as the company has 12,500 head
of cattle, the ranch proper is not extensive enough, so it has leased 35,000 acres of
grazing land belonging to the Blood Indian reservation, on the other side of the Belly
river.
The Bloods, Mr. Cochrane states, number about 1,200 all told, and although
[they] do not perhaps increase in numbers, they, however, hold their own. They live
mostly in tents during the summer months, and occupy cabins in the winter. They all
receive rations from the Government, but the younger and most enterprising among
them raise a good many cattle, and will in all probability be self-sustaining in a few
years. […]
Mr. Cochrane is located quite near the Mormons who have come to Alberta in
large numbers. These people come from an irrigation country, and they naturally take
to these methods, although the past season has not been dry enough to require these
artificial methods to any great extent. […] Mr. Cochrane describes these Mormons as
most industrious and they will no doubt be followed by others. On the whole, he
considered the outlook in southern Alberta as exceedingly promising.
“Sold in small holdings to settlers”96 (July 10, 1912)
The department of Indian affairs made no mistake when they sent in steam
working outfits and farm machinery with which to equip several large farms on the
Blood Indian reserve, and get the residents of the reserve to work. Several sections
have been broken at Bull Horn, Stand Off and Slide Out, and at these points grain is
grown to an excellent advantage. Last season, the yield on one of the Indian farms
led the entire south country in the matter of production. This year an additional crop
has been sown and it is anticipated that the yield from the two reserves, Blood and
Peigan, will total half a million bushels.
The large district south of Macleod extending from the Crow’s Nest railway
between the two reserves of the international boundary, and including the old
Cochrane ranch, is one of the richest districts in the province in the matter of grain
production. The Cochrane ranch was bought seven years ago by the Mormon church
and was broken under their direction, and sold in small holdings to settlers, mostly
from the state of Utah. These Mormons are splendid agriculturalists, and have made
this desert land blossom as the rose.
96 From Conditions Indicate That Southern Alberta Farmers Will Have a Banner Crop. (1912, July
10). The Calgary Herald, p. 17.
- Fifteen years (1913 – 1928)
- The death of Crop Eared Wolf (April, 1913)
- “There would still be plenty of room” (May, 1913)
- “Applications for more than 150,000 acres” (June, 1913)
- “Where the most people would be benefitted” (September, 1913)
- “30,000 head of stock are ready” (October, 1913)
- “Vexed with the board of trade” (October, 1913)
- “My plans for the future farming on the Blood Reserve” (August, 1914)
- A report on the Blood Reserve in 1914 (March, 1914)
- “These Indians could well spare that portion” (November, 1914)
- “Growers of grain and raisers of cattle” (January, 1915)
- A report on the Blood Reserve in 1915 (March, 1915)
- “Robbing the Wards of the People” (April, 1915)
- “Personally interested in a grazing lease” (April, 1915)
- “The Indians got what was coming to them” (April, 1915)
- “If ever these Indians decided to surrender any land” (June, 1915)
- A report on the Blood Reserve in 1916 (March, 1916)
- “When that time arrives” (February, 1917)
- “It isn’t every day” (August, 1917)
- “Would throw open to settlers a fine tract” (February, 1918)
- “Understood to have voted” (March, 1918)
- Sheep on the Blood Reserve (April, 1918)
- “The Indians themselves are contributing” (May, 1918)
- “A new departure” (June, 1918)
- “Every inch of the Blood Indian reservation” (July, 1918)
- “A remarkable success” (November, 1918)
- “A scorching attack” (February, 1919)
- “Over 300 head of horses have died” (April, 1920)
- “Without asking the Indians” (April, 1921)
- “Persecution, bad faith and chicanery” (May, 1921)
- “Be wise and persevere” (August, 1921)
- Moving the Blood Agency (May, 1923)
- “The new Anglican boarding school” (August, 1924)
- “The best satisfied and most prosperous citizens” (January, 1925)
- “Excellent work is being done” (June, 1925)
- “They are becoming real citizens” (July, 1925)
- “Infamous legislation” (June, 1920)
- “In the face about three times” (April, 1928)
- “Metamorphosis” (December, 1927)
- Government reaction to conventions at Macleod (1924 – 1925)
- “A conclave of sober-minded men and women” (November 13, 1924)
- “Our land should not be leased” (November 13, 1924)
- Sgt. J. A. Webb to C. Junget (November 14, 1924)
- C. Junget to R.C.M.P. Commissioner (November 17, 1924)
- A. F. Grady to Charles Stewart (November 18, 1924)
- Mike Mountain Horse to J.T. Faunt (November 22, 1924)
- C. Stewart to A. F. Grady (November 24, 1924)
- W. M. Graham to D. C. Scott (November 28, 1924)
- J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham (November 30, 1924)
- A. F. Grady to C. Stewart (January 6, 1925)
- Mike Mountain Horse to D. C. Scott (January 9, 1925)
- Mike Mountain Horse to C. Stewart (January 24, 1925)
- D. C. Scott to Colonel C. Starnes (January 31, 1925)
- D. C. Scott to Mike Mountain Horse (February 2, 1925)
- D. C. Scott to J. Byng (February 3, 1925)
- J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott (February 15, 1925)
- A. F. Grady to C. Stewart (March 7, 1925)
- C. A. Arthur to D. C. Scott (March 9, 1925)
- D. C. Scott to A. F. Grady (March 25, 1925)
- J. T. Faunt to D. C. Scott (March 25, 1925)
- J. T. Faunt to W. M. Graham (April 7, 1925)
- C. Stewart to W. M. Graham (May 18, 1925)
- C. Stewart to Mike Mountain Horse (May 18, 1925)
- “Fast passing in Canadian history” (July 2, 1925)
- Rations and Cattle Killing (1888 – 1895)
- “We killed our cattle from hunger” (March 19, 1888)
- “They immediately say it is the Indians” (January 17, 1890)
- “A question of rations and money” (January 22, 1890)
- H. Reed to T. M. Daly (January 6, 1893)
- Memorandum by H. Reed (February 22, 1893)
- “Self Supporting Indians” (February 22, 1893)
- H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 11, 1893)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (March 16, 1893)
- H. Reed to T. M. Daly (March 25, 1893)
- “He can snap his fingers at the police” (March 29, 1893)
- “An agreement for mutual protection” (June 28, 1893)
- W. F. Cochrane to L. Vankoughnet (September 6, 1893)
- S. B. Steele to H. Reed (June 9, 1894)
- A. E. Forget to H. Reed (June 16, 1894)
- H. Reed to F. White (June 28, 1894)
- H. Reed to J. Wilson (August 2, 1894)
- H. Reed to A. E. Forget (July 4, 1894)
- S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (July 17, 1894)
- T.P. Wadsworth to A. E. Forget (July 28, 1894)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 4, 1894)
- A. E. Forget to H. Reed (August 8, 1894)
- H. Reed to A. E. Forget (August 14, 1894)
- “Kill cattle to keep from starving” (August 15, 1894)
- S. B. Steele to N.W.M.P. Commissioner (August 18, 1894)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 20, 1894)
- C. C. McCaul to A. E. Forget (August 21, 1894)
- A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (August 27, 1894)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (August 28, 1894)
- A. M. Jarvis to Commanding Officer, Macleod (December 16, 1894)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 25, 1895)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 17, 1895)
- J. Wilson to H. Reed (January 11, 1896)
- “The business is constantly increasing” (December 20, 1901)
- “Sold in small holdings to settlers” (July 10, 1912)