Strategies of Health Promotion Unit 2

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Pedagogy in Health Promotion: The Scholarship of Teaching and Learning 2020, Vol. 6(4) 246 –252 © 2020 Society for Public Health Education Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/2373379920937719 journals.sagepub.com/home/php

Perspectives on Pedagogy

As of December 2018, all schools and programs of public health within the United States are required to be in com- pliance with the 2016 revised accreditation criteria as defined by the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH; 2016). This includes a number of new educational competencies focused on the relationship among various social phenomena (i.e., social factors) and health. For instance, for both Master of Public Health (MPH) and Doctor of Public Health (DrPH) degree programs, the new 10th, 11th, and 12th “foundational public health knowl- edge” competencies are, “Explain the social, political and economic determinants of health and how they contribute to population health and health inequities,” “Explain how globalization affects global burdens of disease,” and “Explain an ecological perspective on the connections among human health, animal health and ecosystem health,” respectively (CEPH, 2016). Additionally, the sixth “Foundational Competency” states, “Discuss the means by which structural bias, social inequities and racism undermine health and create challenges to achieving health equity at organizational, community and societal levels” (CEPH, 2016).

Competencies calling for the explanation of health- relevant phenomena indicate the need for formal theory. While “theory” is a contested term within the academy

(Abend, 2008), it has been defined in the public health literature as “a set of interrelated concepts, definitions, and propositions that present a systematic view of events or situations by specifying relations among variables, in order to explain and predict the events or situations” (Glanz et al., 2008, p. 26; Kerlinger, 1986, p. 9). According to Krieger (2001), theory helps researchers “explain causal connections between specified phenomena within and across specified domains by using interrelated sets of ideas.” In short, theory plays an explanatory role in public health, organizing concepts and stipulating their relation- ships for the purpose of explaining health-relevant phe- nomena, whether behaviors, economic inequality, or the organization of health care systems.

Social theories of health provide explanations of soci- ety or social phenomena (i.e., racism, globalization, or politics) and their relation to the health of individuals or populations. Given these new educational standards,

937719PHPXXX10.1177/2373379920937719Pedagogy in Health PromotionHarvey research-article2020

1San Jose State University, San Jose, CA, USA

Corresponding Author: Michael Harvey, Department of Health Services Administration and Policy, College of Public Health, Temple University, Bell Building (TECH Center), 3rd Floor, 1101 W. Montgomery Ave., Philadelphia, PA 19122, USA. Email: michael.harvey@temple.edu

How Do We Explain the Social, Political, and Economic Determinants of Health? A Call for the Inclusion of Social Theories of Health Inequality Within U.S.-Based Public Health Pedagogy

Michael Harvey, DrPH1

Abstract New public health educational competencies include the ability to explain social phenomena—such as politics, globalization, and racism—and their relationship to health and disease. Formal explanations of social phenomena call for social theory. However, public health pedagogy is principally concerned with behavioral theory. This piece surveys the behavioral theoretical status quo within public health pedagogy and discusses its implication. The concept of “social theories of health inequality”—that is, explanations of health-relevant social phenomena and their role in producing differences in health, morbidity, and mortality—is proposed as one way of fulfilling new educational competencies. Emerging social theories of health inequality are identified and discussed in relation to public health pedagogy.

Keywords social determinants of health, public health pedagogy, CEPH

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which emphasize explanation of social phenomena and their health effects, one might expect that contemporary public health instruction draws from a broad range of social theories. However, popular public health textbooks and recent research into MPH curricular content suggest that U.S.-based public health pedagogy relies overwhelm- ingly on behavioral theories. For example, M. Harvey and McGladrey’s (2019) analysis of core social and behavioral science course syllabi used within MPH programs found that 93% of commonly taught theories are behavioral.

Popular public health textbooks also attest to the ascendancy of behavioral theory within pedagogy. For example, the index of Public Health 101—the flagship title of Jones and Bartlett’s popular “Essential Public Health” series that is published in partnership with APHA Press—contains a single reference to “theory” (Riegelman & Kirkwood, 2015). The corresponding pages discuss behavioral theories (specifically, the health belief model, transtheoretical model, theory of planned behavior, and social cognitive theory) and one so-called community theory (diffusion of innovations). The titles of other popu- lar public health theory textbooks show the pedagogical import given to health behavior theory within the field: Health Behavior: Theory, Research, and Practice (Glanz et al., 2015); Health Behavior Theory for Public Health: Principles, Foundations, and Applications (DiClemente et al., 2019; copublished with APHA Press); Introduction to Health Behavior Theory (Hayden, 2017); and Essentials of Health Behavior (Edberg, 2018) are just a few exam- ples. It is noteworthy that no analogous Social Theory for Public Health textbook exists. This accords with Goodson’s (2009, Chapter 4) observation regarding the preponderance of intrapersonal behavioral theories within popular public health theory textbooks.

The behavioral status quo within theoretical pedagogy has implications well beyond failing to fulfil accreditation standards. The theories taught within the field shape how its trainees go on to explain, study, and seek to improve population health (Krieger et al., 2010). For example, in the case of the Covid-19 pandemic, employing a com- monly taught health behavior theory like the health belief model might foreground the role of “perceived suscepti- bility” to exposure to the SARS-Cov-2 virus or “perceived severity” of contracting Covid-19 as central to explaining individual behaviors and—by extension—population- level disease dynamics. Research programs based on the health belief model might seek to operationalize and measure these beliefs among individuals in different pop- ulations, and interventions might seek to increase levels of “perceived susceptibility” and “perceived severity” in a particular community. However, this approach is extremely limited, neglecting, for example, the race- and class-based inequalities in Covid-19 infection and mor- tality (Taylor, 2020), or the role of racism, political power, and economic interests in giving rise to and exacerbating

the pandemic (Adams, 2020; Davis, 2020). Without explanations of these phenomena, public health is poorly equipped to address the social, political, and economic drivers of the pandemic—or, worse, health behavior theo- ries can implicitly promote an “ideology of individual responsibility” (McLeroy et  al., 1988, as quoted in Goodson, 2009, p. 100) by treating health inequalities with social or structural origins as arising from the behav- iors, psychology, or lifestyles of individuals.

One might contend that public health is immune to such critique on account of the field’s emphasis on the social determinants of health and the importance of social environments, as discussed in seminal documents like The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (World Health Organization, 1986). However, the social deter- minants of health refer to “the conditions in which peo- ple are born, grow, live, work and age” (World Health Organization, n.d.); they provide little theoretical expla- nation for those conditions, their origins, how they are maintained and socially legitimated, or what might be done to change them. Rather, this literature is primarily concerned with empirically documenting the impact of social conditions on health outcomes of individuals and populations. For example, Krieger (2011) notes with regard to the social determinants of health, “Of concern are the health consequences of, say, low income—but not why low income exists” (p. 184). Breilh (2013) fur- ther contends that the social determinants of health lit- erature systematically separates empirically observable social “risk factors” from the social theory that might explain them, thereby obscuring their true origins.

Social Theories of Health Inequality

In order to fulfill newly mandated competencies related to explaining social phenomena and their relationship to health, disease, and health inequalities, public health pedagogy must move beyond its near-exclusive focus on behavioral theory and incorporate social theories of health inequality. Social theories of health inequality are ones that provide explanations of society or health-rele- vant social phenomena and their role in producing dif- ferences in health, morbidity, and mortality. Social theories of health inequality offer explanations of unequal disease burdens that draw on social theory and social scientific literatures concerned with the social determinants of health, disease, and death.

In the context of significant social and health inequal- ities, social theories of health inequality are also “criti- cal” in the sense that social hierarchy, social structure, power, and history are central to their explanations of contemporary health inequalities. They therefore provide a corrective to ahistorical, uncritical, and “desocialized” (Farmer et  al., 2006) theories of health. Rather than individual behavioral or “lifestyle” interventions, these

248 Pedagogy in Health Promotion 6(4)

theories often call for “structural” (Blankenship et  al., 2006) and “fundamental” interventions (Reich et  al., 2016) into the social world to address health-relevant phenomena, such as policies that create and maintain income and wealth inequality, forms of racism and racial inequality, and inequitable health care, educational, judicial, carceral, political, and economic systems. Social theories of health inequality are related to what have previously been described as “models of health inequality” (Bartley, 2016), “epidemiologic theory” (Krieger, 2014; Krieger & Zierler, 1996), and “theories of disease causality” (Tesh, 1988).

While a broadly identifiable corpus of commonly used behavioral theories already exists within public health (cf. Davis et  al., 2015; Glanz et  al., 2015; M. Harvey & McGladrey, 2019), there is no such corpus for social theories. However, recent innovations in public health theory provide some promising candidates. The first is fundamental cause theory, which attempts to explain the social gradient in health, a foundational empirical concept within public health (Link & Phelan, 1995; Phelan et  al., 2010). Fundamental cause theory has been taken up widely within the public health litera- ture (cf. Bränström et al., 2016; Mackenbach et al., 2015; Polonijo & Carpiano, 2013; Rubin et al., 2014; Saldana- Ruiz et  al., 2012). The second is structural violence, which seeks to explain social structures, a core socio- logical concept, and the harmful role they can play in producing avoidable harm and suffering (Farmer, 2004; Farmer et al., 2006; Galtung & Höivik, 1971). De Maio and Ansell (2018) show that structural violence is increas- ingly being incorporated within health science literature to explain the harms produced by a wide range of social phenomena, such as gender inequality, poverty, and his- torical trauma. Third, the political economy of health provides a theoretical framework for explaining the rela- tionship among political economic systems, class struc- ture, political power, and the unequal distribution of morbidity and mortality (Doyal & Pennell, 1979; Minkler et  al., 1994; Navarro, 1976a). Various notable critical public health scholars have incorporated the political economy of health in their respective analyses of health inequality (cf. Bambra, 2011; Birn et  al., 2009, 2017; Krieger, 2011; Waitzkin, 2015). Finally, critical race the- ory represents an academic movement committed to racial equity that incorporates a broad set of theories, concepts, and methodologies (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Willis, 2008). Within the past decade, critical race theory, which originated in legal studies, has become increasingly prominent within the public health litera- ture (cf. Ford & Airhihenbuwa, 2010, 2018; Ford et al., 2019; Gilbert & Ray, 2016; Graham et al., 2011).

Additional theories might also inform a new social theo- retical public health corpus. These include stigma theory (Link & Phelan, 2001), stigma power (Link & Phelan,

2014), and structural stigma (Hatzenbuehler, 2018), life course theory (Braveman & Barclay, 2009; Pearlin et  al., 2005), minority stress theory (Meyer, 1995), intersectional- ity (Bowleg, 2012; Crenshaw, 1991, racism (Gilmore, 2007; Jones, 2000), racialization (Omi & Winant, 2014), structural racism (Bailey et al., 2017), the theory of gender and power (Wingood & DiClemente, 2000), structural vul- nerability (Quesada et  al., 2011), theories of risk (Beck, 1992; Lupton, 1999), everyday violence (Bourgois et  al., 2004; Scheper-Hughes, 1993), the violence continuum (Bourgois, 2001), weathering and allostatic load (Geronimus et al., 2006), biopolitics and governmentality (Crawshaw, 2012; Lemke, 2001), theories of social capital (Kawachi et  al., 2008; Szreter & Woolcock, 2004), Bourdieu’s theories of habitus, field, doxa, symbolic power, symbolic violence, and symbolic capital (Grenfell, 2014), theories of ideology (Eagleton, 2007), naturalized inequal- ity (Holmes, 2013), and hegemony (Gramsci, 1971/1989), systems theory (Elkins & Gorman, 2016), syndemic theory (Mendenhall, 2017; Singer & Clair, 2003), ecosocial the- ory (Krieger, 2014), embodiment (Krieger, 2005), medical- ization (Conrad, 1992; Crawford, 1980), social construction (Conrad & Barker, 2010; Fassin, 2004), social practice theory (Crawford, 2006), theories of development, under- development, and dependency (Navarro, 1976a, 1976b; Peet & Hartwick, 2015), neoliberalism (D. Harvey, 2007; Keshavjee, 2014), dialectical critical realism (Scambler & Scambler, 2015), social determination (Breilh Paz y Miño, 2010), and the health-disease-care process (Laurell, 1986).

Moving forward, a standard corpus of social theories, models, concepts, and frameworks useful for explaining and addressing the social phenomena that create health inequality is needed for informing pedagogy. With this corpus, educators could develop curricula and assess student responsiveness. Work is currently under way by the author and colleagues to assess students’ perceived relevance of social theories of health inequality to their future careers and to their ability to address those inequalities. Additionally, the emerging structural com- petency literature, which describes a new, theory-driven, pedagogical framework for training health care profes- sionals to recognize and respond to disease and its unequal distribution as the outcome of social structures, such as inequitable systems, policies, and institutions (Metzl & Hansen, 2014; Neff et  al., 2017; Neff et  al., 2019; Neff et al., 2020), might also inform these peda- gogical changes. Finally, assessment of the impact of this instruction on subsequent public health research and practice undertaken by graduates—and ultimately on levels of health inequality—is also needed. The adoption of social theories of health inequality across public health degree programs has the potential to not only ful- fill newly mandated competencies but also renew theo- retical public health instruction for a new generation of

Harvey 249

students seeking to address the social drivers of health inequities.

Author’s Note

Michael Harvey is now at Temple University in the College of Public Health and Department of Health Services Administration and Policy.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Michael Harvey https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2341-1980

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