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A Comparative Application of Developmental Psychoanalytic Theories of Moral Development to Recent Literature Regarding Morality and Ethical Behavior in Female Adolescents

Katy Crone

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Chicago School of Professional Psychology

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Psychology

June 22, 2010

UMI Number: 3448317

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Unpublished Work

A Comparative Application of Developmental Psychoanalytic Theories of Moral Development to Recent Literature Regarding Morality and Ethical Behavior in Female Adolescents

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Chicago School of Professional Psychology

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Psychology

Katy Crone

2010

Approved By:

MichaéfKomie, PhD, Chairperson Associate Professor, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology

¦L·^ f/Xoyfo- ¿?/û

Ißfdan Jacpbo^itz, PhD, Merjiber (ssociateJPfofessor, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology

Acknowledgments

I would first like to thank my dissertation chair Dr. Michael Komie, who has

diligently worked with me and provided me with support and feedback regarding my

dissertation and professional development. I would also like to thank Dr. Jordan

Jacobowitz, my dissertation reader and academic adviser, who has offered me the respect

and mentoring needed to complete my doctorate and this dissertation. It is through the

modeling and confidence of these mentors that I have persevered and grown into my own

professional identity.

I would also like to thank my friends and family for their support throughout

graduate school. I have been blessed with a wonderful set of classmates, colleagues, and

friends at the Chicago School and Psychological Consultations for which I am very

grateful. Finally, a special thanks is owed to Brian who has continued to show me

patience and support, despite the mental exhaustion and emotional distress often caused

by classes, practicum, and the construction of this dissertation. Thank you all.

Abstract

A Comparative Application of Developmental Psychoanalytic Theories of Moral Development to Recent Literature Regarding Morality and Ethical Behavior in Female Adolescents

Katy Crone

This dissertation critically reviewed and integrated research regarding moral development in female adolescents. The author utilized a theoretical lens based in

identity and self developmental psychological literature as authored by Erik Erikson, Donald Winnicott, and Heinz Kohut. The author reviewed over one hundred sources of

both articles and books which presented theories and research regarding the moral development and ethical behavior of female adolescents. Although written from a psychoanalytic perspective, this dissertation utilizes concepts and conclusions drawn

from cognitive, behavioral, neurobiological, feminist, and socio-cultural theories and

areas of research. With an integration of these sources, current empirically-validated research such as neurobiological findings on morality confirmed the relevance and

importance of psychoanalytical models of moral development. Internalized relational

experiences were found to impact an individual's sense of security, emphasis on engagement, and capacity for imagination, all of which influence her ability to navigate moral situations. This dissertation also concluded that many factors regarding the female adolescent experience within contemporary American culture are important in considering female adolescent moral development in addition to internalized relational

experiences emphasized within psychoanalytic models of development.

Table of Contents

Signature Page iii

Acknowledgements iv

Abstract ?

CHAPTERhINTRODUCTION 1

The Problem 3

Research Questions 5

Theoretical Lens 6

Procedure 7

Plan of Dissertation 8

CHAPTER 2: PSYCHODYNAMIC CONCEPTS 10

Structural Model 10

Object Relations 12

Ego Psychology 15

CHAPTER 3 : ADOLESCENT STAGE OF IDENTITY FORMATION 17

CHAPTER 4: UNDERSTANDING THE SELF 31

Donald Winnicott 3 1

Heinz Kohut 38

CHAPTER 5: COGNITIVE AND SOCIAL MODELS 44

Cognitive Development Stages of Jean Piaget 44

Kohlberg's Moral Developmental Stages 46

Carol Gilligan's Work with Female Morality 48

Other Limitations in Kohlberg's Stages 53

Modern Moral Models: Incorporating Neurobiology 56 CHAPTER 6: FEMALE ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT 63

The Female Experience in Adolescence 63

A Modern Social Culture 70

CHAPTER 7: AN INTEGRATION 84

Are Psychoanalytic Models of Female Adolescent Morality Relevant? 84

What Concepts Should Provide the Foundation for Developing a Contemporary Psychoanalytic Model of the Emergence of Moral Thinking and Behavior in Female Adolescents? 87

Are There Core Constructs in Current Psychoanalytic Thinking Providing an Adequate Account of the Emergence of Identity and Self in Female Adolescents in Relation to Moral Development? 93

How do Female Adolescents in the United States Integrate Culture, Gender, and Identity to Develop a Cohesive Sense of Morality? 96

CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION 99

Implications and Limitations of this Study 99

Future Directions of Research 101

REFERENCES 104

vii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

In the contemporary American society, crime rates and increasing violence call for a closer focus on the ethical development of the nation's children and adolescents

(American Psychological Association, 2002). Since 1991, arrests for female juveniles

have been on the rise for a variety of criminal offenses (Hawkins, Graham, Williams, &

Zahn, 2009). Beyond the seemingly universal societal goals of crime prevention, lowered

drug abuse, and the prevention of poverty, citizens of the United States have a major

stake in the moral development of the nation's youth. The group of leaders and decision-

makers of the world will, in the future, be comprised of adults whose adolescent

development of the past will have laid the foundation for their choices in the future. Louis

Breger (1974) wrote that in adolescence, "choices persistently chosen, roles persistently played, [and] actions persistently taken, all add up to what a person is" (p. 328). In the ever-changing culture, the challenges facing American youth are dynamically expanding, and there is increasing importance placed on the type of people that adolescents become

(Abbott, 2001; APA, 2002).

The personal experience and psychology of an individual appear to dramatically impact an adolescent's development of identity, self, and moral agency (Erikson, 1982;

Konopka, 1966; Theran, 2009). Parental attachment and the developmental environment

impact a child's moral self in ways that may be impacted by factors such as culture and

gender (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009; Marsh, Clinkinbird, Thomas, & Evans, 2007;

Nunner-Winkler, 2007). Social scientists have sought to contribute answers to a number

of questions asked throughout the United States about the development, behavior, and

wellbeing of adolescents in America (Ellis & Wolfe, 2009; Konopka, 1966; Santrock,

2004). Historically, the field of psychology has identified biological, cognitive, social,

and emotional factors that may interact with an adolescent's functioning and

development (Abbott, 2001; Santrock, 2004). Neuropsychological authors have shown

connections between early childhood experiences, the neurobiological reactions of a

child's brain and autonomic system, and future behavioral patterns. The field of

neuropsychology, therefore, recalls the attention of moral researchers to early childhood

relational experiences and the development of an enduring personality or identity impacting moral decision-making and moral action (Champagne & Meaney, 2006; Pankseep, 1998).

It is likely that the emergence from adolescence is crucial to the formation of an

identity and self-cohesion in the remaining years of a person's life (Erikson, 1982; Seigel, 1996). One major contributor to and effect of an individual's identity and role within his

or her culture is a sense of moral judgment and values (Erikson, 1961; Garinger, 2000; Turiel, 2007). An adolescent's role and identity in society may be impacted by gender- based expectations and considerations. Researchers in the field of moral development have sought to examine potential differences in cognitive ethical reasoning (Kohlberg, 1984) and relational empathie stances (Gilligan, 1988) between males and females.

Studies and theories alike reveal the need for considerations of the gender and culturally based variations experiences of developing children and adolescents (Ellis & Wolfe,

2009; Erikson, 1961; Garinger, 2000). While early psychoanalytic and cognitive research

mainly used male participants and clients to draw conclusions about developmental

psychology, more contemporary writers emphasize the importance of a more diverse and

comprehensive theory of moral development (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009; Turiel, 2007).

The Problem

In the last fifty years, psychological research regarding moral development in adolescents has strayed from psychoanalytic theories and frameworks (Langford, 1995). However, psychoanalytic theories that emphasize early development remain relevant and

may provide some of the missing pieces to the cognitive-social theories on moral

development more popular today (Emde, Johnson, & Easterbrooks, 1987; Horton, Bleau, & Drwecki, 2006). Louis Breger (1974) hypothesized that one of the reasons adolescents

may seem mysterious or difficult to reach to parents and other adults could be the

distance adults typically place between themselves and memories of their own

"emotionally intense" adolescent experiences. Perhaps a similar process took place within some of the psychological research communities that sought to explain adolescent development at a safe distance through universal biological concepts or socially- constructed frameworks. A sum of cognitive, behavioral, or social influences cannot fully represent how adolescents develop personalities (Hauser, 1991) or internalize values.

Instead, emotional experiences such as attachment and early childhood relationships contribute to the manner in which social and cultural expectations are mediated

(Anderson, Dombroski, & Swinth, 2001). Recent studies have attempted to identify factors regarding appraisal and interpretation factors that contribute to moral competence

and behavior within development (Gross, 2007; Narvaez, 2008; Wainryb, Brehl, & Matwin, 2005).

This author posits that the subjective inner experience of the adolescent must be

explored in a humanistic and individual basis in order to gain insight into identity, self, and moral development. Concepts like gender and cultural context present major implications regarding the experience of a female adolescent in her world and the way in which she interacts ethically in society. A female adolescent's perception of her own context has been shown to be important as well, adding to the multifaceted and dynamic influences to an individual's experience to be studied (Hauser, 1991).

Unfortunately, gaps in the research and literature regarding the development of identity, self, values, and morality still exist. Stuart Hauser (1991) explained that significant psychoanalytic contributions to developmental psychology, especially regarding adolescents, are missing within contemporary literature. Recent research

exploring moral development focuses on the early childhood stages of development (Langford, 1995; Narvaez, 2008; Shweder, Mahapatra, & Miller, 1987), neglecting to address some of the growing problems among adolescent populations. Erik Erikson's

(1961, 1968, 1982) theories regarding identity and adolescence may be especially useful in providing a frame for future discussions regarding the factors and processes impacting adolescent moral development in terms of identity formation. Likewise, a closer

examination into the development and maintenance of a cohesive self (Siegel, 1996; Stolorow, Brandchaft, & Atwood, 1995) may contribute insight into adolescent development, behavior, and well-being.

Researchers in the past four decades have highlighted the contextual nature of

constructs such as identity and self (Erikson, 1961; Turiel, 2007). The transitional stage of adolescence is highly impacted by the current cultural context and specific subgroups within this population (Hauser, 1991; Turiel 2008). The important components of a female identity have been changing, according to research, due to the changes in the feminine experience in American culture (Patterson, Sochting, & Marcia, 1992). Specifically, research has identified gender differences regarding the distinctions in female appraisal and interpretation of moral situations (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988;

Kochanska, 2002; Patterson et al., 1992). Carol Gilligan's research and rhetoric regarding gender differences and moral reasoning justify the need for a separate focus on the female experience of moral development in adolescence (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988).

Research Questions

There are a number of factors that impact the development of morality including cultural, cognitive, and early relational experiences. This author is interested in the

missing influential pieces of moral development within the cognitive and cultural models more popular today. This dissertation seeks to identify relevant concepts of moral development that have been neglected within these models and ways more traditional psychoanalytic theories may be applicable in post-modern literature regarding morality. Are psychoanalytic models of female adolescent morality relevant? What concepts should provide the foundation for developing a contemporary psychoanalytic model of the emergence of moral thinking and behavior in female adolescents? Are there core

constructs in current psychoanalytic thinking providing an adequate account of the

emergence of identity and self in female adolescents in relation to moral development? How do female adolescents in the United States integrate culture, gender, and identity to develop a cohesive sense of morality? This dissertation is a comparative critical review of the literature on female adolescent moral development, evaluating recent research in relation to earlier psychoanalytic models and theories. Integrating intrapsychic and interpersonal aspects of adolescent female psychology may present a clearer picture of moral identity development in this population.

Theoretical Lens

This dissertation studies literature using a psychoanalytic lens and the adolescent developmental stage of identity formation described by Erik Erikson (1982). Particularly, this author was interested in Erikson works including Youth: Change and Challenge (1961), Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968), and The Life Cycle Completed (1982). This dissertation incorporates a Winnicottian conceptualization of a true and false self, as well as his description on integrity and growth found in The Maturational

Processes and the Facilitating Environment: Studies in the Theory ofEmotional Development (1965), and Playing and Reality (1971), both written by Donald Winnicott. Finally, this author uses a self psychological perspective as informed by the following works by Heinz Kohut: The Restoration ofthe Self (1977) and How Does Analysis Cure? (1984). Interpreting the viewpoints of Erik Erikson, Donald Winnicott, and Heinz Kohut

regarding the development of an identity and self, this dissertation evaluates current

studies and literature in moral development.

Procedure

The author of this dissertation critically reviewed the literature within

psychoanalytic theories of moral development as well as the socially, cognitively, and neurobiologically based moral models. Specifically, this dissertation reviewed

psychoanalytic models of moral development based in structural theory, American and British object relations, ego psychology, and self psychology. The author also reviewed

and critiqued literature regarding morality based in cognitive and developmental learning theories such as those offered by Lawrence Kohlberg, Carol Gilligan, and neuropsychological authors self-identified as a part of the Neo-Kohlbergian group.

This dissertation then also reviewed contemporary literature regarding adolescent development, female psychology, and the significance of culture in relation to female adolescent morality. For the purposes of this dissertation, adolescent literature reviewed

focused on late adolescence and the formation of an identity, typically defined as between the ages of fifteen and twenty-one. A focus on contemporary adolescents who were born between the years of 1987 and 1993 allowed this author to conceptualize the effects of today's cultural context on adolescent development, the female identity, and trends in morality. The author of this dissertation sought to update psychoanalytic theories with the use of research and moral models developed regarding the moral development of adolescent females within contemporary American society.

Critiques of these literary works involved this author asking questions such as, "Is

there a clear definition of morality?" "If there is a clear definition, how is it defined?"

Critiques were also based on the author's acknowledgement of and sensitivity to possible

gender differences in the development of identity and morality. "Does the author address

gender?" Finally, this dissertation critiqued the literature by asking, "Are the theories

culturally relevant?"

Plan of Dissertation

This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of how moral development

occurs within the self and identity and the female adolescent experience with a review of

psychoanalytic theories and literature. The second chapter of this dissertation reviewed

the literature of "Early Psychodynamic Concepts of Morality." Within this chapter,

concepts regarding morality and moral development were examined within Freud's

structural model, British object relations, ego psychology, and American object relations.

This section also provided a background for the concepts of identity and self reviewed in

proceeding chapters by illustrating the foundation for ego psychological, object

relational, and self psychological theories. In the third chapter of this dissertation, the

author has sought to explain Eriksonian theories regarding identity formation and

adolescent development in "Erikson's Adolescent Stage of Identity Formation." This

chapter reviewed developmental theories of Erik Erikson regarding identity and virtues.

Fourthly, this dissertation explored, "Understanding the Self," by closely examining the

construct of an authentic or cohesive self, especially as they are understood by Donald

Winnicott and Heinz Kohut. This chapter proposed factors necessary and involved in the

development and maintenance of the self and how that relates to a sense of morality.

This dissertation specifically examines the development of morality within female

adolescents with an integration of cognitive and theoretical models. In the fifth chapter of

this dissertation, "Cognitive and Social Models of Moral Development" were reviewed

and critiqued. These models are rooted in cognitive, social, neurobiological, and cultural

theories as a way to examine moral development and ethical behavior. "Female

Adolescent Development" was examined in the sixth chapter of this dissertation in terms

of psychoanalytic theories, cognitive theories, and social or cultural research. Within the

seventh chapter of this dissertation, the author integrates the previous six chapters of

theories of morality and female adolescent development. Finally, the author offers a

"Discussion" in the final chapter of this dissertation, identifying limitations of this study,

implications of the conclusions drawn in the integration, and areas for future research

regarding female adolescent morality. It was the goal of this dissertation to identify gaps

in the literature within four different areas of psychological theories and research,

including identity, self, adolescence, and morality. This author aimed to provide readers

with a new perspective regarding female adolescent morality that integrates these four

areas of study that each seem incomplete on their own.

CHAPTER 2: PSYCHODYNAMIC CONCEPTS

Structural Model

A focus on early childhood experiences and their effect on human psychology is a

common theme of psychodynamic psychology (Blanck & Blanck, 1974; Emde et al,

1987; Santrock, 2004; Summers, 1994). One of the first major figures in psychology to

hypothesize the importance of early relationships on the development of a healthy individual was Sigmund Freud in his theories originating in Europe during the turn of the 20l century. In his 1923 work, The Ego and the Id, in which he introduced his structural

theory, Freud divided an individual's personality into internal mechanisms of the id, the ego, and the superego.

Freud explained that the id is the most primal structure in a person's psychology that focused on the gratification of one's needs. The id, an innate drive, was hypothesized as often in conflict with social norms, conventions, or parental expectations. Freud named

the internal structure that developed in accordance with social and moral expectations the superego. The superego, in Freud's structural model, is the primary regulatory process of ethical behavior. The superego is believed to develop through a child's identification with

her parents and their set of cultural values, and this structure encourages individuals to

conform to social expectations in spite of personal drives or desires. The final component of structural psychology is the ego, which Freud described as providing an individual with the ability to cope with and negotiate the motivations of the id and superego (Freud, 1923).

For the purposes of this dissertation, Freud's concept of superego is emphasized due to its impact on moral development and ethical behavior. The superego functions as an observer of the ego, taking on a judging and parental role. These functions seek to

"maintain intrapsychic and interpersonal harmony and facilitate social adaptation" (Tyson & Tyson, 1990, p. 195). The development and maintenance of the superego, therefore, is highly influenced by parental and social norms. Because gender and cultural context often mediate these norms, a further examination of the female adolescent

experience is needed to grasp the development and functioning of the superego. Freud emphasized differences in superego development for males and females based on

identification with same sex parents. This author will not review the specifics of these theories because their relevance in contemporary American culture is questionable.

In general, the superego is believed to develop through a child's wish to retain

parental love and maintain relationships with parents and the larger social system. The child is able to do this by receiving and interpreting messages of approval or disapproval from parents. Eventually, as the child begins to develop her own identity, these messages must be negotiated with her own desires and values. These messages of what is acceptable and unacceptable, good and bad, are in time internalized and adopted by the child. However, many factors can impact and disrupt this internalizing process such as inconsistent parental or cultural messages. Internalization may also be mediated by a highly emotionally-charged interaction between parents and child. The amount of anxiety or affect aroused in a child can therefore affect her ability to internalize a message or the significance attached to that particular message.

Karen Horney, a psychoanalytic theorist whose views deviated somewhat from

Sigmund Freud's ideas, emphasized this anxiety or "internal conflict" as a major determinant of human behavior. Horney classified antisocial or aggressive behaviors as

resulting from hopelessness and the internal experience that one must struggle against others for survival (Horney, 1945). This hopelessness may certainly be impacted by societal messages, parenting, and the overall well-being of an individual within her social context.

Another factor mediating an adolescent's moral stance and internalization process

is her cognitive ability to make sense of and social and parental messages of positive or negative reinforcement (Tyson & Tyson, 1990). The relationship between parent and child, its strengths and weaknesses, present major implications for the internalization

process. Therefore, a closer examination of the affective, cognitive, and interpersonal systems of a child is needed to better understand the internalization of a moral code.

Object Relations

After Freud's work in structural psychology, a movement of object relational psychology emerged in Great Britain, diverging from Freud's traditional theories.

Melanie Klein, a student of Freud's, extended the theoretical utilization of psychoanalytic thought of the time by emphasizing the internalization of the parent or "early object" as the psychological template by which a child develops relational behavior. Within

Kleinian object relations theory, a child is said to use relational experiences to integrate an understanding of good and bad as well as feelings of love and hate. If this integration

process is successful, the child or adolescent should gain moral competence through the

building of sustainable relationships and the inclusion of pro-social behavior (Alford,

1989). Sigmund Freud's daughter Anna Freud also wrote about the bidirectional

relationships important to child and adolescent moral development. Anna Freud

hypothesized that a child will perceive the world as either hostile or kind, depending

upon the nature of the child-parent bond. She added emphasis to the perception a mother

has of her child as well, stating a mother's response to a child's needs may be impacted

by her understanding as the child as either difficult or amiable. This early child-parent

relationship, Anna Freud concluded, determined the effectiveness of a child's "internal

pleasure principle" to be externally controlled by the mother. It is by internalizing this

"external drive control" that a child develops the ability to self-regulate and reach "moral

independence" (Freud, 1965).

Melanie Klein emphasized the importance of ideals during childhood and

adolescent development and explained that an individual's enduring ideals ultimately

negotiate his or her behaviors and relationships (Alford, 1989). Through an

internalization process, ideals develop, and self control eventually replaces parental

control. In this way, a person is rewarded with a sense of pride and personal value when

she lives up to her internalized moral standards in a similar way that her behavior may

have been reinforced by satisfied parents (Santrock, 2004).

Donald Winnicott emerged in the British object relational movement during the

first half of the 20th century when psychoanalysts were building upon the work of Sigmund Freud, Melanie Klein, and Anna Freud. Winnicott proposed that an adaptation

takes place when an adolescent attempts to balance his or her individual ideals and the

ideals of the surrounding culture, ultimately creating a compromised organization of the

self. In Winnicott's model, early relationships and the social environment are emphasized as key components to an adolescent's formation of the self (Winnicott, 1965). Ronald

Fairbairn, a member of the British object relational movement, also noted the adolescent

transitional period as a key time to learn the balance between dependence upon parents and independence toward a mutual and "differentiated sense of self ' (Summers, 1994, p. 30).

The object relational movement spread to the United States where theorists like

Otto Kernberg continued to identify key components and stages of psychological

development. Kernberg distinguished the fifth stage of psychological development as the stage in which the superego is integrated into a person's personality. This integration requires the incorporation of one's understandings of self and others which leads to ideal

representations of the self and others. Ideal representations may set the stage for prosocial behaviors and internalized values (Summers, 1994). Ideal representations and

internalized values are likely to be highly impacted by the interpersonal cues experienced by children and adolescents (Wainryb et al., 2005). Therefore, the relationships an adolescent encounters and her ability to build positive relationships has a special importance regarding the internalization of values and ideals.

Ego Psychology

Ego psychology, the name given to the branch of psychodynamic thought, gained popularity in the 1950s and 1960s by expanding upon Freud's structural theory and focusing particularly on the ego (Blanck & Blanck, 1974). One of the ego's core responsibilities is to negotiate the internal and external expectations a person encounters (Emde et al., 1987). Theorists like Edith Jacobson related the successful development of a person's superego to the co-current development of identity and self esteem. Like other psychodynamic theorists, Jacobson noted a developmental stage during which individuals shift from external regulation to a more internal structure (Blanck & Blanck, 1974). Another ego psychologist, Heinz Hartmann, explained that human adaptation, in which one modifies the self and his or her environment, as an ongoing process (Blanck & Blanck, 1974). The environment as an influential factor presents major cultural implications to be considered when examining the internalization of ideals and a female

adolescent's development. Ego psychologist, Margaret Mahler also emphasized the development of a gender identity within this developmental process (Blanck & Blanck, 1974). Meanings attached to being female within American culture must therefore also be

noted as providing insights for a female adolescent's developing identity and sense of morality.

Erik Erikson, an ego and developmental psychologist became widely known for his theories of psychological development in the 1950s and 1960s. Specifically, Erikson designed a series of eight developmental psychosocial stages that were based in findings in biology, psychology, and culture at that time (1982). Erikson's writings (1961, 1968,

1982) contributed significantly to theories regarding adolescence and the development of values and personal identities with this developmental stage. Erikson explained that within adolescence, individuals face the task of forming a comprehensive identity. One major component of this model is the phenomenon during which adolescents experience a search for "something to have faith in" (Erikson, 1968, p. 128). Emphasizing the development of self consistency, Erikson named "ego ideals," as especially important in moral development during this period of lifespan. Current literature referencing the adolescent's identity, identify the development of a solid identity as highly impacting the consistency of an adolescent's moral motivation (Nunner-Winkler, 2007). Factors such as

parental identification, culture, and a sense of identity have been associated with the

development of empathy and interpersonal ethical behaviors in this life stage as well (Damon, 1983).

CHAPTER 3: ADOLESCENT STAGE OF IDENTITY FORMATION

Erik Erikson described developmental stages throughout the lifespan from infancy to late adulthood. According to his theories, the developmental task assigned to adolescence involves the conflict between identity formation and identity diffusion. Erikson explained that many factors impact an adolescent's ability to navigate this developmental task including sufficient ego development within childhood stages of development (Erikson, 1959). To build ego strength, the child must overcome the

challenges of earlier years such as basic mistrust, shame and doubt, guilt, and inferiority through personal abilities and with the encouragement and support of caregivers. Erikson noted that ego strength is developed from stage to stage, and the formation of this

strength as well as an identity is crucial for future developmental successes (Erikson, 1964). Ego strength and identity play an important role in moral agency of adolescents as well as moral development in general. Erikson described a shift in the significant relationships used by adolescents to achieve identity formation and moral development. In adolescence, individuals will increase the amount of feedback incorporated from peers and information from other cultural role models, and this may present important information regarding the female adolescent experience and development of identity (Erikson, 1982).

The task of the ego in identity formation is to establish and maintain continuity while remaining flexible enough to adapt to present and future challenges of developmental stages (Erikson, 1964). Erikson stressed the importance of identity formation in his book Identity: Youth and Crisis, "For, indeed, in the social jungle of

human existence there is no feeling of being alive without a sense of identity" (Erikson,

1968, p. 130). In order for identity formation to take place successfully, an adolescent

must synthesize personal ideals, roles at which she excels, and roles accepted by others.

Adolescents have the need and opportunity for autonomy, choices, and constructive

work. A balance between a trust in oneself and, at the same time, self consciousness must

be struck. Similarly, a trust in others and in ideals must be compromised with a natural

fear of commitment or stagnation in the beginnings of an identity and personality (Erikson, 1968).

In his book Youth: Change and Challenge (1961) Erikson described a tension

within adolescence between separation and relation to adults. Adolescents exist in a

unique position between childhood and adulthood. At some times and contexts, an

adolescent may wish to take on a more childlike persona, perhaps enacting dependence

needs. In other situations, adolescents are quite adamant about their adult status and

strives for autonomy. This transition leads to a tension between being a child and an

adult. Erikson explained that a balance is found within this tension through

experimentation by adolescents with different roles and levels of maturity which leads to

a more deliberate sense of and understanding of one's identity (Erikson, 1961).

Erikson described a feeling of urgency that is experienced in everyday

adolescence. An adolescent may feel like a helpless child in one moment and then like a

powerful adult in the next. Due to the "diffusion of time perspective," an adolescent may

experience the disbelief that time brings major life changes but also fear that time will

bring disruptive changes simultaneously (Erikson, 1968). Erikson described adolescents

as seeking to be "reborn" in a reality that is reformulated to include past and present

understandings. Each adolescent develops a "historical perspective" that Erikson defined

as "a sense of the irreversibility of significant events and an often urgent need to

understand fully and quickly what kind of happening in reality determines others and

why" (Erikson, 1961, p. 12). The cognitive developmental capability of abstract thinking defined by Piaget (1965) and others to develop within adolescence seems to align with

Erikson' s view of an adolescent's capacity to "imagine" beyond the immediate reality.

During adolescence, some individuals may experience regression in response to

internal conflicts arising from past and present circumstances. Erikson explained that an

adolescent may focus on her history because of the anxiety arising from the fate of

identity formation. In these cases an adolescent may fear failing as an individual or

succeeding by another's standards and thereby becoming untrue to personal convictions.

Adolescents may resent the notion that personal identity is predetermined by historical

events and context, hoping to rise above social or familial circumstances but feeling inadequate to achieve that, simultaneously (Erikson, 1961). Cultural norms and

expectations, particularly for female adolescents, present potential inhibiting messages. Erikson described adolescents who are unable to adapt to "the human condition" as

becoming susceptible to isolation, suicide, and psychosis (Erikson, 1961). This failure to

achieve and integrated identity that balances individual and social expectations likely also impacts the emergence of self understanding, self regulation, and moral values.

Within adolescence, one also seeks to balance individuality with community. A new identification process takes place as the history of both the individual and her culture

are merged with the increasing awareness of new ideals and pursuits. Erikson explained that adolescents must feel that their life has meaning in order to move forward in identity development (Erikson, 1961). This requirement of identity formation implies that adolescents will seek to make an imprint on their social world, and the way in which they seek to do that will be influenced by familial and cultural context. The values and morals

introduced and modeled for adolescents are highly important in this stage and may be either negatively or positively reinforced by role models.

An adolescent may not experience identity diffusion but rather develop a "negative identity" in response to reinforcing or punishing messages received from

parents and peers. Erikson described various ways a negative identity may occur including a "diffusion of industry" or a one-sided and possibly destructive preoccupation with activities that may develop in some adolescents (Erikson, 1968). This type of identity could be based in selfishness and therefore presents implications regarding the development of an adolescent's capacity of care for others. Adolescents may tend to over-identify with peer groups. Erikson described the development of a negative identity as often based in internal conflicts between identification with conflicting social or familial influences. If an adolescent is recognized and successful within a pathological role or strongly identifies with a negative role model, she may choose to embody that identity. She may rather be recognized as a negative identity than go unrecognized by parents and peers (Erikson, 1968). "Criminal incidents" may not have the same negative meaning as they would in other lifespan phases, as the objectification of others may be an attempt to feel certain about oneself (Erikson, 1968). The trends and norms among

American female adolescents in terms of antisocial behaviors change over time and differ

between subcultures. These norms can create reinforcements for adolescents who develop a more stable identity and adult behavioral patterns at this time.

Erikson identified adolescence as the developmental phase through which an

"ethical sense" is developed. He wrote that the idealism of adolescence extends beyond the morals of childhood by compromising personal identity formation and the

comparison of oneself to others. Adolescents develop ideology as a way to attain a sense of order and morals in a confusing world. In order to maintain that ethical sense, adolescents must believe that the adults who succeed are those adults who behave

ethically (Erikson, 1968). Observations adolescents make of adults in the media and in

their personal lives, therefore, present major implications regarding their moral development. For example, adolescents may observe successful adults who unethical use

of power for personal gain, and these observations create a poor rubric for moral development and pro-social behavior.

Similar to the superego described by Freud, Erikson identified a person's "conscience" as developing from an internalized inner voice of one's parents. In adolescence, this inner voice expands to allow an individual to envision goals beyond oneself and one's family and it is used in a person's strive toward inner unity. Erikson described a developmental task within the movement from one developmental stage to the next of balancing "uprootedness" and "recognition." These two concepts cause a

tension between being oneself—and individual, and belonging with others, respectively. Adolescence often marks the "second uprootedness," if individuals are not met with

enough recognition, safety, and trust in their environment. Erikson hypothesized in these

cases, adolescents will turn to one extreme or the other. In this way, some adolescents

will choose to rebel and reject the idea of belongingness by refusing to conform with

social norms. Other adolescents will choose the other extreme of completely conforming with others at the sacrifice of their individual will or self (Erikson, 1964). Both of these

extreme choices create significant implications in terms of morality and ethical behavior.

In the first case, an adolescent may choose to rebel completely against the social norms

that involve morals and values, inciting a reckless disregard for the wellbeing of others. In the second case, an adolescent may choose to unquestioningly follow a group of peers that value unethical behaviors such as the violence and exploitation to which many gangs ascribe. Erikson theorized that early adolescent traumas may also disrupt the

development of morality by interfering with the resolution of the Oedipal complex. Erikson gave examples of these psychological traumas as including intrusive or

inconsistent parenting and "reciprocal negative reactions" between the adolescent and her

primary caregiver (Erikson, 1968).

In his 1964 book Insight and Responsibility Erikson used traditional structural

psychology language to expand upon the theories regarding the ego and superego. He described the ego as the "guardian of individuality," helping to compromise the inner life

of an individual with the importance of social success and social planning. He explained that in the development of the superego, a man becomes his own "inner judge." A healthy amount of trust in oneself and in others during the early developmental stages is necessary for moral development. In accordance with this theory, the ego serves to

balance the moral strivings and welfare of an individual. Erikson described a set of

virtues that one develops throughout the lifespan to help the ego in this balance for an individual within a community (Erikson, 1964).

Erikson (1964) wrote that individuals develop a sense of "basic virtues, with

which human beings steer themselves and others through life" (p. 115). The development of these virtues, like his psychosocial stages of development, depend upon the establishment of each preceding one. Erikson separated the virtues into life stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Within childhood, one is expected to develop four virtues: hope, will, purpose, and competence. Hope may be instilled in a child in a

number of ways, and hope continues to be an important ingredient in adult wellbeing. Erikson described hope as a confidence or trust in the mother (primary caregiver) who is responsible for the child's care. In adulthood, Erikson described religion or the idea of a higher power as often providing "God care" or hope. The second childhood virtue, will, is rooted in parental structure and rules. Will presents a key component of the balance one finds between self restraint and action. Within infancy, a healthy child will come to accept his or her lack of omnipotence as parents rule supreme within the household and a

child's desires are not always gratified. Erikson emphasized a dichotomy between self efficacy and the acceptance of the rules of others. The virtue of will therefore presents implications for the moral competence and identity cohesion expected in adolescence (Erikson, 1964).

Erikson's third named virtue of childhood is purpose. Purpose, highly related to identity formation, laying the foundation for cognitive planning and role playing. Erikson

explained that purpose is established in children by playing. Children use play to both act out past events and try out new expectations. Erikson also emphasized the importance of

role playing in play so that children are able to try on roles of their parents and other adult

scripts (Erikson, 1964). Readers may infer that the integrity of parents and other role

models are crucial, even within early stages of childhood development and morality. The final virtue of childhood is competence, which uses the previous virtues beyond anticipation to action. Social norms and gender expectations play a role within the

development of this virtue because what is modeled, taught, encouraged, and accepted from children impacts a child's competence (Erikson, 1964).

Following childhood transitions, Erikson named one virtue to be achieved within

adolescence—fidelity. Erikson identified fidelity as the "cornerstone of identity" (p. 125). He explained that adolescence is marked by "rebellious impulses" alternating with "compulsions" of restraint (Erikson, 1964, p. 103). Ideology in this developmental stage may be based in pro-social or anti-social values. The development of values and fidelity toward those values within adolescence may lay the foundation for future ethical

competence. The solidarity common to adolescents among their peers may also present important implications for relationships and interpersonal connectedness. The first adult

virtue identified by Erikson that followed fidelity was love. Erikson explained that the virtue of love connects all the stages of development. He dubbed love as the most

important of all the virtues and wrote that an affiliation with others builds ego strength for individuals. It is through love that an established identity can take chances within a

dyadic identity and an intimate bond. According to Erikson, true intimacy is only

possible after the completion of adolescence (Erikson, 1964). This assertion may present

important implications regarding the development of moral judgment and interpersonal empathy among adolescents.

Erikson proposed that the development of love as a virtue does not necessarily denote that the next adult virtue, care, will be developed. Instead, love can be selfish and

uncaring like sadism or the love of an association. Conversely, care implies that a man or

woman seeks to guide or accept responsibility for others, beyond their individual

personhood. This virtue of care is associated with the intergenerational pattern of

childcare within families. He also noted that the "need to be needed" by others is unique to humans as a species. Emphasizing a divergence between male and female adults,

Erikson specified that for a woman, care is "anchored" in her physical womb which he

called a "model of care." According to Erikson, a division of labor between the genders does not occur within this progression of virtues until the adult virtues of love and care

develop (Erikson, 1964). Erikson accepted that gender and social expectations impact the way virtues reveal themselves, indicating that a closer and more contemporary study between males and females in adolescence and childhood would be beneficial.

Adolescents often experience an extreme polarity of what is believed to be love

and hate in an individual's search for what she and others "stand for" (Erikson, 1961). This confusion regarding one's life narrative may lead to feelings of hopelessness or

apathy regarding personal behavioral choices and the potential consequences to those

choices. In this way, ethical development and moral competence must overcome anxiety

common and natural to this developmental stage, and the development of a

comprehensive life narrative may be quite important as well.

Erikson explained that identity formation is necessary for real intimacy that he

called "mutual psychosocial intimacy" (p. 135). Without this intimacy, an adolescent may

feel isolated and disconnected from others (Erikson, 1968). Connectedness and intimacy

with others likely also presents key components of interpersonal morality. First loves, for

adolescents, are used to "hold themselves together," in lieu of feeling uncertain about

one's role and future. Love is a way for an adolescent to project a diffuse identity onto

another in order to feel clarified and whole (Erikson, 1968). Until adolescence, this love

and connectedness was mostly attained from parents and family members, but as

individuals become more involved with peers and social networks, other relationships

become important as well (Erikson, 1982).

It is within the developmental stage of adolescence that Erikson emphasized the

importance of cultural and social influence. Erikson warned that education and

participation within many realms present key components to the effective adaptation of

adolescents. He elaborated that adolescents need to feel involved with the construction

and maintenance of society so they may become invested in its upkeep and their place

within the world (Erikson, 1961). This insight presents major implications in terms of

gender differences and the acceptance of female identities within American culture.

Adolescence may be an especially "stormy" time for gifted adolescents because of the

extensive choices and opportunities available in terms of pursuits, roles, and identity

(Erikson, 1968). The desire to develop one's identity may be experienced as an intense

need to understand oneself and one's place within a larger society which presents

implications of a gendered social experience.

Within adolescence, Erikson proposed a child may sublimate her dreams and

playfulness for more accepted pursuits. Through this sublimation, an identity is developed. However, Erikson warned, if individual traits or pursuits are sacrificed in

order to seek social acceptance, the true self may be covered by a superficial identity (Erikson, 1968). Erikson noted the importance of adult efforts within the adolescent's

social environment to develop and nurture the "gifts" of a growing child (Erikson, 1968). In this way, and adolescent may develop an adaptive identity that is both flexible and

stable. The specific female experiences and cultural messages to females must be

examined further to determine what kinds of adaptations a female adolescent identity requires within American culture.

Erikson critiqued the developmental literature by Jean Piaget as missing key pieces of the lifespan experience. Specifically, Erikson emphasized the importance of accepting physiological development as a component of overall "functional unity" (Erikson, 1964). However, by denying the role of physiology in developmental stages, Erikson proposed that Piaget' s developmental theories neglect to encapsulate one's

experience of reconciling psychology and personality with his or her body throughout the lifespan (Erikson, 1964). This refocus on the physiological experience of individuals

within psychological development underscores the potentially different experiences of males and females throughout development.

Within childhood, task identification helps an individual to develop discipline and learn about obligations. Erikson emphasized same-sex parental roles within this process, describing observation and imitation of adults as a major component of identity formation among children (Erikson, 1968). One might infer that the role of teachers, nannies, and adult public figures may likewise influence the early stages of identity formation in contemporary American society. According to Erikson, a complicated or vague parental (adult model) presentation of his or her role will diminish the effectiveness of a child to

learn and take initiative in his or her own role (Erikson, 1968). The redefinition of gender roles and familial distribution of power and tasks, therefore, presents the modern American child with a challenge in his or her understanding and development of an individual identity.

As outlined above, Erikson made some distinctions between the psychological development of males and females in terms of identity, morality, and ego strength. He emphasized the importance of "adaptation" among various cultures and contexts as a key component to ego strength (Erikson, 1964). A similar adaptation must be applied to his

theoretical models developed in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s. Erikson noted the importance of parental figures and intergenerational influences to a child's understanding of herself, her culture, and her responsibility to others. He also warned, however, that as the changing American culture causes decreases in the amount of time a child spends with her parents, the influences relevant to a developing child will also change (Erikson, 1964). Erikson has been credited with expanding developmental theories beyond mere sexual and

biological development to include cultural and social context as well as emphasizing

conscious aspects in addition to unconscious aspects of personality (Moshman, 2005). A

developing adolescent female in the twenty-first century will learn about herself and the

world around her from many sources beyond the traditionally described mother and father.

Erikson pointed out that the female identity in American society is defined by the

male identity because she is forced to seek equality through male-dominated rules and

values. He explained that because men created their group identity as in power within

society, women (as a group) are forced to seek equality through male-defined values such

as career competition and autonomy. However, Erikson wrote that the male group

identity was often contrary to innate feminine values such as the "realism of

householding, responsibility of upbringing, resourcefulness in peacekeeping, and

devotion to healing" (p. 262). In the late 1960s, he referenced the newly nuclear society

the world had become and warned that values he considered to be feminine brought

missing pieces to global harmony within this conflictual climate. Erikson also warned

that due to the male-defined society the world had become, women were either forced to

conform with the contemporary values or suffer low confidence in their personal values

(Erikson, 1968).

Erikson proposed that a female's development of faith differs from a male's

understanding that may be mostly based in logic. Instead, he wrote that a woman's faith

and virtuous motivation relies more heavily upon hope and trust in humanity (Erikson,

1964). If Erikson's gendered theory holds truth, then this hope and trust in humanity may

be in jeopardy given the current conditions of terrorism and negativity in our current world.

Erikson's writings on gender and culture must be studied with an understanding of the cultural context in which they emerged. One could question whether such a

pronounced gender split still exists in today's American society. Erikson wrote in the

1960s, a time in which the struggle among females in American society to redefine

themselves in terms of femininity and success was raw and evolving. A study by Matina Horner in 1969 also highlighted this struggle among women. Horner presented men and

women with achievement scenarios and asked them to respond to this academic success.

While the majority of men responded to this cue with positive consequences, 90% of women responded with negative stories of a loss of femininity or a relationship as a consequence of the success. Horner and subsequent authors hypothesized that this "fear

of success" among females negatively impacted their ability to strive for achievement

(Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988; Horner, 1969).

The identification with role models, both parental and cultural, within

contemporary American society, must be considered in order to gain more insight into the

female adolescent experience. Factors like gender roles and expectations may be seen as mediating the identity formation process described by Erik Erikson. In future chapters, this author explored the implications of gender and culture on the development of an identity and the negotiation of a true self.

CHAPTER 4: UNDERSTANDING THE SELF

Developed and transformed throughout the second half of the 20th Century, the "self has been a construct of importance within psychoanalytic thought and theory. Heinz Kohut is credited as being the founder of self psychology, an area of psychology that emerged in the 1970s that continued with the trend of psychoanalytic thought. Like structural theory, object relations, and ego psychology, self psychology emphasizes early childhood experiences in later psychological development. Donald Winnicott described a

female adolescent's self as emerging first through a trust in her caregivers due to "good enough mothering" (Winnicott, 1971, p. 13). Self psychologists view early mirroring relationships with parents as vital in determining the development of either a cohesive or fragmented self, demarking psychological health or psychopathology. The "self," according to self psychology is a structure which includes but is not limited to ego functioning, negotiating the internal needs of an individual in cooperation with others (Kohut, 1977). In this way, the self functions for adolescents females within the

development of an identity and moral development.

Donald Winnicott

Kohutian self psychology was predated by the works of Donald Winnicott and

other psychoanalytic theoreticians interested in developmental psychology. Winnicottian theory was largely based in his understanding of object relations and early childhood experiences. In his 1971 work, Playing and Reality, Donald Winnicott outlined some

developmental requirements for a child's development of the self. He noted that "good

enough mothering" is crucial for a child's understanding of others through "object usage." In his theories, Winnicott (1971) presupposed that the initial and inherent instinct

of a child is destructive toward an object (or primary caregiver). Ascribing to the theories of Sigmund Freud (1923) and Melanie Klein (1984), Winnicott explained that a child first desires to destroy his mother who inevitably fails to grant the unending wishes of a baby. At this time, it is crucial that the baby's mother returns to the child and meets her basic

needs with love and care in order for the child to develop a basic sense of what is outside

of herself and1 how to use her mother in order to meet her needs. If good enough mothering is not present, a child may remain self-centered and defensive with a

preoccupation to get her needs met with little regard or sense of the other (Winnicott, 1971). This survival-based position presented major implications in terms of a child's interpersonal and moral stance.

Another major result of the successful development of this object usage is the development of a reality-based sense of self or identity. Winnicott (1971) explained that in the early childhood exchange described above, a baby's omnipotence is challenged, leading to the beginning of an understanding of an individual's cooperative role within the social world. A mother who fails to meet the baby's needs will conversely trigger a child's psychological defenses and jeopardize her future incorporation of reality. If within an early experience, an infant's space and development is invaded upon by the other, a feeling of persecution can develop. Persecutory feelings can lead to a pathological condition in which an individual cannot rid herself of the persecution, jeopardizing prosocial interpersonal and moral behavior (Winnicott, 1971). The development of a self

and moral code therefore depend upon a female adolescent's relational experiences and unfolding self-understanding.

In his 1965 compilation of written articles, The Maturational Processes and the

Facilitating Environment: Studies in the Theory ofEmotional Development, Winnicott

described the process of developing morality in the context of establishing a "true self."

He posited that morality develops naturally within a good enough environment, due to the

influence of an outside culture as well as an internal anxiety. Winnicott elaborated upon

earlier psychoanalytic theories regarding the internal conflict one experiences between

love and hate. He stated that relief from this conflict allows one to establish a healthy

level of guilt that will allow a person to effectively self-regulate and develop concern for

others (Winnicott, 1958). The "concern" for others, according to Winnicott and other

psychoanalytic authors, is rooted in an infant's relation to her caregiver (Horney, 1945; Winnicott, 1958).

Winnicott explained "concern" as extending beyond idealizing others, guilt

feelings, and the hope to not destroy the good other. Instead, he stated, it implies

responsibility and interconnectedness to others. The resolution of responsibility develops

within the process of infant care, as Winnicott described a good enough mother as

meeting the child's needs, relating empathically to the child, and then conveying that the

child is also contributing to her in some way. In this way, a child develops an

understanding that she is able to relate positively to others. Through this process, concern is established from a growing comfort with the tension between one's destructive and

constructive ways of relating (Winnicott, 1963a). Though Winnicott does not explicitly

list factors required for how this resolution takes place over time, this author wonders if

the coexistence of love and hate is reconciled through experiences taking on different roles within relationships.

Winnicott described role-taking, play, and creativity as occurring in a "potential space" in which a child's experience and culture may be expressed. In order for a child to

use her potential space, the confidence that her primary caregiver will continue to meet

her dependency needs must be present. By trying out different personality aspects of oneself, with confidence this play will not sabotage the good enough mothering, a child (and adolescent) is able to experiment with different roles and attributes. It is within the

context of experimentation that features of the true self are able to emerge. Ideally, parents respond to a child and adolescent by empathically helping the child move from

dependence to independence. At times when a parent's love is conditional or not secure, a child will be more likely to develop a "false self." This false self may emerge as a rigid identity that is less likely to facilitate flexibility and satisfaction in one's self. False self

development may also decrease one's opportunity for an internalized morality and identity to emerge (Winnicott, 1971).

Potential space allows a child to try out and establish interrelationships. The interconnectedness, empathy, and overall capacity for deeper relationships taking place in this potential space of emotional development leads to "imaginatively living" (Winnicott, 1971). Winnicott emphasized this type of imaginative living for adolescents as a way to develop a stronger sense of morality than can be taught through lessons of "right" and "wrong." He argued that education of values through mediums such as parents, teachers,

and religion can be important, but a person must develop a personal "faith in" these

values in order for her to adopt them as her own internal moral code (Winnicott, 1963b). Much like the identity development process described by Erikson, an adolescent must try on moral messages in order to internalize values and develop an "innate morality" (Erikson, 1961; Winnicott, 1963b).

Values are instilled when parents and other social influences give or withhold

approval to a child or adolescent's behavior. Children develop "moral codes" by adopting and critiquing social and familial values because they are unable to make sense of the

world around them without assistance and knowledge from those more experienced (Winnicott, 1963b). In this way, the family and community in which an adolescent

develops impact the type of value subset developed and maintained.

Winnicott described the process of moral development as a constant interchange of external and internal factors one introjects and projects in order to create a sense of self

(Winnicott, 1963b). Relational experience presents the most salient route toward innate

morality, as Winnicott stated, "there is more to be gained from love than by education" (p. 100). He charged parents with the responsibility of providing a good enough model for values. In this way an adolescent can rise above a simplistic reward and compliance based system of guilt in order to develop an ethical identification. Winnicott also

presented volunteer service to others as a prime opportunity for adolescents to develop feelings of contribution and responsibility. In this way, the destructive and constructive

sides of oneself can be further reconciled with a sense of purpose and self identity (Winnicott, 1963b).

Within adolescence, one also develops the ability to tolerate ambivalence.

Winnicott's proposed development of interpersonal responsibility, as described above, becomes important during the developmental stage of adolescence because one must

reconcile love and hate of self and others in order to alleviate excessive guilt. Winnicott

proposed if underlying guilt is confusing and too much to bear to an adolescent, she may commit immoral acts in order to make sense of the internal guilty feelings (Winnicott,

1958). In this way, unethical behavior may be a way to attach the confusing feeling of guilt to a behavior that helps an adolescent better tolerate the ambiguity of her internal experience. This author wonders about the possible relief of ambiguity that may be achieved by immoral behavior when an adolescent is treated as though she is bad by parental, peer, or societal messages. Winnicott warned that these patterns of unethical

behavior become especially problematic if the behaviors accrue secondary gains such as the respect of ones peers. With the inclusion of secondary gains, an adolescent may establish a pattern of reinforced unethical behaviors, developing an antisocial personality and failing to establish a tolerance for ambivalence (Winnicott, 1958).

The adolescent task of identity formation seems relevant to Winnicott's

description of a developed ability to self-realize. As a mother (or father) adapts to the child's needs, the child develops confidence and is able to relax. It is within this relaxed

state that a child can then separate from parental dependency and become independent. Winnicott (1971) described the movement through emotional development stages as "inherently aggressive" because children and adolescents eventually seek to take their parents' places in the adult world. He proposed that adolescent rebelliousness is an

adolescent's way of existing in her own right. "Inborn aggression" is just one of many

instincts that a child and adolescent may express or inhibit within potential space and

later in social interactions. Winnicott advised parents to maintain power (limits without

over-control) over adolescents until they are mature and able to create a true self to move

forward toward adult development. He warned that handing over power too early can

reinforce a less mature and defensive stance in adolescents who will then likely continue

to take power and control over others. This kind of false maturity can be established for a

variety of reasons, including early sexual development (Winnicott, 1971). Winnicott's

concept of false maturity may be important in understanding the controversial choices

made by teenagers successful in Hollywood and other circles. Winnicott posited that

adolescents who were given power too soon from their parents will seek power and

notoriety as a way to maintain the unstable identity established (Winnicott, 1971). In this

way, adolescent behavior of control and aggression may be attributed to the absence of an

adequate opportunity to idealize and develop in one's own time.

Winnicott argued that adolescents require gradual growth in order to experience

and reconcile their personal goodness, evil, love, and hate. He referred to inner guilt as a way for adolescents to self-regulate and test out different roles and identities in this

developmental stage. Winnicott (1971) distinguished between male and female

"elements," he considered to be fundamental to aspects of a person's identity and

personality. These elements, he explained, are often biologically driven and instinctual

within males but socialized for females. Winnicott warned that identification with

opposite sex elements are necessary in addition in order to avoid denial of true self

features. This hypothesis was likely influenced by the 1960s and 1970s culture in which

Winnicott wrote. A closer examination of current adolescent culture and contemporary gendered societal messages is needed to update an understanding of self development. He also emphasized the importance of multigenerational experiences as well, noting that cultural influences are often cumulative. Within the lifespan, Winnicott described man as a "unit" or "the summation of his cultural experiences" (Winnicott, 1971). He noted that exposure and acceptance of cultural and individual personality aspects of a developing child are necessary to the development of an identity as well. Because adolescents are not

yet disillusioned by the world, Winnicott proposed that they are able to maintain a level

of idealism that fosters creative growth in this time (Winnicott, 1971). In this way, the development of the self, and in turn a cohesive sense of morality, is mediated by countless factors and processes.

Heinz Kohut

Heinz Kohut contributed to the psychological community by solidifying the concept of the self and the constructs he deemed necessary for proper self development. The self, according to Kohut, is the core of a person's personality. In his 1977 book

Restoration ofthe Self, Kohut hypothesized that in the absence of a true self, a person's more primitive drives will dominate. He described the ability to overcome these drives as

psychologically secondary and developing with more sophisticated developmental achievements (Kohut, 1977). Therefore, the lack of a developed true self may impact a female adolescent's ethical or unethical behavior. Like Winnicott, Kohut described the

development of a true self as dependent upon the parents' ability to respond with empathy and encouragement to a developing child (Kohut, 1977).

Kohut explained the original selfobject of a child, or the primary caregiver, is crucial to the development of the self. He also emphasized the importance of idealizing selfobjects and transmuting the information and guidance of the selfobject into the child's repertoire of ideal behavior and self competence (Siegel, 1996). In this way, parental rules and behaviors impact the child's ideals and chosen behaviors. The "nuclear self

develops as the core self of a child and is based in the responsiveness of selfobjects to various parts of the child which includes deliberate or unconscious encouragement or discouragement (Kohut, 1977). One aspect of the self that is either reinforced or opposed by a child's parents could be the developing morals and values. One may therefore conclude that the more basic and significant a moral code becomes to a child's core self, the more likely it will endure consistently across situations and contexts.

It is first the child's developmental task to establish the self and in later stages of adolescence and adulthood, it becomes one's task to maintain the integrity of the self. Kohut contended that childhood experiences create adult psychopathology and

personality, as the maintenance of the self is a constant and ongoing process throughout the lifespan. In the earliest phase of self development, Kohut explained an infant requires mirroring by her selfobject in order to maintain trust in caregivers and develop structures of the self and personality. If this mirroring form of care giving is not attained by a child, an activity or response will be chosen by the child in order to mend the relationship and establish some sense of self. This activity is often illogical and ineffective because it is

chosen and pursued by an infant or child who does not fully understand herself or the

world around her. Consequently, maladaptive and often immoral behaviors are chosen, especially in times that feelings of inadequacy are dominant in the self. A child may seek to control others or hurt others in order to establish a sense of self esteem or agency. Aggressive behaviors occur as a common response to an injury to the self because they may be rooted in a need to punish or reject the unsatisfying parental selfobject. A child may also develop paranoia toward others as a result of being hurt in early years of development, presenting major implications regarding her interpersonal style throughout the lifespan. Kohut believed this chosen activity with intended reparative effects becomes

a compulsion for that person, and one that will be repeated throughout the lifespan despite its likely pathological effects (Kohut, 1977).

Kohut described "tension states" as occurring with anxiety when a person feels he or she is encountering a threat to the cohesiveness of self or when a lack of cohesion is

detected (Kohut, 1977). How a child or adolescent attempts to resolve a tension state is

likely impacted by familial and cultural context that may model or reinforce aggression or grandiosity. Kohut explained unethical behavior or interpersonal aggression may result as "disintegration products" or the results of parental empathie failures a child

experiences as traumatic. A secondary psychological disintegration product potentially resulting from a selfobject failure is destructiveness. This destructiveness may be directed at one's self, objects, or other people. Destructive rage that is expressed toward other people in the form of hurtful or unethical behaviors is motivated by a perceived threat or injury to the self, according to Kohutian theory. A "narcissistic injury" or one that was

inflicted upon the child's self by the selfobject presents the most severe threat to one's

self (Kohut, 1977). This destructive disintegration product may be prominent in the behavior of abused or neglected children or as a reaction to other types of trauma that severely threatened a child's nuclear self due to a selfobject failure.

In contrast to destructive rage, a child may develop with an optimal amount of

empathy and frustration from her selfobject care and establish a behavioral pattern of "nondestructive aggression," or a healthy level of assertiveness allowing a child or adolescent to maintain her self while encountering growth and experience in her external

world (Kohut, 1977). Kohut proposed this assertiveness could be achieved by adolescents or adults after a previous pattern of rage and guilt that had resulted from selfobject failures. He stated this transformation required repeated encounters of optimal and satisfying replacement selfobject interactions over time (Kohut, 1977). This author proposes that the post-childhood and ideal stage of development to acquire these reparative relational experiences is adolescence, before relational patterns are solidified and within the development of ideals and identity. Adolescents are faced with daily challenges to previously established beliefs and understandings, and corrective experiences may serve as a challenge to antisocial beliefs and behaviors.

Kohut posited the developmental stage in which identification and self cohesion is

challenged and established if the self has been crafted is adolescence. A "tension arc"

may develop between two poles of the self if there is an internal conflict between a

personal ambition and the ideals and values already developed in that person (Kohut, 1977). This type of tension may occur within any developmental stage, however it may

be particularly common within adolescence when a person is solidifying aspects of his or her identity. Additionally, social expectations of gender may impact the ideals a female adolescent develops, presenting her with the task of successfully overcoming the tension within her self to maintain cohesion and continuity. "Self discontinuity" may result if sameness cannot be achieved throughout the tension arc, and this lack of cohesion may interfere with a female adolescent's ability to internalize and crystallize a moral code (Kohut, 1977).

Kohut described adolescence as a period of testing and challenge to the self and identity. "A shakily formed self may perhaps not be able to weather the storms of this

period" (Kohut, 1977). He proposed adolescents must be provided with an idealizing object in addition to self esteem building pursuits in order for the self to be maintained

and nurtured. Adolescence provides an individual with a second self development process in which "selective inclusion and exclusion of structures" is negotiated. In order to navigate one's self through this second identification process, a balance must be struck

between the ideals and pursuits endorsed by selfobjects and one's culture in addition to

the personal ambitions internal and intrinsic to an adolescent (Kohut, 1977). Although Kohut did not describe the extent to which gender and culturally accepted gender roles may play a part in this process, there is little doubt that female adolescents receive

different messages about identity and behavior than do their male counterparts. Consequently, a further examination of these cultural expectations and how they may affect a female adolescent's navigation through a second identification process of self development is needed to fully grasp the implications of Kohutian theory. In future

chapters, this author will examine aspects of American adolescent culture and gendered social messages to gain insight about self development. Another factor involved in

development, cognitive appraisal and understanding of morality, can affect the

development of self and social expectations as well as mediate the internalization of

moral messages.

CHAPTER 5: COGNITIVE AND SOCIAL MODELS

When they emerged in the 1960s, Erikson's theories underwent criticism, largely

due to their basis in Freudian psychosexual stages that emphasize the role of biology and

innate drives in human behavior. Other areas of psychology at this time emphasized

cognitive processes, social reinforcements, and cultural differences, hypothesizing that

surely these factors play a role in an individual's ideals, goals, and identifications. As

psychoanalytic literature remained immersed in theory regarding fantasy and the

unconscious, the cognitive behavioral movement gained popularity among psychologists

in America (Santrock, 2004). Cognitive theories of morality emerged as a way to explain

moral behavior in a reality-based way through models of cognitive development and the

social learning hypothesis (Moshman, 2005).

Cognitive Development Stages of Jean Piaget

Developmental theories generated in 1 960s America largely focused on the

cognitive development of moral reasoning and incorporated both brain development and

social reinforcements as significant factors in childhood and adolescent behavior (Piaget,

1965; Santrock, 2004). Jean Piaget published works that emphasized the importance of

education and thinking processes in child development. Focusing on cognitive

psychology, Jean Piaget theorized that the development of morality and reasoning are

active processes related to biological development and cognitive capabilities. He

proposed that with an increasing age, adolescents develop an increasing sophistication in

their thinking. Entitled "formal operations," Piaget described a cognitive development

stage that typically occurs after the age of eleven. An adolescent capable of formal

operations is able to think and reason more abstractly and logically than a younger child

(Piaget, 1965). Other researchers of cognitive development have stressed the importance

of social and didactic interactions from caretakers and other influences in developing

cognitive strengths such as formal operations (Bornstein, 1989; Haste, 1987). Piaget

described formal operations as relating to moral development because it is by using this

cognitive skill that an adolescent is able to develop a more autonomous and "inner ideal"

to inform moral decisions, beyond the simple obedience or a fear of punishment (Piaget,

1965). Additionally, it is through formal operational thinking that a child becomes able to

overcome egocentricism and take on the perspective of another, making it impossible to

develop empathy (Kegan, 1982).

According to Piagetian stages of development, children who are formal

operational become more able to think outside of the rules and consider the fairness of

rules and laws. In this way, they begin to question the intentions of behavior and gain

sophistication in thinking logically, abstractly, and deductively in terms of their morality

(Piaget, 1965; Santrock, 2004). Piaget described "moral realism" as a kind of universal

objective responsibility that exists outside of an interpersonal or cultural context (Piaget,

1977). However, Piaget' s writings also emphasized reciprocity, cooperation, and mutual

respect as important components of morality, indicating that relational experiences play a

role in moral action (Piaget, 1965). Through mutually respectful relationships,

adolescents gain insight and experience that serves as a model for an internal moral

compass. Piaget (1965) proposed that "moral autonomy" is achieved when moral ideals

are independent of external pressures such as laws or societal expectations. Researchers

have described Piaget' s theories in moral development as relating a natural process in

which children develop morality through first adult supervision and later within

cooperative play with peers, emphasizing a movement toward independence from parents

and other adults (Haidt, 2008). It is within the developmental stage of adolescence that

this transition from parental dependence to autonomy typically occurs, placing an

emphasis on successful movement through adolescence. The importance of reciprocal

relationships in developing this moral autonomy also highlights the need to consider the

interpersonal and social experiences unique to females in this developmental stage.

Kohlberg' s Moral Developmental Stages

Based in Jean Piaget' s described final stage of "formal operations," within

cognitive development, Lawrence Kohlberg (1984) hypothesized that the development of

ethical reasoning related strongly to an individual's ability to cognitively understand

moral dilemmas. His stages of moral development were designed as a progression of

moral understanding that runs parallel with the cognitive development of children and

adolescents. Kohlberg' s research laid the foundation for a broader understanding of moral

development, emphasizing cognitive skills like "perspective taking," as key to an

adolescent's moral competence (Kohlberg, 1984).

Kohlberg' s first stage of morality, entitled "heteronomous morality," reflects a

child's tendency to obey rules simply due to a fear of punishment. In this stage, children

demonstrate a self-centered approach to moral decisions. A development of

"individualism and purpose" develop in his second stage, and Kohlberg described

children in this stage as pursuing their own budding interests while allowing others to do

the same. In this way, children are not yet able to make moral decisions based on

empathizing with others and rather afford rights to all. Thirdly, children develop a moral

perspective in terms of mutual interpersonal expectations and relationships that is based

in trust, caring, and loyalty (Kohlberg, 1984). This third stage may require models of

respectful and caring relationships be present in the lives of developing children.

Interpersonal expectations are also likely impacted by gender expectations of one's

family and surrounding culture. In Kohlberg' s fourth stage, children develop an

understanding of social order and demonstrate what he called a social systems morality

(Kohlberg, 1984). Cultural groups and social systems to which an individual belongs will

influence the moral code considered and developed. Beyond understanding of social

order, a person may then develop an interest and understanding in social contracts and

individual rights within a society, where moral human rights at times transcend laws.

Finally, in Kohlberg' s most advanced moral stage, a person reflects a grasp and respect

for universal ethical principles. Piaget' s concept ofmoral autonomy likely contributed to

the understanding of this stage (Kohlberg, 1984).

These moral stages of development have been explored and debated for decades

as a great advancement in psychological research of their time. However, the cognitive

developmental stages that Kohlberg presented sparked debates and more questions

among researchers and psychologists (Kohlberg, 1984; Santrock, 2004). Again, critics

cited social and cultural contexts as playing an important and neglected role in moral

development. Other researchers like Carol Gilligan emphasized biases rooted in

masculine and Western cultural values in Kohlberg' s stages. It became clear that the

psychological research community called for more studies of moral development that

included different cultures and both genders.

Carol Gilligan' s Work with Female Morality

In the 1980s and 1990s, Carol Gilligan emerged as a leader in conceptualizing

moral development by identifying ways in which Kolbergian theories may have

neglected the unique experiences of women. Gilligan incorporated her backgrounds in

gender studies, ethics, psychology, and education into her literary works and research

studies. Her research on morality distinguished between a "justice perspective," one that

is largely focused on the maintenance of the individual's integrity and a "care

perspective," that emphasizes the importance of connectedness with others. Noting some

of the distinctions researchers were finding at the time between male and females

regarding morality, Gilligan described relationships or the "care perspective," as serving

as a model and inspiration for ethical behavior especially among females (Gilligan &

Attanucci, 1988, p. 74).

Carol Gilligan defined the self as being comprised of both individual autonomy

and social responsibility. Responsibility, she proposed, was developed through

relationships, and it becomes key in conceptualizing one's self. Gilligan criticized

psychological rhetoric at the time that failed to acknowledge the interaction and relational

experience as foundational in understanding moral behavior. She contended moral

"autonomy" may imply a separateness from others and therefore neglect to account for

the dynamic way that two person's identities interact within interpersonal and moral

situations (Gilligan, 1988). From Gilligan's contributions, one can infer that the early

relationships in a person's life and how these relationships serve as models, present a key component of the moral development and ethical behaviors of adolescent females.

Aligning with Gilligan's perspective on gender differences in moral and identity development, Nona Lyons (1988) described different modes of "self definition" that

males and females utilize. She proposed that males often define themselves by using

language emphasizing separateness and individuality. Conversely, Lyons believed that

women more frequently use connectedness and affiliation in defining themselves. These

distinctions present implications for gender differences in moral motivation. Gilligan also emphasized connectedness as a way that female adolescents seek to maintain the self

during a developmental period in which independence becomes more salient. Her

writings demonstrated the tumultuous experience during adolescence in which females

may struggle to individuate without detaching from the important parental relationship (Gilligan, 1988).

Gilligan explained that adolescence is a key time to renegotiate the ideals and

realities of attachment and equality, and female adolescents may specifically experience

tension due to common social messages of gender inequality (Gilligan & Attanucci,

1988). Surely the lack of social equality existing between males and females in certain

cultures may impact a female adolescent's ability to use perspective-taking skills.

Specifically, one might ask if a marginalized female can empathize and put herself in another's shoes if she does not feel that she has equal worth to that person?

In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women 's Development was

written by Gilligan and published in 1982. In this book, she examined themes and

common concepts of morality uncovered from interviews with females in late adolescence. The most common thread to these moral-based interviews reflected a "wish

not to hurt others and the hope that in morality lies a way of solving conflicts so that on

one will be hurt" (p. 65). Ethical dilemmas presented by Kohlberg in his research,

therefore, were likely analyzed by females to make the choice that injures the least

amount of people, a style which may not have aligned with Kohlberg' s ideal response.

Gilligan noticed a tension often arising for late adolescent females regarding an attempt

to be true to oneself without hurting others. These narratives revealed a common belief

among female participants that to be caring, one should not be ambitious. Because one must rise above others to reach ambitions and gain power, an individualized approach to

success and Kohlbergian moral dilemmas contradicted moral care for many of Gilligan' s

participants. In this way, assertion and decision-making powers also fell into a dangerous

category for females who both tried to maintain ties with others and did not often feel

entitled or competent to make major moral decisions (Gilligan, 1982).

Gilligan hypothesized that females may view decision-making as a man's right

and fear the responsibility or vulnerability accompanying a moral decision that may be

perceived as the wrong choice. Narratives showed a tendency of women to punish themselves for decisions while they had an easier time forgiving others for

transgressions. Gilligan likened this theme to the self sacrificing expectations for

femininity common to American culture. Without an adequate self concept, she proposed, female adolescents will defer in their moral choices to feminine social conventions like

self sacrifice. As adolescents mature, they begin to perceive the gray areas of moral

dilemmas and the potentially complicating factors that come with making a moral

decision. In complex cases female adolescents may choose inaction in order to avoid

making a mistake or hurting someone with moral action (Gilligan, 1982).

In 1992, Carol Gilligan, and her colleague Lyn Mikel Brown extended theories

about female moral development with a collection of narrative interviews with

developing girls entitled, Meeting at the Crossroads: Women 's Psychology and Girls '

Development. The authors intended to provide insight regarding female social

development in childhood and adolescence based in the differences found in genders

within research at that time. They wrote about "psychological resistance" as playing a role in behavioral differences between males and females. Defined as "the reluctance to

know what one knows and the fear that one's experience, if spoken will endanger relationships and threaten survival" (p. 41), Brown and Gilligan hypothesized that female

adolescents experience psychological resistance due the social and political gender

expectations in American society that often trivialize a woman's voice (Brown &

Gilligan, 1992). This fear of endangering relationships may be particularly important

regarding peer relationships for female adolescents because of the important function of

peer companionship in that developmental stage. Therefore, moral choices arising in

adolescence may be influenced by group dynamics, peer pressure, and cultural norms for female adolescents.

Navigating through adolescence with the goal of preserving relationships can be especially challenging because of the tension between being true to oneself and

maintaining a relational tie with someone whose behavior and judgment may be flawed. Brown and Gilligan (1992) related this difficulty back to the challenges females typically experienced when analyzing Kohlbergian moral dilemmas. These authors contended that

because females often receive contradicting messages from culture, family, and peers, there is no one correct ethical choice as his study proposed. Instead, the female narratives

Brown and Gilligan analyzed illustrated a kind of keen observance by young adolescent females to anticipate the needs and desires of others and act accordingly. This compromise was especially salient in adolescence, a stage in which females are

attempting to transition into the adult world and seek acceptance from others.

Independence, which Piaget (1977) deemed critical for moral development, may be more challenging for female adolescents who seek closeness to others and receive social

messages that it is the role of females to nurture and not to push away. The understanding of some female adolescents in Brown and Gilligan' s study likened independence to disconnection to others and therefore struggled deeply with the transition (Brown & Gilligan, 1992).

Although Carol Gilligan did not directly discount or disprove the theoretical

moral stages of Lawrence Kohlberg, her research and writings reflected a resistance to

the cognitively reductionistic approach seen in the models of Piaget and Kohlberg

(Jorgensen, 2006). Gilligan emphasized social and relational context of individuals when

examining moral development (Brown & Gilligan, 1992, Gilligan, 1982; Jorgensen,

2006). Other researchers have echoed Gilligan' s curiosity and identified relationships and

social context as key components to resolving ethical conflicts (Bornstein, 1989;

Hallpike, 2008; Turiel, 2008; Volling, Mahoney, & Rauer, 2009).

Other Limitations in Kohlberg' s Stages

After the development of Kohlberg' s moral states, the political climate of the

United States also began reflecting a transitioning and evolving society with new

perspectives. At this time, researchers and authors posed novel questions, to be asked and

answered by social scientists and clinicians based in cultural relativism (Shweder et al.,

1987). Social context and the richness of a person's experiences are important in studying

moral development because these factors foster mental evaluation of cues and

environmental influences leading to the development of values and social behavior

(Miller, 1991).

In 1966, cultural psychologist Elliot Turiel researched Kolbergian literature

regarding morality, both supporting and critiquing his stages of moral development at

times. Turiel's research suggested that "cognitive conflict" or "disequilibrium" occurs

when a person's assumptions about morality or ethical behavior are challenged by a

reasonable dissenting opinion. Calling for a more elaborated understanding of morality,

Turiel indicated that moral development is highly dependent upon social experiences.

Social scientists like Turiel utilized Albert Bandura' s "social learning theory," introduced

in the 1970s. This theory posited that psychological functioning is based in "continuous

reciprocal interaction of personal and environmental determinants" (p. 1 1-12). Bandura

emphasized self regulation as a tool individuals use to mediate environmental factors

(Bandura, 1977). Concepts like morality and identity likely contribute to a person's

ability and desire to self regulate within and across social contexts.

Similar to Bandura's internalized concept of self regulation, Shweder et al. (1987)

introduced the idea of an intrinsic "natural moral authority" that differentiates between

moral values and social convention. In their 1987 writings, Richard Schweder and his

colleagues explained that morality is neither the rational reasoning of convention, as

Kohlberg hypothesized, nor is it entirely the result of social experiences ofjustice, as

Turiel conceptualized. Rather, these authors posited that individuals are equipped with

natural moral compasses that may or may not be followed. And the choice to follow

one's compass may be impacted by many external factors as well.

Criticisms of Kohlberg' s moral model challenged new research and theories to

study the effects of cultural differences like environment, ethnicity, and gender on

adolescent identity formation and moral development (Santrock, 2004). Psychological

theories emerging at the end of the 20th Century began incorporating ideas that were

rooted in feminism and social constructivism in the examination of adolescent

development. Eisenberg (1987) introduced an additional construct into the cognitive and

social views of Kohlberg, Turiel, Schweder, and others regarding morality. He

emphasized the role of self-attributions as an important variable mediating social context

and the development of moral thoughts and behaviors. Self-attributions further shed light

onto the differences researchers were finding in the moral judgment and behaviors of different ethnic groups and genders.

Researchers examining the validity of Kohlberg's cognitive developmental view of morality often noticed a discrepancy between a person's ability to logically reason though hypothetical ethical dilemmas and one's actual behavioral choices. Critics argued that hypothetical ethical dilemmas do not necessarily represent the feelings and complications that may be present in the actual context of moral choices (Denney & Duffy, 1974; Eisenberg, 1987; Shweder et al., 1987; Wilson, 1975). Instead, there seemed to be mediating social factors that deterred children and adolescents at times from

using the rational moral reasoning skills that were reflected in hypothetical dilemmas. In the 1970s and beyond, research in morality reflected a curiosity of cognitive,

emotional, and sociobiological factors that may impact moral decisions (Haidt, 2008; Wilson, 1975). Recent studies have examined neuropsychology as well in the realm of

self-regulation and morality. A person's ability to neurologically integrate perceptions and affect into behavior based in the executive functioning of the frontal lobe may be especially relevant to the study of moral decisions and ethical action. According to one study in 1996, human action related to altruism, rudeness, and racism was found to be

more automatic for participants than a conscious choice (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996). Moral decisions, therefore, seem influenced by unconscious or inherent responses at times and not always based upon cognitive reasoning, as Kohlberg initially hypothesized.

Some researchers have criticized the failure of the moral research communities in

the 1980s and 1990s to incorporate emotions into cognitive theories, thereby missing key

components to understanding moral decisions (Damasio, 1994; Haidt, 2008). Antonio

Damasio (1994) presented the "somatic marker hypothesis" in response to research with

brain-damaged participants that seemed to directly contradict the cognitive reasoning

based theories of moral development dominant since Kohlberg presented his theories on

moral development. Damasio found that humans use emotional and somatic reactions

from the emotional centers of the brain to inform themselves about positive and negative

actions in addition to cognitive reasoning. Jonathan Haidt also contended "moral

emotions" provide a person with an intuition about right and wrong ethical choices

(Haidt, 2008). Other researchers at this time reviewed neuropsychological research in

order to gain a better understanding of the factors involved in moral instinct and action

(Gross, 2007; Narvaez, 2008).

Modern Moral Models: Incorporating Neurobiology

Moral models continue to be developed and altered to provide information for a

modern American society. Researchers who self-identify as "Neo-Kolbergian" theorists

have emphasized the teaching of ethical competence in their moral models that originated

in the 1990s. In these studies, the construct of moral judgment, as it was studied by

Lawrence Kohlberg, is expanded to involve four psychological processes. These

processes include moral sensitivity, moral motivation, moral action, and moral judgment.

This "Neo-Kolhbergian" model has aimed to incorporate both micro and macro levels of

development into an understanding of adolescent morality, noting the influences of both

relational experiences and societal expectations on moral development (Narvaez & Rest, 1995).

Some modern moral models reclaim the utility of a "top-down" approach, from culture to individual, in an understanding of moral development. Don Collins Reed

(2008) proposed the construction of a moral model that presents stages as "structures of

interaction" (p. 358). Reed critiqued Kohlberg's study of moral reasoning, stating that moral action preempts the cognitive reasoning of morality. Reed's theory also attempted to reconcile the differences observed in morals and values among different populations. In his model, Reed stated that moral intentions are rooted in internalized past interactions with others rather than an internal process of cognitive development. In his model of

morality, social cognitive development involves becoming more attuned to self, others, and one's social world rather than adhering to external rules and expectations. Reed's theory presented major implications in the study of adolescent moral action due to his

emphasis on role taking as a process through which adolescents reformulate and

reappraise their morals. Social factors like stable friendships among adolescents correlate

with less problematic and unethical behaviors (Carlo, Fabes, Laible, & Kupanoff, 1999). Other moral models of the 21st Century have sought to incorporate

neurobiological findings in order to achieve a more complete picture to moral

development and ethical behavior. Darcia Narvaez (2008) presented the Triune Ethics

Theory (TET) in order to integrate cognitive and neuroscientific findings into a more comprehensive study of morality and identify contextual factors important to optimal moral development. She argued that emotions, thoughts, physiological responses, and

behaviors are inevitably intertwined. Many studies have shown the emotional and

neurological states constructed in early social development contribute to the design of a lifetime of behavioral patterns (Champagne & Meaney, 2006; Panksepp, 1998). Therefore, the brain's circuitry and autonomic bodily reactions are highly impacted by behavioral, physical, and emotional experiences within child and adolescent

development. And these neurobiological constructions contribute to a person's ability and tendency to make moral or immoral choices (Narvaez, 2008).

Narvaez's theory of TET identified three types of ethics that are based in

evolution and primed by an array of experiences and neurobiological systems. First, the

ethic of security describes a person's experience of seeking safety and security within the world. This type of ethical approach is believed to be the most primal and common

among people who endure unsafe or abusive conditions. Neurological and biological systems such as the parasympathetic and sympathetic systems that are continuously activated because of fear, prime someone for self-preservation and will develop more extensively than for a person who does not feel in frequent danger. Self-protective

behaviors will likely be specific to the life experiences of an individual adolescent and his

or her environment and may significantly mediate the moral decisions of a person when she feels in danger. Additionally, a person who has an over-developed ethic of security will be more likely to perceive danger in situations that others may not perceive as dangerous (Narvaez, 2008).

The concept TET labeled as the ethic of security was described as the most basic

way a person makes moral decisions (Narvaez, 2008). Decisions made by individuals

who predominantly engage this approach will often be less ethical as the security of the

decision-maker becomes the main focus and motivation (Darley & Batson, 1973). This

concept becomes crucial in understanding the moral development and ethical action of

female adolescents. First, female adolescents who frequently have felt or feel in danger,

will more likely revert to these self-preserving motivations when making moral decisions.

This assertion presents major implications about female adolescents who have

experienced trauma and abuse or grow up in a culture that is hostile toward them.

Caregiver treatment of children has been shown to significantly affect the organization of

the parasympathetic nervous system and therefore the development of other

neurobiological systems as well (Anderson et al., 2001). Additionally, research studying

adolescent brain development indicates that the more primal brain areas (and therefore

primal behavior) often dominate behaviors of adolescents who have not yet fully

developed more sophisticated brain areas like the prefrontal cortex associated with

reasoning (Giedd, Blumenthal, Jeffries, et al., 1999). The neurological systems related to

the ethic of security will therefore be more commonly used among adolescents than the

more sophisticated brain areas required for moral reasoning.

The second neurobiological system identified by Narvaez is considered more

evolved than the sympathetic and parasympathetic systems and involves a different ethic

she names the ethic of engagement. The ethic of engagement primarily uses the central

nervous system including the hypothalamic-limbic system. The TET described this

system as being the primary emotional system driving a person toward intimacy with

another person. This drive is influenced by the care and attachment formed by children

with primary caregivers (Narvaez, 2008). Researchers have shown that the neurobiology of attachment heavily mediates emotional and moral self-regulation (Gross, 2007;

Narvaez, 2008). Conversely, infants who were deprived of care and compassion have

shown changes in brain development that has been associated with hostility and

aggression in adolescent behavior (Kruesi et al, 1992). Chronic interpersonal stress such

as child abuse may disrupt both the development of the prefrontal cortex and emotional

functioning areas of the brain that are associated with controlling fear and using reason to assess ethical situations (Quirk, 2007). These alterations in brain development are

associated with adult personality traits focused on self-preservation without an equal focus on interpersonal morality (Henry & Want, 1998). This idea of the ethic of

engagement and interpersonal attachment as the root of moral behavior aligns with the

relational theories of moral development proposed by Carol Gilligan regarding females. The TET theory concluded with illustrating the final neurobiological system

associated with moral judgment. Narvaez (2008) named the ethic of imagination as engaging the neocortex and thalamic structures, associated with cognitive processing and the nervous system. Those neurological systems provide the capacity for problem solving and deliberate learning, primarily by utilizing the frontal lobe and amygdala (MacLean, 1990; Panksepp, 1998). This type of ethical processing may have been what Kohlberg was assessing, as it is less associated with emotions and attachment and more highly based in reason and logic. Higher order moral processing such as the ethic of imagination is also less likely to be seen among adolescents due to the lack of brain maturation and

the ability to reason abstractly (Narvaez, 2008; Piaget, 1977).

Other brain functions important in ambiguous ethical situations include free

choice and critical thinking, also taking place in a person's frontal lobe (Goldberg, 2002). Damage to frontal lobes in early life has been associated with antisocial behavior and

difficulty in assessing moral dilemmas (Damasio, 1999). Orbitofrontal cortex damage has been shown to be associated with low impulse control, trouble thinking ahead to consequences, and emotional dysregulation. This area of the brain is particularly related

to adolescent behavior because it is not fully developed by adolescence (Goldberg, 2002). Deliberate moral learning such as the ethic of imagination is associated with the frontal

lobe. Frontal lobe functioning may not always be available or utilized by adolescent females who at times when they engage more primal neuropsychological systems associated with security or attachment needs (Narvaez, 2008). Ethical dilemmas, like

those used in Kohlbergian research often present interpersonal information or needs in

which attachment centers of the brain are triggered. The ethic of imagination, therefore, may be less common or less possible for immature adolescent minds. It is a kind of moral

judgment that incorporates social justice and expands beyond self-interest and self-

protection. Given the egocentric nature of many adolescents, complicated moral decisions

may be more based in the ethic of security or engagement, rather than imagination. With an increase of complex and ambiguous situations in American society,

individuals must increase in cognitive capacity for reasoning in order to adapt her moral code. The complexity ofthat society's moral code increases in order to account for the

various and numerous social situations (Hallpike, 2008). American society, with all of its complexities, must therefore present an incorporation of these factors into an

understanding of morality. Within American culture and literature, the focus on the

individual within moral development has been dominant. However, more contemporary

literature about moral psychology incorporates the norms and expectations of group

psychology. One recent researcher would like to see the study of moral psychology move

in a direction more focused on interconnectedness and cooperation within groups (Haidt,

2008). It is with this cultural and gender awareness that the author of this dissertation

seeks to synthesize theories of moral development.

CHAPTER 6: FEMALE ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

The Female Experience in Adolescence

Adolescence has been described in psychological literature as "a crisis" (Erikson, 1961), an "upheaval" (Breger, 1974), and an "inevitable and necessary storm" (Hill, 1993), due to the high rates of emotionality and sometimes difficult behaviors common to

young men and women in this developmental period. Physiological transitions within

puberty mark the onset of menstruation, an influx of hormones, and potentially drastic anatomical changes among female adolescents. Estradiol increases females, effecting physical growth as well as possibly increasing aggression in females (Santrock, 2004). Environmental components also may influence biological systems during puberty. Factors shown to impact the hormonal system include stress, eating patterns, exercise, sexual activity, tension, and depression (Santrock, 2004). Variability in physiological changes, then, may present in adolescents with different familial, athletic, mental health, and interpersonal experiences.

The age of puberty onset varies by geographical region, though the average onset for females is between the ages of eleven and fourteen. The experience of puberty for females introduces sexuality into the developmental process, as an adolescent attempts to form and understand her identity (Abbott, 2001). The temporal onset of puberty in adolescents has been shown to be associated with differences in personality and interpersonal relational stances among adolescents. Specifically for females, an early or late onset of puberty, in relation to her peers, has been found to correlate with lower

levels of self esteem (Offerman-Zuckerberg, 1988). In accordance with Gilligan's

research of adolescent females, the physical and social changes that accompany adolescence for females create a pressure to disconnect from childhood and enter an adult

culture that may seem difficult and more likely to judge a woman by her beauty and

sexuality (Gilligan, 1982). Abbott (2001) identified a shift in the process of self-

identification that occurs in adolescence. She stated an adolescent self concept emerges

according to relational or social perceptions, replacing the earlier childhood identity that

was highly based in a more singular self-appraisal. The self esteem of a female

adolescent and the social and relational messages she receives, therefore, present major implications regarding her identity and sense of self.

Though gender socialization begins in childhood, the process continues into

adolescence and adulthood. Specifically, as adolescent females more extensively explore their social world and cultural messages, they gain more information about what it means

to be female in American culture. The meaning of being feminine or masculine may vary by culture and geographical region, and the gender identity that a female adolescent

forms is based in biological, familial, societal, and cultural components (Kimmel, 2004).

According to Michael Kimmel' s (2004) theory, gender is constructed by an individual's

identity, interpersonal interactions, and institutional messages, as well as an interaction

between these three constructs.

American research in gender role socialization has demonstrated a correlation

between masculine role socialization and the ability of a female adolescent to be

authentic to herself (Theran, 2009). Conversely, the internalization of feminine traits has

predicted a lowered psychological well-being among Caucasian female adolescents in the

United States (Smolak & Munstertieger, 2002). Both biological changes and gender- specific social expectations create a unique experience of puberty and sometimes challenging transitions in adolescence for females (Kimmel, 2004; Konopka, 1966; Offerman-Zuckerberg, 1988). For both males and females, adolescence often marks the

onset of mental health disorders (American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual ofMental Disorders, Fourth Edition [DSM-IV], 1994). Adolescence is also associated with increasing occurrences of eating disorders, pregnancy, and suicide among females (Abbott, 2001). In general, females report less body satisfaction in

adolescence than males (DeLatmater & Friedrich, 2002), and over one-half of teenage girls use unhealthy weight control behaviors (Neumark-Sztainer, 2005). Approximately one-fifth of all high school students reported seriously contemplating suicide in the United States in 2005, and females were significantly more likely to consider suicide than males across all ethnic groups (MacKay & Duran, 2007).

Writers and researchers studying female psychology in 1900s America called for

more attention to the specific experiences of women and girls in adolescence, citing societal and familial failures that may result in growing rates of criminal behavior and

other concerns in teenage girls (Konopka, 1966; Offerman-Zuckerberg, 1988). Offerman- Zuckerberg (1988) offered suggestions that may be causing adolescence and puberty to be a time of "vulnerability and creativity" for females (p. 3). She theorized the fragility of a female's body image, sexuality, and sense of autonomy often results in feelings of insecurity and destructive or morally questionable behaviors. Media sources paint a picture of drug use, sexual activity, and bullying as common to adolescent females in

contemporary American society. The biological and interpersonal changes that some

females find difficult in adolescence may contribute to a strong need to define oneself

and form attachments that guarantee affiliation rather than isolation (Brown & Gilligan,

1992). At times when out-group and in-group rules are applied to peer populations,

affiliation may come at the price of mutual respect and care for others. One example of

this phenomenon is relational aggression found among many female peer groups in

American culture.

Social scientists have used the label "relational aggression" to describe the

indirect and often interpersonal expression of anger many adolescent females employ

rather than the outward physical aggression often more common to adolescent males

(Burton, 2009; Hadley, 2004). Gender differences in the expression of aggression have

been found in research since the 1960s (Feshbach, 1969; Hadley, 2004). Examples of

relational aggression include gossiping, verbal abuse, excluding others from a group, the

silent treatment, and cyber abuse (Burton, 2009). This type of relational warfare exhibits

common ways that adolescent females often perpetrate passive aggression toward each

other. The widespread nature of relational aggression creates a competitive and at times

unsafe culture for females who often act as perpetrators and victims at different times in

their adolescence. Influences like the competition between females exacerbated by the

media may also contribute to the widespread nature of relational aggression between

female adolescents (Burton, 2009). The inclination of a female adolescent to engage in

relational aggression is likely impacted by her development and cohesion of moral

values. Because researchers of relational aggression propose that much of what

influences the occurrence of these behaviors is culturally and social constructed, the development of a stable moral identity may be important for female adolescents to

combat pressures to engage in this form of indirect aggression (Hadley, 2004). The concept of relational aggression may present updates for Carol Gilligan's earlier theories regarding the interpersonal nature of female adolescent morality.

Relational aggression may be impacted by the socialization of females to use

verbal communication and suppress feelings of aggression (Burton, 2009). Females in American society often receive messages about being "lady-like," while males may be reinforced to engage in activities like boxing and wrestling and more physical forms of aggression and competition. Consequently, female adolescents who also experience the feeling of anger often use more indirect ways of expressing that anger such as passive aggressive interpersonal styles. Females may be socialized to express certain emotions while males are often socialized to deny the very same emotions (Tavris, 1992). This gender difference influences how a female adolescent may conceptualize herself, love, and others around her, as a result. Additionally, Gilligan noted female adolescents are

often extremely attuned to others' feelings and reactions (Gilligan, 1982). This kind of attunement fosters a detail-oriented style for observing others' insecurities, thus

providing information to be used in a relationally aggressive way (Burton, 2009). Though Gilligan's studies typically showed a desire of female adolescents to build and maintain

relationships, this author hypothesizes that a new girl culture has made it easier and more

important for females to maintain in-group cohesion through relational aggression.

Although it is thought to be less common among females, physical aggression and

criminal behavior in adolescence impacts the lives and well-being of many female adolescents in contemporary American society. Between 1991 and 2000, arrests for

females increased more or showed less of a decrease than male arrests in most types of criminal offenses, including violent crimes. By 2004, females accounted for 30% of all

juvenile arrests (Hawkins et al., 2009). The moral development of adolescent females

likely highly impacts the widespread nature of criminal activity. The occurrence of being victimized by physical and sexual assault has been shown to be a risk factor that

increases the likelihood that a female adolescent will engage in criminal activity.

Approximately 1.6 million adolescents reported they were victims of a violent crime in

the United States in 2004, and female adolescents were shown to be four times more

likely to be victims of sexual assault than women in any other age group (MacKay & Duran, 2007).

Risk factors have been shown to interact with protective factors such as school

success to account for the likelihood of female adolescent criminal behavior (Hawkins et

al., 2009). The engagement of an adolescent in activities that allow her to develop and

practice autonomous decision-making and critical-thinking skills also reduce the

likelihood that she will become involved with the juvenile justice system (Scott &

Steinberg, 2009). The strongest protective factor against female adolescent antisocial

behavior according to many studies is the presence and attachment to a caring adult or parent (Hawkins et al., 2009; Scott & Steinberg, 2009; Theran, 2009).

Parenting and the parent child relationship influences the psychological well- being and moral ability of female adolescents. Parental identification has been shown to

correlate with the development of empathy (Damon, 1988). The parental relationship serves as a model for future relationships, and a poor attachment may predict a female adolescent's ability to develop a strong-willed voice and sense of self (Theran, 2009). Although an adolescent is believed to internalize the values of her parents and self control eventually replaces parental control, different parenting techniques have been shown to

be more or less effective in fostering moral growth (Kochanska, 2002; Santrock, 2004). The level of affective discomfort children experienced about wrongdoing correlated directly to the instruction of parents to point out the negative impact of the behaviors on others (Volling et al., 2009). One research study indicated that children of mothers who

use a power-oriented discipline display less guilt and therefore seem thwarted in the

development of empathy. When gender differences were examined in this study, female children showed more guilt than male participants in response to behaviors in general (Kochanska, 2002). It is possible that the societal messages about females having less power and at times less respect impact the discipline styles parents use for female

children as well as the way a child interprets parental interventions.

Gender impacts a female adolescent's options, decisions, and behaviors in

multiple realms of her life (Abbott, 2001). Gisella Konopka (1966) theorized that a double-standard of morality in American society exists for male and female adolescents.

Recent research has supported the idea of gender stereotyped moral expectations

(Nunner-Winkler, 2007). Behaviors like aggression among adolescents have historically

been judged differently according to gender (Hadley, 2004). In studying antisocial

behaviors among adolescent females, Konopka (1966) pointed out that behaviors such as

sexual promiscuity and substance abuse often directly relate to the past experience of

trauma or present experience of mental health symptoms among female adolescents. Her

work supported psychoanalytic models that emphasize early childhood relational

experiences in the moral development of female adolescents. Konopka presented major

implications for the study of morality within specific cultural groups of adolescents,

specifically populations in which abuse or trauma is common. The adolescent experience

of females is highly mediated by family experiences, ethnic group, socioeconomic status, and other parts of the teen's cultural context.

A Modern Social Culture

American culture also has a stake in the moral development of adolescent

females, as the female influence in government, business, and other powerful realms of society continues to rise. Prosocial skills in adolescents are associated with better success

in school and consequent career success (Carlo et al, 1999). Kegan (1982) presented a

"paradox of morals" questioning whether what is moral is based in society or if society is

designed in response to what is moral. Parents use society values to discipline the will of

an adolescent that will help that adolescent better navigate through society. However,

there may be times that an adolescent's "counterwill" aligns more closely with what is

right and moral than the societal expectation (Kegan, 1982). Political resistance

movements such as those who denounced slavery and the Holocaust despite societal

norms serve as an example of cases in which what is moral seems to be the opposite of

what society dictates. The female adolescent voice of opposition and moral agency

therefore present significant implications about the tone and climate of American society.

According to Erikson's appraisal of 1960s society, industrialization has injured

man's identity and contributed to a more enigmatic or diffuse purpose in life. He

maintained that the dichotomy between an individual and nature has been exacerbated by American society's increasing distance from basic and natural interactions (Erikson,

1964). In contemporary American society, adolescents are faced with more challenges

and opportunities than ever before (Abbott, 2001). With the cognitive, psychological, and

social development taking place within adolescence, adolescents may become more

aware of society as a whole and beyond the intimate dyadic relationships (Damon, 1983).

In terms of morality and identity, an individual's moral standards or understanding of

ethics can at times conflict with familial, institutional, and cultural values (Turiel, 2008). In these cases, the type of identity and strength of character an adolescent possesses affects her behavior and moral agency.

Children and adolescents in the United States are expected to attend junior and

senior high school. American adolescents may attend private schools, public schools,

alternative schools, or engage in home schooling. The majority of American adolescent

females attend high school, many participating in oversized classrooms or enduring potentially violent school climates. The size of an adolescent's school has been shown to

play a role in prosocial development, as smaller schools allow for more familiar faces and

more opportunities for prosocial interactions (Carlo et al., 1999). The challenge and

quality of instruction received by adolescents in high school may vary by the school as

well as be different depending on the student's gender. One study in 1994 exposed the tendency for teachers to call on male students for answers more than female students in

the classroom sending distinct messages about gender inequality to both boys and girls (Kimmel, 2004; Orenstein, 1994). The quality of education a female adolescent receives

influences her development of self esteem and competency. Recent research also

indicated that the development and maintenance of goals among female adolescents were

strongly associated with a lower occurrence of high-risk behaviors that included sexual

promiscuity and drug use (Garinger, 2000). Facing and overcoming challenging situations has been shown to be both a byproduct of strong identity formation in

adolescence and a major contributor to an adolescent's preparedness to enter the adult

world (Csikszentmihalyi & Schneider, 2000; Nowinski, 2007).

In addition to educational instruction received in the classroom, adolescents attain

much of the necessary components that aid the transition from childhood to adulthood

within family systems. Family structure and parenting practices largely impact adolescent life and moral development. Sibling relationships may impact prosocial development as well because they provide an adolescent the opportunity to try out relational roles and

perspective taking. Parent and sibling relationships interact with the individual

temperament and personality of the adolescent to influence adolescent social

development and relational patterns (Carlo et al., 1999). Divorce and family conflict also highly impact the experience of American teenagers today, and the picture of a typical American family has transformed throughout history. Research that examined American

households in 2005 reported that 25% of non-Hispanic white adolescents, 60% of non-

Hispanic black adolescents, and 35% of Hispanic adolescents resided in a single-parent household (MacKay & Duran, 2007). The self development of adolescents has been

shown to be challenged by experiences of family conflict and instability (Marsh et al., 2007). In one study, youths who had experienced family conflict tended to have less

stable and inconsistent resources from which to develop a "sense of cohesion." This

"sense of cohesion" mediated many factors of adolescent resilience. Unfortunately, as researchers explained, children in abusive and conflictual families often learn to

externalize anger and create negative patterns of interpersonal interactions that decrease

the likelihood of both seeking or accepting help from positive resources (Marsh et al., 2007). Behavioral patterns can include immoral choices and antisocial tendencies.

In 2002, research by Mann and Gilliom indicated there are two main mediating factors between family conflict exposure and child adjustment—the child's cognitive appraisals of the conflict and the child's feelings of emotional security. Both of these factors may be affected and threatened by family discord. Researchers hypothesized that family conflict invokes and reinforces a child's thoughts and feelings of vulnerability and threat. In this way, a child's identity and continued perception of an inability to control or cope with family conflict, abuse, or neglect may lead to helplessness, pessimism, and perceived inadequacy. In order to avoid negative emotions and threats to the self,

therefore, children learn to cope with the abuse or neglect they encounter in the family environment. As seen in many cases, coping techniques may evolve quite maladaptively, especially when children have a faulty perception and poor modeling in their social

environment (Cummings, Davies, & Campbell, 2000; Erikson, 1968). In these cases, children may develop the tendency to seek out risk behaviors such as drug use, unsafe sex, or gang involvement. In addition to distracting an adolescent from his or her home

environment and disruptive parental relationships, these three behaviors can serve other

functions for an adolescent who is seeking symptom relief, dissociation from reality, affection or intimacy with another, and acceptance by peers.

Parental socialization measures of connection and involvement, family regulation, and psychological autonomy have been associated significantly with adolescent deviant behaviors (Herman, Dornbusch, Herron, & Herting, 1997). Cummings, Davies, and Campbell (2000) explained children from high conflict homes are more susceptible to externalizing behaviors like excessive aggression, unacceptable conduct, vandalism, noncompliance, and delinquency. Their research reflected that child reactions to family conflict are more commonly to externalize rather than internalize behaviors. Normalized

aggressive or antisocial behaviors increase the likelihood of risk-taking behaviors in abused adolescents. The absence of parents may create problems in the family structure as well. Absentee parents can lead to less structure in the home and more delinquency among adolescent children. Adolescent females whose fathers were not present have shown the more disturbances in family relationships than males whose fathers were not in their lives (Amato & Booth, 1997), perhaps indicating a significance in the preserved family unit within female adolescence.

Studies have shown school connectedness, family connectedness, and religiosity serve as protective factors for females in predicting engagement in criminal activity

(Good, Willoughby, & Fritjers, 2009; Hawkins, Graham, Williams, & Zahn, 2009). In many cases, religion may provide answers to moral questions that may or may not be internalized by American adolescents. Religious participation may also provide

adolescents with activities and role models to influence and interact with the development of their identities (Smith & Denton, 2005). One recent study demonstrated the majority of adolescents between the ages of thirteen and seventeen attended religious services at least twice a month (52%) and reported that religion played an important role in daily life (51%) (Smith & Denton, 2005). This study suggests religion may impact the culture and life of a contemporary American teenager. The lifespan course of religiosity seems to vary between different religions, but a drop in religiosity is often seen in late adolescence

with the co-occurrence of college attendance (Dillon & Wink, 2007). Adolescent spirituality tends to reflect the level of spirituality of the adult culture in which they reside with the most influential factor on spiritual involvement being the involvement of the adolescent's parents (Smith & Denton, 2005). Again, parental behaviors appear to mediate adolescent choices and behaviors in a developmental phase associated with early identity formation.

In adolescence, the reduction in religious service attendance may actually correlate with an increase in independence and social development. Many adolescents show a decline in religious service attendance while increasing involvement in prosocial clubs (Good et al., 2009). These trends may relate to norms within peer groups and the trend among adolescents to distance themselves from parental control in later stages of identity development. Social comparison in adolescence serves as a significant tool in the

development of identity and self regulation (Bandura, 1991). Albert Bandura explained self regulation takes place in part by comparing oneself to others, and cognitive appraisals of these comparisons are reinforced by feelings of pride or shame evoked. Additionally, the reactions of others to one's actions present information and evoke

feelings contributing to the internalization of a self regulatory process (Bandura, 1991). Adolescents use the people important in their communities and surrounding

cultures to fill social comparison roles. One important component of adolescent life, therefore, is the social system in which they live. In 2004, two-fifths of the adolescent

population in the United States was comprised of non-white racial and ethnic groups. The percentage of adolescents belonging to immigrant families grew to 22% in 2004 as well

(MacKay & Duran, 2007). The racial and ethnic background of an adolescent impacts her development and experience in American society. One researcher proposed that ethnic minorities, immigrant adolescents, and adolescents growing up in low socioeconomic classes may not experience the stable "transitional period" required for identity formation (Tartakovsky, 2009). These populations must be examined more closely to understand how culture in adolescence shapes moral and identity development. Protective factors shown to contribute to a more successful adolescent development include low incidences

of discrimination, and for immigrants, a smooth acculturation process (Tartakovsky, 2009).

The socioeconomic status of an adolescent's family and neighborhood affects her culture and experiences significantly (Cummings & Davies, 1994; Hawkins et al., 2009; MacKay & Duran, 2007). In 2005, nearly 16% of adolescents in the United States lived

in families with incomes lower than the poverty threshold, with an additional 20% of

adolescent families living near this threshold. Adolescents from financially disadvantaged families are more likely to experience poor health, become teenage parents, drop out of school, and be unemployed as adults or earn less than average as adults (MacKay & Duran, 2007).The socioeconomic status of an adolescent may also highly impact her ability to feel safe or find motivations and meaning in life. The ability to find meaning in life presents implications about an adolescent's identity formation (Nowinski, 2007) as well as the ability to foresee and desire to avoid negative consequences of unethical behaviors. Residence in a disadvantaged neighborhood serves as a risk factor for female

adolescent engagement in criminal activity (Hawkins et al., 2009). The choice to engage in antisocial behaviors among adolescents is associated with school engagement as well as educational and occupational opportunities, both factors that are highly impacted by one's socioeconomic status. Adolescents belonging to lower socioeconomic statuses

more often viewed antisocial behaviors as socially acceptable than adolescents in other

economic classes (Cook, Buehler, & Henson, 2009). Past research has reflected factors

like low socioeconomic status and low parental involvement may increase a teenager's likelihood to join gangs, use drugs, or practice unsafe sex (Cummings & Davies, 1994). Studies also indicate that the reasons why female adolescents engage in antisocial behaviors may differ between African Americans and Caucasians. In one study specifically, African American female adolescents indicated neighborhood violence as

most influential while Caucasian female adolescents cited family abuse as the most likely factor to impact antisocial behavior (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009).

Child abuse, trauma, and exposure to violence is a widespread experience among adolescents, and these experiences highly impact adolescent culture and development. In 2007, 794,000 children were estimated to be victims of maltreatment in the United States (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). Research indicates that

exposure to violence and criminal activity predicts unethical and risk-taking behaviors among adolescents (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009; Ellis & Wolfe, 2009). Teens being raised in a violent environment also seems to more often seek control and status through controlling and perpetrating crimes against others (Ellis & Wolfe, 2009). Research examining intergenerational antisocial behavior indicates a relationship exists between parental behavior and adolescent behavior. Specifically, childhood and adolescent

antisocial behavior is mediated by the parenting style and attachment with the child, as opposed to a genetic predisposition to antisocial behavior. Additionally, depression among caregivers proved to be a major factor impacting attachment and future antisocial behavior among adolescents which presents major implications about the treatment of

mothers and fathers suffering from depression (Thornberry & Freeman-Gallant, 2009). Incidents of sexual assault are greater within adolescence for females in the

United States than in any other developmental period, and the occurrences of dating violence increase for females between the ninth to twelfth grade (MacKay & Duran, 2007). Dating and romantic relationships are important aspects of adolescent life, and it is within adolescence typically that males and females learn to be romantic and sexual.

Often this time includes confusion and vulnerability regarding sexual experiences (DeLatmater & Friedlach, 2002). An adolescent's understanding of sex and sexuality

continues to adjust and crystallize throughout adulthood, but the crucial period of puberty and adolescence supplies much of the sexual information that contributes to a lifetime of

thoughts, feelings, and behaviors regarding sex. Knowing oneself and accepting one's personal identity has been proposed to color the adolescent experience of dating (Fox, 2005). Dating scripts are more proactive for males than females who may behave mostly in reaction to the plans, cues, and desires of male partners (Santrock, 2004). Sexual behaviors among female adolescents may impact self, identity, and moral development (Woody, D'Souza, & Russell, 2003). Regarding dating, male adolescents are more

concerned with physical attractiveness of their partner while females pursue interpersonal connectedness (Santrock, 2004). Romantic relationships in adolescence may provide practice for role taking, caring, empathy, and other interpersonal skills.

Sexual behaviors in adolescents may also affect males and females differently emotionally, cognitively, and socially. The most typical female reason for regretting her first experience with sexual intercourse is a failure to "save" herself, implying that sex is often conceptualized by females as a loss of control or surrendering of one's body (Ingham, 2005). Oftentimes, especially due to religious values and a fear of pregnancy, females engage in non-penetration sexual activities like oral and hand gratification, perhaps as an attempt to "save" one's body from actual intercourse. Compared to males, females worry more about reputation, guilt, and pregnancy, and they are more likely to claim love is a perquisite to sexual relations (Ingham, 2005). The gender differences in moral decisions proposed by Gilligan may be evident in these findings. One study found motivations for engaging in sex most common to males included curiosity and peer

influences, while females most often listed a need to "feel safe and cared for." This study suggested that object relations theories can be generalized from parental relationships to intimate sexual relationships, emphasizing the importance of the attachment relationship as a contributor to the development of a personal identity and sexual behavior. Perhaps one's sexual identity is formed in an attachment relationship with one's sexual partner. If this is the case, the initial sexual experiences of a person are extremely important to his or her development and self (Woody et al., 2003).

In addition to dating, friendships and other peer interactions highly impact the daily lives of American adolescents. Stable friendships have been shown to be associated

with less problematic behaviors among adolescents (Carlo et al., 1999). A lack of social skills is related to a lack of empathy as well as participation in violent and unethical

behaviors among adolescents (Ellis & Wolfe, 2009). One study showed female

adolescents significantly cite the relationships with friends and parents as impacting their decision not to engage in antisocial behaviors whereas adolescent males typically focus on other factors (Cook et al, 2009).

Drug and alcohol use among adolescents appears to be a part of today's teen culture. In one self report study from 2005, 28% of 12-20 year olds reported drinking alcohol, 19% reported binge drinking, and one-fifth reported using marijuana in the past month (MacKay & Duran, 2007). Alcohol has been shown to impair attention, appraisal, declarative memory, and other cognitive processes that relate to the processing of experiences, affect, and behavior (Curtain & Lang, 2007). The influence of drug and alcohol use may impact an adolescent's propensity to engage in antisocial behaviors.

Additionally, vulnerability to developing a substance addiction peaks between the ages of fifteen and nineteen. Positron emission tomography (PET) scans have shown that alcohol

dependent individuals will have reduced levels of brain metabolism in the left parietal and right frontal cortex regions of the brain (Doweiko, 1999). This finding presents implications for the effects of chronic alcohol use on a person's neurological abilities such as motivation, planning, speech, writing, calculating, and social knowledge. Understanding and engagement in moral choices requires the use of adeptness in many of these functions. The use and abuse of alcohol, therefore, jeopardizes the moral decisions and development of female adolescents.

One study indicated adolescents may view certain behaviors such as sexual

activity and substance use as a personal choice as opposed to antisocial behaviors that are considered moral decisions (Moore, 2000). This distinction may relate to the understanding of who is hurt by the behavior—the self or another. Research has shown

that conformity to antisocial behaviors, including acts that are hurtful toward others, increases during adolescence (Berndt, 1979). Female adolescent morality is highly influenced by their experiences in relationships, role experimentation, and the expectations of others (Abbott, 2001; Garinger, 2000). The present American culture and the norms of the adolescent subgroup seem to play a large role in the development of morality among female adolescents.

The rates of problematic adolescent behavior have been rising consistently since the 1990s (APA, 2002). It is within the period of adolescence that attitudes and values

toward behaviors like substance use and other morally-impacted behaviors are developed.

Modem societies in the United States present more options for adolescent choice with

increasing and often mixed messages from various sources like neighborhoods, peers,

families, and the media (Abbott, 2001). Research by Garinger (2000) identified cultural

influences as a dominant factor contributing to morality in female adolescents. The

increasing level of independence adolescents are experiencing from their parents in the

United States, often being replaced by more extensive relationships with peers, is

impacting moral development changes seen in adolescents (Abbott, 2001).

Changes in American culture contribute to the relevant issues among female

adolescents in regard to their development of an identity and moral competence. The

pressures and challenges adolescent females encounter may increase the amount of stress

and anxiety present in their lives. Adolescents who experience high levels of anxiety have

a more difficult time with identity formation as they often second-guess themselves and

the attributes important to their identities (Crocetti, Klimstra, Keijsers, Hale, & Meeus,

2009). The emergence of identity, self, and morality among female adolescents also

highly relates to the development of a personality and later life experiences. For example,

a longitudinal study conducted in 1985 (Kahn, Zimmerman, Csikszentmihalyi, & Getzels,

1985) suggested that females who scored low on a scale measuring identity in

adolescence were more likely to be divorced or separated from marriages in the when

surveyed in middle adulthood. Psychological concepts like self, identity, and internal

relational models represent important areas of interest when studying morality among

female adolescents. Research has indicated antisocial behaviors among female

adolescents are more likely to be impacted by intimate interpersonal experiences such as

family or partner abuse rather than the broader cultural context, though both likely play a role in moral development (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009). The social constructs impacting females in society must be incorporated to psychological developmental theories in order to explore morality in American female adolescents.

CHAPTER 7: AN INTEGRATION

Are Psychoanalytic Models of Female Adolescent Morality Relevant?

Psychoanalytic models of female morality have drastically changed and adapted to developments in the field since Sigmund Freud (1923) presented the concept of the superego. Though theories of superego development were based in the clinical

experiences of psychoanalytic therapists, cultural shifts in scientific research began demanding measurable and replicable studies of human behavior. Behavioral and social theories introduced a reductionistic view of modeling and external reinforcements that

serve as the basis for moral and immoral behaviors. Though leaders in psychological research at this time presented compelling ideas such as Bandura's social learning theory (1977), other clinicians emphasized the importance of internal and individual factors in moral choices. Jean Piaget (1965, 1977) and Lawrence Kohlberg (1984) studied the cognitive development and reasoning skills playing a role in an individual's ability to resolve ethical dilemmas. Cognitive theorists refocused moral behavioral research on an

individual's internal experiences and capacities. Feminist researcher, Carol Gilligan (1982, 1988) responded to Kohlberg's male-biased stages of moral development with gender-based research of her own. Gilligan laced together intrapsychic development with the social influences of gender-based behavioral expectations to examine how the internalized messages girls receive mediate moral choice and agency.

Gilligan' s focus on interconnectedness as moral motivation for female

adolescents aligns with psychoanalytic theories of moral development, stemming from an infant's dependence on her parent and the fear of abandonment and unmet needs. The

refocus on female moral development by utilizing research information about socialization and cognitive development sparks a returned look at the internalization

process of morality in development. In this way, psychoanalytic theories of moral

development continue to contribute unique glimpses into the way a person perceives external and internal experiences and organizes these experiences into a dynamic personality. Contemporary relational theories of psychology have updated psychoanalytic literature by acknowledging the intrapsychic and interpersonal factors involved in all experiences and therefore all moral decisions.

As psychodynamic psychology continued to transition into the closing of the 20th century and into the 21st century, contemporary relational theories transformed traditional

intrapsychic psychoanalysis to include an interpersonal focus on relationships and mutuality. In referencing adolescent development, Bendtro, Brokenleg, and Van Bockern (1990) emphasized the importance of having the opportunity to be of value to others in

the development of an adolescent's own value system. Within the contemporary relational orientation, a large component to an individual's self and capacity for empathy seems contingent upon an established and internalized understanding of relationships with others. Stolorow et al. (1995) used a relational stance in expanding upon self psychological concepts rooted in Kohutian self psychology. Within their literary contributions, "affect integration," identified parental relationships with a child's self as key to the personality development and relational style of adolescents and adults. It is by examining the social and interpersonal forces behind development, especially the attachment between a child and her parents, that clinicians begin to understand the

internalized identity and moral behaviors of an individual. Relational psychoanalytic theories seek to encapsulate the internalized social and attachment messages about self as others into a more complete understanding of personality and human behavior.

The area of neuropsychology has emerged in the past four decades with the

purpose of concretizing biological, cognitive, and emotional responses and how these

responses mediate human behavior (Damasio, 1994). Authors using neuropsychology to inform their theories regarding morality like Darcia Narvaez (2008) reconcile some of the demands of current scientific directions and the past research findings of theorists like Piaget, Kohlberg, and Gilligan. Moral actions and decisions are based in internalized

relational experiences that establish connections and changes in a person's brain and autonomic system (Reed, 2008). Research has demonstrated that these internalized

emotional and neurological states impacted by relational experiences provide a basis for a lifetime of behavioral patterns (Champagne & Meaney, 2006; Panksepp, 1988). Behaviors considered moral or immoral are therefore included in the patterns designed by early childhood attachments.

As earlier psychoanalytic authors suggested, the trust and gratification of an infant's relationships have been shown by neuropsychological research to lay the foundation for personality development and moral behaviors. Freud's proposed superego may be defined as a child's attempt to compromise between parental, social, and personal motivations, with the overall goal of maintaining parental love and care. Also aligning with neuropsychological findings, Melanie Klein proposed that a child develops relational behavior by internalizing the parent or "early object" as a guide (Alford, 1989).

More recent literature uses psychoanalytic concepts such as parental identification and

identity formation to predict moral behaviors and the development of empathy (Damon, 1983; Nunner-Winkler, 2007), solidifying the argument that psychoanalytic theories of moral development are relevant to the current dialogue.

What Concepts Should Provide the Foundation for Developing a Contemporary Psychoanalytic Model of the Emergence of Moral

Thinking and Behavior in Female Adolescents?

In wading through hundreds of pages written by various authors about key factors in development and moral behavior, a distinct few concepts emerge as providing the foundation for developing a contemporary psychoanalytic model of the emergence of morality in female adolescents. Erik Erikson's concept of identity proves to be especially relevant regarding the developmental period of adolescence. Additionally, Erikson's theory posits that individuals either successfully develop an identity or do not (Erikson, 1959). An individual who has developed a cohesive identity will likely show consistent behavioral responses in moral situations—either responding with empathy and care or responding with apathy or malice. An individual without a solidified identity in place will instead be influenced by social contexts, cognitive limitations, and behavioral reinforcements. The seeming randomness or consistency of an adolescent's moral choices, therefore, are determined by and related to identity development.

A female adolescent's development of identity can be impacted by relational experiences, societal messages, and cultural norms. In adolescence, individuals seek a compromise between parental, societal, and personal expectations. Erik Erikson

explained that adolescents incorporate information from peers, in addition to parental feedback, to establish a feeling of self esteem and self continuity (Erikson, 1982). Gendered messages found in American families and communities, therefore, impact the way a female adolescent develops her identity as well as the type of identity developed. Erikson proposed role experimentation as the foundation for a more stable sense of self-

understanding and identity (Erikson, 1961). Therefore, the types of roles deemed as

socially-acceptable for females may mediate a female adolescent's range of identity qualities. Additionally, as ideology and an investment in one's society in adolescence provides a basis for the developing moral identity in adolescence (Erikson, 1968), the gender inequality and discrimination existing in contemporary American society can negatively impact identity formation in females.

Carol Gilligan (1988) stressed connectedness as a core component of being female and therefore an important concept to consider when studying gender differences in adolescence. Gilligan contended that the individuation process expected in adolescence may be challenging to females who struggle to remain attached to the parental relationship. Similarly, Nona Lyons (1988) echoed Gilligan's emphasis on female

connectedness as a core element of self-definition and identity for females. In this way, connectedness and the implications of gender expectations in a contemporary American

society present invaluable information regarding the establishment of a female's identity. In turn, the concept of identity, as a developmental stage common to adolescence must be

included when designing a comprehensive understanding about female adolescent morality.

Another important concept to be included in a contemporary psychoanalytic theory of female adolescent moral development is the Kohutian sense of self. Heinz

Kohut (1977, 1984) and Donald Winnicott (1958, 1963, 1971) detailed a process through which a child develops a self and the potential pitfalls to self development. Winnicott

wrote about "good enough mothering" as the basis for a female adolescent's emerging self. It is through the empathie care-giving, with realistic limitations, that a child is able

to develop a reality-based sense of self and establish a cooperative role in her world

(Winnicott, 1971). This "true self is then infused with concern and responsibility toward others, as an adolescent recognizes her interconnectedness with others (Winnicott, 1958). Through this interconnectedness, Winnicott proposed moral codes are established and

solidified by children who utilize relational experiences as well as emphasized cultural values to determine behavior (Winnicott, 1963b).

Heinz Kohut echoed the Winnicottian theory that the development of a true and

cohesive self depends upon a caregiver's ability to empathically respond and encourage a growing child (Kohut, 1977). He emphasized the importance of a child receiving mirroring and idealized guidance from caregivers in order to internalize or "transmute"

self esteem and moral competence (Seigel, 1996). Although the self is theorized to develop within early childhood, adolescence presents a critical transition from

dependence to independence in which female adolescents may reinforce the establishment of a cohesive or disintegrated self or begin a pattern of reparative relational experiences. Specifically, Kohut proposed that adolescents may engage in aggressive or relationally antisocial behaviors in order to protect themselves from previously

internalized injuries to the self (Kohut, 1977). Conversely, adolescence may be the ideal developmental period for corrective experiences that may challenge parentally established feelings of destructiveness. The concept of the self certainly provides important implications about an adolescent's behavior and the mediation of identity formation in adolescents, via relational experiences affecting self cohesion.

One example of how the self development impacts behaviors may be found in the

cases of parental neglect as described by one self psychologist (Siegel, 1996). Parental neglect within childhood can impact the development of self structures and subsequently lead to the development of maladaptive coping behaviors or poor decision-making in adolescence. Kohut' s theory of self psychology emphasized the importance of a child's needs being mirrored by a parent in order to develop a sense of safety and self-worth. Parental identification and the parent-child relationship serve as a model for future

relationships and the development of empathy (Damon, 1988; Theran, 2009). Kohut described the importance of parental prompting for the child to become more self-

sufficient at the proper time at which the child is capable of meeting challenges. The process of idealizing a parent as a need-fulfiller is crucial for a child to transfer self-

centered narcissism into a more healthy integration of self-reliance (Siegel, 1996). Studies indicate the attachment to a caring adult or parent is the most significant protective factor against adolescent antisocial behavior (Hawkins et al, 2009; Scott & Steinberg, 2009).

Female children and adolescent require mirroring and identification with an

idealized selfobject in order to develop and maintain a cohesive self. Unfortunately, many

female children and adolescents fall victim to trauma, poverty, and abuse. Drug abuse and depression among parents also negatively impacts the caregiver's ability to provide adequate nurturance, attachment, and support (Thornberry & Freeman-Gallant, 2009). If a child's needs are left unmet by parents who have less time or capacities to attend to them, faulty self systems may develop. In one study, less monitoring from parents that participants reported predicted higher narcissism scores for those participants. This 2006 article goes on to state that "love withdrawal," by parents may promote unhealthy narcissistic tendencies for a child and undermine the development of self structures (Horton et al., 2006) and prosocial behavior. These underdeveloped self structures (as seen by narcissistic personality traits) prevent a child from transitioning from external to internal sources of competency.

Kohut (1977) described certain behaviors as "defensive and compensatory structures," that seek to cover up a defect in the self. Horton and colleagues (2006) align with Kohution theory by explaining that the "narcissistic self seeks external validation

of behavior, consistent with poor choices and maladaptive interpersonal relationships. The absence of one parent may be disruptive to the development of females in the home and family relationships (Amato & Booth, 1997). In this way, narcissistic adolescents and

adults who may have experienced neglectful parenting as children are more likely to become intensely emotional or aggressive in response to negative interactions with

others. Additionally, these adolescents may choose external regulating sources like drugs and excessively invest in activities in which the approval of peers may be elicited. Normalized antisocial behaviors in certain subcultures, peer groups, or families may

increase the likelihood of participation in immoral behaviors. An underdeveloped self or

identity can jeopardize the development of a solid and consistent moral system in female

adolescents, and these concepts therefore provide vital information in conceptualizing moral development in this population.

This author proposes a specific emphasis additional concept is also necessary in

providing the basis for a psychoanalytic model of moral development for female

adolescents. Attachment must be considered in examining female adolescent moral

development and prosocial tendencies. With respect to the neuroemotional differences

shown to take place within development in response to early relational experiences of an

individual, the subsequently developed attachment model is important to consider in a

contemporary psychoanalytic model of morality. Developed models for attachment,

closeness, empathy, and morality create changes in a child's brain and biological

development. The Triune Ethics Theory (TET), presented by Darcia Narvaez (2008) identifies some ways in which emotions, thoughts, physiology, and behaviors are

intertwined. Depending on a child's caregiving experiences including instances the level

of perceived safety and security, biological systems such as the parasympathetic and

sympathetic systems are activated (Anderson et al., 2001). A child who grows up in an

unsafe environment with an insecure attachment may develop the tendency to use more

primal and self-protective behaviors in response to others due to her neurobiological development. This kind of tendency directly relates to a female adolescent's moral

behavior as self-protective motives are often not pro-social.

Another relationally impacted neurobiological system includes areas of the central

nervous system including the hypothalamic-limbic system. This system is associated with attachment and intimacy with others (Narvaez, 2008). Chronic interpersonal stress as a child such as child abuse or other experiences of relational trauma can disrupt the development of empathy and interpersonal morality for female adolescents (Henry & Want, 1998; Kruesi et al., 1992). Researchers have also demonstrated supporting data linking early relational development to a lifetime of behavioral patterns or a more stable personality (Champagne & Meaney, 2006; Panksepp, 1998). Data regarding contemporary American culture indicate high rates of violence and abuse among female children and adolescents, especially minority populations (MacKay & Duran, 2007; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). This presents a major implication about the development of secure attachment, beyond a self-protective state, to moral development among females and the subsequent neurobiological and moral consequences.

Are There Core Constructs in Current Psychoanalytic Thinking Providing an Adequate Account of the Emergence of Identity and Self in Female Adolescents in Relation to Moral Development?

Ego psychologist Heinz Hartmann emphasized that human behavior constantly adapts to the social environment throughout the lifetime, placing tremendous importance on cultural factors. His contemporary, Margaret Mahler suggested gender identity as a key component of developmental psychology, calling for attention and insight regarding influences and meanings of being female in American culture (Blank & Blanck, 1974).

Theories describing the emergence of identity and self in female adolescents, as described by Erikson, Winnicott, and Kohut, provide important insight for contemporary theories of moral development. However, these authors wrote from within specific historical contexts, different from today's American culture. Much of what is written

about females in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s is impacted dramatically by the cultural undertones regarding gender differences and even gender inequality. Erikson acknowledged that identity formation theories must be updated to reflect changes in American culture such as an increasing number of mothers working outside of the home and the increased number of divorces and one-parent households (Erikson, 1968). He failed to provide adequate predictions for how these changes and changes in gender roles will change an adolescent's experience and identity because these determinations could only be made by writers within a more contemporary society.

Self psychology theories emerging in the 1960s and 1970s also show outdated

inferences regarding family structure and gender development when applied to a contemporary American society. Early caregiving relationships are hypothesized in psychodynamic theories to impact how a person develops a sense of self and attachments toward others. The strength and quality of the parent-child relationship influences a female adolescent's ability to develop a sense of self (Theran, 2009). Neurobiological findings link these relationships and experiences of trauma or safety to lifelong emotional, social, and behavioral tendencies, due to specifically emphasized brain and physiological connections (Champagne & Meaney, 2006; Panksepp, 1998). Cognitive and neurological research also suggests that cognitive capacities and personal strengths

are related to identity formation and the roles an adolescent is able to fill in the world

(Csikszentmihalyi & Schneider, 2000; Nowinski, 2007; Piaget, 1965). Like cognitive development and the intellectual capacities of female adolescents,

physical and anatomical differences may contribute to self and identity development as well. Specifically, one study linked the temporal onset of puberty and self esteem in female adolescents (Eisenberg, 1987). Sexuality and sexual identity may be impacted by physiological changes or differences among female adolescents. Statistics regarding the onset of mental illness in adolescence and the widespread occurrence to eating disorders among female adolescents suggests that physiological and emotional changes taking place in this developmental stage are especially important to examine when designing a comprehensive understanding of a female adolescent's identity and self.

Carol Gilligan (1988) explained that a female adolescent's self consists of

individual autonomy and social responsibility. Nona Lyons (1988) extended this perspective by proposing that while males often define themselves in a way that emphasizes individuality, female adolescents strive more toward connectedness. These gender differences must be further examined within a theory of identity, self, and moral development for female adolescents. Gendered messages in a contemporary American culture impact a female adolescent's development of relational patterns and moral behaviors (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988; Hadley, 2004).

Though traditional theories of identity formation and self development acknowledge the social influences, a proper review of relevant aspects of contemporary American culture is needed to explore those influences. Cognitive and relational

development both impact and are impacted by cultural context. The constructivist views

of post-modern psychology, rooted in Albert Bandura' s social learning theory (1977), provide a more thorough model for examining the social factors involved in

psychological development. In many ways, a female adolescent's self concept materializes with the incorporation of relational and social perceptions as well as cultural expectations (Abbott, 2001). The meaning of being female in a contemporary American social context must be examined as well when hypothesizing about the identity, self, and moral development of female adolescents. Factors such as geographical region, socioeconomic status, and family environment may impact the moral, social, emotional, and cognitive experiences of a female adolescent in the United States. Although psychoanalytic theories of development provide crucial information and knowledge about identity, self, and morality, no single piece of literature can encapsulate the infinite number of interrelated factors impacting an individual female today.

How do Female Adolescents in the United States Integrate Culture, Gender, and Identity to Develop

a Cohesive Sense of Morality?

Early experiences with caregivers set the stage for the neurobiological systems that impact a female's lifelong sense of security and attachment. Corrective emotional

experiences may help to repair faulty neurological connections and biological responses when children initially grow up in hostile or unsafe environments. Environmental factors

such as parenting styles, family structure, culture, and gender expectations also impact a female adolescent's moral development through modeling and reinforcements.

Emotionally, the parent-child relationship provides an attachment model in which a

female child internalizes pro-social and antisocial tendencies. Commonalities in

contemporary American culture such as gender inequality and differing behavioral

expectations for females provide a specific template of modeled, reinforced, and accepted moral behaviors. A female may especially focus on the maintenance of relationships, and therefore make moral decisions based upon cooperation and self-sacrifice.

Female adolescents face the task of identity formation as they gain more independence and responsibility during their transition to adulthood. This stage forces an adolescent to reflect upon past experiences and personal strengths as well as try out new roles and challenge the status quo. An adolescent's identity may be encouraged or discouraged by peers, parents, and culture. In some instances, a female adolescent will

develop a false self in order to appease external expectations and at the price of internal aspirations. The false self may behave in a way that is in line with societal moral

standards or opposed to the norm, especially if she lives within a violent subculture with poor role models and less opportunity for education of the United States.

A child first typically learns about morality through parental rules and controls.

She may seek to follow parental moral standards in order to maintain the love, care, and attachment gained from parents. Mixed or confusing messages from parents regarding moral stances can complicate this process. Eventually, a child internalizes messages communicated explicitly and implicitly about security and relationships in order to formulate a self-regulating moral code. This moral code is subject to the child's relational experiences and cultural norms, as well her cognitive capacities. In an increasingly

complex society with differing viewpoints, female adolescents cognitively equipped with perspective-taking and abstract thinking abilities will show a better ability to navigate through moral decisions. The more integrated and attuned a female adolescent's self

system is, the more likely she will successfully develop a stable and adaptable identity. This identity will serve as her guide throughout life's moral situations, and it will help her to understand herself, others, and the world in which she lives.

CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION

Implications and Limitations of this Study

The moral code an individual follows seems especially intertwined with a personal sense of identity, typically believed to be shaped during adolescence. This dissertation utilized past and present literature to identify necessary concepts for understanding moral development among adolescent females. One implication of this study is the importance of critically reviewing literature of different generations while examining elements ofthat literature that may be context-specific and elements that may be more contemporarily applied.

Concepts like the self and identity present major implications regarding the experience of an adolescent and moral development. This dissertation demonstrated

important overlap in moral development theories often considered contradicting or mutually exclusive. Interpersonal, cognitive, and neurobiological development research has been included in this dissertation to create a more complete picture of moral development and with the presence of self and identity for female adolescents. Research orientations often focus on the distinctions and contradictions from one another much as

clinicians often strive for a cohesive clinical identity through theoretical positions. While this author bases her clinical work in psychoanalytic theories, invaluable input has been acquired from literature, colleagues, and mentors who identify more as cognitive- behavioral, systemic, biological, or humanistic in orientation. It is within this

collaborative spirit that this author sought to synthesize theories from psychodynamic,

neurobiological, cognitive-behavioral, feminist, and cultural developmental theories. Literature focused on building a more comprehensive understanding and utilizing an array of research and theoretical concepts will better bridge the gaps in research and among the research community.

Issues of culture have been shown to effect moral development, ideas about gender, and ethical behavior. Therefore, no single theory can universally explain the development of all adolescent females throughout the world. This study was limited to the United States, and conclusions drawn in the integration section are limited as well.

Geographical regions affect cultural influences such as exposure to media, religiosity, socio-economic status, education, and family structure. All of these factors will likely play a role in the development and enactment of an adolescent's morals and values, further limiting the ability to generalize conclusions of this study.

Additionally, as this dissertation presupposes, theories and research often need to

be updated to reflect the social context of a particular temporal period and generation. Changes in American society present implications for differences in the adolescent

experience across generations. The time period believed to encompass puberty and adolescence has changed within the past few decades, making it difficult to even narrow

down the subjects referred to as "adolescent females," within psychological and social literature (Abbott, 2001). Changes in expectations and roles for females continue to occur in American culture, presenting challenges in examining female adolescents as a stable or

homogeneous population. Studies of female psychology can no longer focus only on one realm of female life such as motherhood in seeking to offer a complete picture of the

feminine experience. Cultural expectations for females have also changed dramatically ii regards to sexuality, motherhood, marriage, education, and career pursuits. These constructs present immeasurable implications for the development and understanding of identity and self for females in contemporary society. Though the scope of this dissertation is limited when addressing each of these constructs, it will seek to contribute insight and integrated information regarding the healthy development and clinical treatment of adolescent females.

Future Directions for Research

Future research and theoretical moral models must reflect cultural and temporal shifts and study the implications of changes such as religiosity declines or transformations in gender expectations. The moral climate of a specific time period may also be impacted by the level of industrialization and economic climate, for a variety of factors, making it impossible to generalize American cultural trends to all regions of the world. Future research should examine the impact of thematic changes in and an increase in accessibility of media sources. Television shows embodying unethical behaviors among adolescent males and females seem more prevalent and popular in American culture today than ever before. Studies relating the media to morality that extend beyond the popular debate regarding the effects of violence in the media will be helpful in revealing future moral models as well as incorporating cultural influences specific to contemporary American society. Morals and values of adolescents and adults are also

likely impacted by the ethical standards of political leaders and other visible leaders such

101

as CEO's and celebrities. Future research into the political business, and entertainment ethical climates in the United States would benefit the ongoing understanding of moral development and moral behaviors.

Research reviewed in this dissertation indicated a political climate reflecting more gender equality may serve as a protective factor for identity development and self-

cohesion. Erikson's writings on identity also emphasized the importance of proper societal and interpersonal investment in the development of morality and prosocial behaviors. Therefore, future research should study the important cultural and political factors involved in increasing empathy and moral behavior among Americans. By identifying factors involved with a cultural increase in moral and prosocial behaviors, social scientists and political activists can seek to design communities and institutions

leading to the betterment of society. For example, writers have proposed that after-school programs for females in violent neighborhoods could serve to protect the impact of violent neighborhoods on the development of antisocial behaviors among teenage girls (Chauhan & Reppucci, 2009).

Future research should also seek to understand how female adolescents are

affected by cultural and social messages and the changing roles in society. Identity and self development in specific cultural groups such as Latino and Latina immigrants should be examined by future researchers to accommodate changes in American demographics. Future clinical research might also study moral competence in developmental^ delayed and people who suffered a brain injury or stroke to design appropriate interventions and support for these populations. Research in the field of mirror neurons raises important

102

questions about the development of empathy in individuals diagnosed with autistic

disorder and other developmental disorders. Future research might compare differences

in experiences between children and adolescents considered developmentally delayed and not developmentally delayed in order to ascertain effective medical and psychosocial interventions.

The intrapsychic and interpersonal experiences of adolescents should be further

examined as well. Research might address how teachers, parents, and therapists affect identity formation, self cohesion, and morality in adolescence. The family structure was noted as a possible influence on female adolescent development. Future research should

answer how important is a same-sex role model for female adolescents in identity, self, and moral development. Differences in neurological or autonomic development between

genders must be examined in future research as well. Given the information gathered about the number of abused and traumatized female adolescents in the United States,

research in the future may question how this difference in experience may lead to

differences in neurobiological and cognitive development. Neurofeedback as a possible use for the promotion for interpersonal repair and treatment of females believed to

engage in antisocial behaviors may provide a new link between early childhood experiences and future behavior as well as a new intervention to be used in clinical or

subclinical populations. Finally, future studies examining reparative relationships in adolescence and how these relationships may change behavior and physiology might provide an exciting and innovative direction for research in moral development.

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