Israeli Politics Final Paper
Israel: a divided society Results of a review of labour-market and social policy
Two large minority groups in Israel – Arabs and the ‘Haredim’ (ultra-Orthodox Jews) – are
much less likely to have jobs and more likely to be poor than the general Jewish population.
But nearly half of children entering primary school belong to these two disadvantaged
groups. Will their parents’ disadvantage be passed on to this generation and beyond?
Israel has enjoyed strong economic growth for most
of the past two decades. Despite a slowdown in the
early 2000s and the global financial and economic
crisis in 2008-09, economic output grew by at least
4% a year. However, the benefits of economic
growth are distributed unevenly.
Poverty in Israel is more widespread than in any of
the 30 OECD countries. Almost one in five Israelis
lives in poverty on the OECD benchmark measure:
they live in households with income less than half of
the national median. This poverty rate is nearly
double the average in OECD countries of just 11%
(Figure 1).
1 Poverty rates: Israel and OECD
Income poverty rate
% of population in households with incomes of less than half national median
Note: OECD countries’ data from mid-2000s; Israel’s from 2008. Source: OECD (2010), Labour Market and Social Policy Review of Israel.
Families with a large number of children are over-
represented among the poor. This means that almost
one in three children in Israel live in poverty,
compared with an OECD average of just 12%. There
is an urgent need for policies to combat such
widespread poverty.
Poverty and work
The high rate of poverty in Israel is a consequence of
the fact that many people of working age do not
work. About 40% of Israelis aged between 15 and 64
are not working, compared with an average in OECD
countries of 33%.
Some 60% of Arab men are employed, but only 20%
of Arab women. In contrast, among the Haredim,
nearly half of women have jobs but only one in four
men. The remainder of Haredi men are engaged
full-time in religious study.
Furthermore, Israel has a highly segmented labour
market, with Arabs and Haredi workers frequently
having low-paid jobs. Overall, the proportion of
people with relatively low earnings – two-thirds of the
economy-wide median – is, like Canada, Hungary,
Korea, Poland, the United Kingdom and the United
States – in the 20-25% range (Figure 2). But Arab
women and Haredi workers earn an average of
around 70% of the economy-wide average wage. For
Arab men, this figure is just 60%.
The dynamic high-tech sector, which accounts for 40%
of Israel’s exports, offers attractive working
conditions, but only provides 7% of jobs. Blue- and
white-collar workers in long-established enterprises
and civil servants also have good working conditions.
But many workers outside these sectors – particularly
those in low-skilled jobs in agriculture, construction
and tourist services, for example – have low pay, few
training opportunities and little job security.
19.9
18.4
17.5
17.1
14.9
12.0
11.4
11.0
10.9
8.3
7.1
5.3
5.3
0 5 10 15 20 25
Israel
Mexico
Turkey
United States
Japan
Canada
Italy
Germany
OECD
United Kingdom
France
Sweden
Denmark
2
2 Low-paid work: Israel and OECD
Prevalence of low-paid work
% of employees with earnings
of less than two-thirds national median
Note: OECD countries’ data from mid-2000s; Israel’s from 2007. Source: OECD (2010), Labour Market and Social Policy Review of Israel.
Foreign workers
Working conditions of foreign workers are especially
likely to be poor. Once the largest foreign group,
Palestinian cross-border workers have declined from
about 8% of the workforce in the late 1980s to 2%
today. This is primarily a result of security concerns.
But workers from elsewhere, particularly Asia, have
taken their place. Foreigners made up 7% of the
workforce in 2008.
Foreigners tend to be concentrated in jobs in
domestic services, agriculture and construction.
These workers often pay high (illegal) fees to
recruitment agencies and suffer poor, illegal
employment conditions. Unpaid overtime, especially
among domestic employees, is particularly rife.
Israeli society: mind the gap
The divisions in Israeli society take many different
forms. First, differences in the labour market – in
employment rates and wages – lead to differences in
incomes. In the general Jewish population, both
partners in couples are often in work, which is a key
reason why poverty rates for this group are about
10%, similar to the OECD average.
Because Arab and Haredi families are frequently
jobless or are one-earner families in low-paid
employment, poverty rates are around 50% for Arabs
and close to 60% for Haredim. These two groups,
which together constitute less than 30% of the
population, make up more than 60% of the poor.
Moreover, the socio-economic chasm between the
general Jewish population and the two large minority
groups is widening. Since 2000, employment has
increased and poverty declined among the majority
population (albeit only slightly). By contrast, poverty
rates for the Arab and Haredi populations have
increased by nearly 20 percentage points. The
proportion of these groups in employment has
remained stable (Figure 3).
Social divisions go deeper than differences in incomes
and employment. Arabs and Haredi generally live in
separate communities and their children go to
different schools. They do not typically serve in the
Israeli Defence Force, which sometimes causes
resentment among the majority. It also affects their
job prospects because it excludes them from the
public employment support provided to
ex-servicemen and women.
3 Trends in poverty and employment
Income poverty rate % of population in households with incomes of less than half national median
Employment rate
% of working-age population in work
Source: OECD (2010), Labour Market and Social Policy Review of Israel.
24.5
24.4
24.3
23.4
23.3
22.3
22.1
15.9
15.8
14.4
14
7.5
6.4
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Korea
Hungary
Israel
United Kingdom
United States
Canada
Poland
OECD
Germany
Japan
France
Italy
Sweden
1997
2006
2007
1997
2005
2007
1997 2007
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
20 30 40 50 60 70
Arabs
Haredim
All others
3
Fighting poverty Top priority for labour and social policy
Several factors explain why Arabs and Haredim tend
to have poorer outcomes on a range of
socio-economic measures. There are structural
issues, such as differences in education systems.
There are regional differences in infrastructure
investment. Cultural influences, differences in access
to social support and mistrust between communities
arising from the Arab-Israeli conflict also play a role.
Unfortunately, policies to redress discriminatory
practices have had limited effectiveness.
International experience shows that work is the best
way of lifting families out of poverty, but tackling the
causes of such entrenched and wide inequalities as
exist in Israel will not be easy. It will require a
sustained effort across a broad range of policy areas.
The OECD’s labour-market and social policy review
of Israel assesses the policy options, discusses the
arguments and concludes with a series of
recommendations to tackle disparities in living
standards and job opportunities.
Labour laws: better enforcement
Israel has a general problem of failing to enforce its
labour laws, such as minimum employment conditions
for both resident and foreign workers. This is largely
because it has not invested sufficiently in enforcement
capacity: the Labour Inspectorate, for example, is
underfunded and understaffed (see Figure 4).
Sanctions for employers who fail to respect labour
laws are also weak.
This has a particularly acute effect on low-paid
workers in small firms, foreign workers and those
employed through temporary work agencies or as
sub-contractors. Such workers (among which are
many Arabs and Haredim) are generally not in a
strong enough position to take legal action against
their employers.
Employment opportunities for all
There is evidence that ethnicity affects employment.
The government should take the lead by stamping out
discriminatory practices in the public sector. For
example, there are job quotas for minority groups in
the public sector, with targets of 10% of employment
and 30% of new recruits. But these are rarely met as
a result of weak enforcement from the centre. The
government can also use its leverage as a major
purchaser of private-sector services. For example, in
tender processes, it could favour equal opportunity
employers.
While the government has established an Equal
Employment Opportunities Commission, its powers
are relatively weak. The Commission needs to be
able to assess workplace employment outcomes by
monitoring staff composition. This could be initially
limited to examining larger employers to avoid placing
an undue bureaucratic burden on small businesses.
One possible model for Israel to adopt is the Fair
Employment Commission in Northern Ireland, which
also aims to ensure a fair distribution of employment
opportunities among different communities.
4 Number of workers per labour inspector
Number of workers
for each labour inspector (000s)
Note: OECD countries’ data from mid-2000s; Israel’s from 2009. Source: OECD (2010), Labour Market and Social Policy Review of Israel.
Inclusive collective bargaining
The trade-union confederation (the Histadrut) and the
main employers’ organisation have been working
together on a number of issues in recent years.
However, many low-paid workers (including
employees working for temporary work agencies and
subcontractors) are not covered by collective-
bargaining arrangements. Trade unions outside the
confederation and non-governmental organisations
6.7
9.3
9.8
10.0
12.0
14.0
14.2
20.0
38.7
61.7
65.0
0 20 40 60 80 100
Hungary
Slovak Republic
Poland
Germany
Spain
Korea
Czech Republic
France
Turkey
Israel
United States
Mexico
192.0
ILO benchmarks:
Developed country:10.0
Transition economy: 20.0
4
should be invited to the bargaining table along with
organisations representing smaller enterprises so that
the interests of all workers and employers are better
reflected in industrial-relations negotiations.
Active labour-market policies
Israel’s investment in active labour-market policies is
tiny. Expenditure on these programmes – designed to
help get people into work – is just 0.1% of national
income. This contrasts with an average in OECD
countries of 0.6% of national income.
This lack of investment has a clear impact. Less than
1% of the unemployed participate in vocational
training. There are 350 unemployed people for each
counsellor in the public employment service. This is
far too high to provide effective support for job-
seekers.
Israel has recently experimented with a welfare-to-
work scheme, known as ‘Lights for employment’. This
is a welcome development: many countries have
shifted social policies from passively paying benefits to
people out of work to actively encouraging them into
work as a way of improving their living standards.
‘Lights for employment’ has been piloted in four areas
with large Arab and Haredi populations. Initial
assessments suggest that progress has been made in
screening ‘undeserving’ clients off welfare benefits.
Employment rates in the pilot areas have increased.
However, the evidence so far shows there has been
very little effect on family incomes and there is no
information on the quality or duration of the jobs
obtained by participants.
There is a case for extending the welfare-to-work
scheme nationwide. But some changes are needed to
make it more effective. First, the programme is run
through private employment agencies. There is
effective competition for the initial contracts to
provide services. But once signed up, providers have
a monopoly of service provision within a given locality.
This lack of on-going competition could prove to be a
serious weakness. The remuneration of private
providers also needs to be related closely to
performance.
Secondly, the future role of the public employment
service needs clarification. The service also needs
adequate resources to carry out its assigned role.
Thirdly, employment support needs to be better
tailored to the differing needs of different clients.
Finally, there is a need for wider employment support
such as vocational; training, but also childcare
supports, as it only makes sense to engage parents
with young children in the programme if childcare
solutions are on offer.
Increasing returns to working
An earned-income tax credit (EITC) was introduced
in 2008 to accompany the welfare-to-work
programme in the same four pilot regions. This
credit, like those in the United Kingdom and United
States, is designed to increase the returns to working
for the unemployed and low-income workers.
The EITC should be extended nationwide, as planned,
along with the extension of the welfare-to-work
programme.
Israel also has a system of universal child allowances
paid for all children and child supplements are paid to
parents in receipt of work-tested income support.
Taken together, these cash benefit programmes
should be reformed to improve financial incentives to
work and family living standards.
It would make sense to reduce child payments
(through the universal allowance) for families who are
able to work, but who do not do so. Instead, EITC
payments and child supplements to those receiving
work-tested income benefits should be increased.
Such a reformed scheme would be more effective in
reducing in-work poverty than the relatively high
minimum wage. A successful tax credit would allow
the minimum wage to be reduced over time to
increase demand for low-skilled workers without
harming family incomes.
Education: improving standards
Israeli teenagers in secondary school perform poorly
in international student tests: they rank close to the
bottom at about 90% of the OECD average. Arab
students in Israel have the lowest scores of all at just
above 75% of the OECD average. The evidence
suggests that public spending on education per child in
Arab localities is about one-third lower than in
predominantly Jewish municipalities. Israeli policy
should aim to reduce the gap in educational resources
and outcomes.
Authorities in OECD countries enforce adherence to
an educational curriculum, typically agreed nationally
or at regional level. These are designed to ensure a
5
broad education and provide the basis for a
productive and well remunerated career.
The Israeli authorities should do likewise. In
particular, there is a need for a curriculum with
national, vocational standards for all children in Israel.
English and mathematics, for example, should be
compulsory. The OECD’s Economic Survey of Israel
contains a detailed assessment of Israel’s education
policy and puts forward recommendations for
improving standards.
Reforming policies on foreign workers
Permanent migration to Israel is generally only
possible for Jews and their families. Such immigration
is actively encouraged by public agencies that recruit,
advise and support immigrants on arrival. This help
comprises cash grants, education and training
vouchers, customised language training and
employment subsidies.
This comprehensive immigration policy is generally
successful at integrating migrants into Israeli society
and the economy. For example, one million
immigrants came from the former Soviet Union during
the 1990s. (At the time, the Israeli population was
less than five million.) Less than 8% of these had
re-emigrated by 2005, revealing the success of
integration.
There is no such wide-ranging public intervention to
support non-Jews who come to Israel to work
temporarily (often supporting families in their home
countries through remittance of earnings).
The number of foreign workers is growing. They are
a cheap source of labour, which undermines
opportunities for less-skilled Israeli citizens. Much of
the hiring and employment of foreign workers is
illegal. The government has repeatedly avowed its
determination to stop recruitment of foreign workers
in agriculture. But these objectives have not been
achieved.
Moreover, many of these foreign workers are
exploited. Recruitment agencies often charge high
(and illegal) fees. Employment practices often violate
minimum working conditions as stipulated by law.
Israeli policy needs to be more active in stamping out
illegal hiring and employment practices concerning
temporary foreign workers. Investment in
enforcement capacity is needed to ensure that the
legal requirements are applied in practice. At the
same time, a transparent channel for temporary
labour migration should be introduced. Many OECD
countries have adopted such policies, from which
Israel can draw inspiration. Any employment quotas
by sector or occupation should be set according to
transparent criteria. Employers should be required to
advertise jobs in Israel. Hires from outside Israel
must be justifiable with reference to the individual’s
skills.
The Bedouin: connections and inclusion
Within the Arab population, the Bedouin are
particularly disadvantaged. The transition from a
traditionally tribal and nomadic way of life into
modern-day society is difficult for them. It is further
complicated by land disputes between the state and
Bedouin families. As a result, around half of the
Bedouin live in ‘unrecognised’ villages, where basic
amenities – electricity, water, sewerage, transport and
telecommunications – are not guaranteed.
Education performance of this group is poor and
employment rates are low. Coupled with large
families, this means that four out of five Bedouin live
in poverty.
The Goldberg Commission has come up with a
compromise proposal to address the land question.
The OECD urges the Israeli government to pursue
these proposals and urgently connect Bedouin
settlements with utilities, transport and
communication networks. Efforts to improve
educational opportunities and standards for the
Bedouin – including vocational training – should be
stepped up.
Pensions Ensuring adequate incomes in old age
Israel’s relatively widespread poverty includes older
people. In Israel, 23% of older people are poor,
compared with an average in OECD countries of
13.3%.
Public provision of retirement incomes includes a
basic pension, which is set at a relatively low level.
Means-tested top-ups are available for older people
with low incomes. When the contribution conditions
are met and people qualify under the means test, the
payment is sufficient to ensure an adequate income: it
is above the poverty line.
6
In practice, however, the means test (of both income
and assets) is extremely strict. For example, there are
tight conditions on car ownership. The result is that
only about a quarter of older people receive the
means-tested supplement and income poverty is
widespread.
The most effective way to tackle poverty among
today’s older people would be to reduce the severity
of the means test and contribution conditions. This
measure would target extra support on people with
incomes below the poverty line.
A less-strict means test would obviously involve
additional government expenditure. However, one
financial offset would be to extend the increases in the
pension age for women, so that it equalises with the
age for men at 67. Trends in life expectancy and the
cause of equality between the sexes also support such
a move.
Pensions: a long-term issue
Turning to the retirement incomes of today’s
workers, following agreement between unions and
employers, a mandatory ‘second-pillar’ pension
scheme has been introduced. Before reform, around
half of the workforce was covered by occupational
pension plans. This rate of coverage was a little above
that in Canada, the United Kingdom and the United
States.
The new mandate has already proved successful.
Coverage of private pensions has expanded from one
half to around two-thirds of the workforce. This
policy will ensure that a greater proportion of each
successive generation of retirees will have an adequate
retirement income and will not need to rely on
means-tested benefits in their old age.
There are two issues with the new scheme. One
third of the workforce is still not covered. Further
expansion could be achieved by increasing individuals’
awareness of the new programme and improving
enforcement of penalties for non-compliance by
employers.
Secondly, low-paid workers often do not benefit fully
from these pension provisions. Tax concessions are
of greatest benefit to the highest earners. Also, it is
not necessary to give highly favourable tax treatment
to mandatory pension savings. Fiscal benefits should
be limited to voluntary pension savings, above the
mandatory level. And these should be more closely
targeted on low and middle earners, who are more at
risk of under-saving for retirement than high earners.
Germany and the United Kingdom, for example, have
shifted from providing tax reliefs for pension saving to
government matching individual contributions, up to a
ceiling.
Disability benefits
Israel’s population is ageing although more slowly than
in most countries in the world. Nevertheless, the
growing number of people over 50 has already
contributed to an increase in the number of people on
disability benefits, although this rise was also driven by
cutbacks in other income-support benefits in the early
2000s.
There appears to be scope to control disability
expenditure through a greater focus on work
opportunities. Assessment procedures should focus
more on ability to work and less on the degree of
disability.
Investing in the future More effective labour-market and social policy
Public social spending in Israel is relatively low,
amounting to 16% of national income. This compares
with an average of about 21% in OECD countries
(Figure 5). This difference in spending can partly be
explained by Israel’s relatively young population, which
limits the demands on the public purse to pay for
pensions, health care etc.
As shown above, there is a need for greater
investment in some areas of labour market and social
policy. However, Israel does not just need some
more spending on labour-market and social policies, it
also needs to spend more wisely. In OECD countries,
the tax-and-benefit system typically reduces the
poverty rate by about 60% (compared with household
incomes before taxes and benefits are taken into
account). In Israel, taxes and benefits reduce poverty
by just 25%.
Access to means-tested benefits in Israel is difficult.
International evidence shows that a stringent
application of an availability-for-work test is desirable.
However, it is counterproductive to have restrictive
rules on car ownership and use for income support
clients who live in areas with limited public transport.
7
5 Public social spending
Public social spending
% of gross domestic product
Note: OECD countries’ data from mid-2000s; Israel’s from 2008. Source: OECD (2010), Labour Market and Social Policy Review of Israel.
The primary aim of social policy must be to support
employment wherever possible. Improved access to
safety-net benefits and better targeting of benefits on
the neediest will substantially improve the
effectiveness of social spending.
The bottom line
Each country gets the poverty rate it is prepared to
pay for. Cutting Israel’s very high rate of poverty will
only be achieved with extra resources.
The OECD has set out a number of ways Israel needs
to invest in the future. Tacking the inequality
grounded in deep societal divisions will require a mix
of policy measures. Greater investment in human
capital, such as education and training, would help
ensure that all Israelis are able to participate in the
labour market of today. Better support for
jobseekers – such as improved childcare provision –
would make welfare-to-work and related programmes
more successful. Finally, more resources are needed
to enforce legislation covering working conditions, for
resident, cross-border and foreign low-income
workers alike.
Note The OECD’s review of labour-market and social policies in
Israel is not intended to cover the territories commonly
known as the Golan Heights, the Gaza Strip and the West
Bank. However, for technical reasons, the report makes use
of Israel’s official statistics, which include data relating to the
Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the
West Bank.
Acknowledgments This media briefing was written by Willem Adema and
Edward Whitehouse with contributions from Jonathan
Chaloff, Maxime Ladaique, John P. Martin, Mark Pearson
and Ann Vourc’h, of the OECD’s Directorate for
Employment, Labour and Social Affairs. Philip Hemmings
and Peter Jarrett of the OECD’s Economics Department
provided useful comments. © OECD 2010
Follow-up
Willem Adema
willem.adema@oecd.org
telephone: + 33 1 45 24 15 57
Jonathan Chaloff (migration issues)
jonathan.chaloff@oecd.org
telephone: + 33 1 45 24 18 49
Ann Vourc’h (labour-market issues)
ann.vourch@oecd.org
telephone: + 33 1 45 24 17 27
Spencer Wilson (media relations)
spencer.wilson@oecd.org
telephone: + 33 1 45 24 81 18
www.oecd.org/els/Israel2010
OECD reviews of Labour
Market and Social Policies:
Israel
OECD Publishing
ISBN 978-92-64-07925-0
286 pp. Price €40, US$54,
¥5 000, £34, MXN 720
Published:
20 January 2010
www.oecd.org
6.9
7.0
13.7
15.8
15.9
16.5
18.6
20.5
21.3
25.0
26.7
29.2
29.4
0 10 20 30
Korea
Mexico
Turkey
Israel
United States
Canada
Japan
OECD
United Kingdom
Italy
Germany
France
Sweden
In brief Policy recommendations
Effective enforcement of labour laws, including
minimum-wage legislation and employment
conditions for Israeli and non-Israeli workers.
This will require an investment in regulatory
capacity, including increased resources for labour
inspectors and labour courts.
Improve the capacity of employment and training
services. Invest more in effective active labour-
market policies. Reform the welfare-to-work
programme and then extend it nationwide. First,
clarify the roles of public and private employment
services. Secondly, allow competition between
providers of employment services within regions.
Finally, adopt a system of profiling to better
identify personal needs of clients, needs so that
fees can also be more differentiated.
Some income-support programmes are
conditional on people’s availability to participate in
employment-oriented programmes. These people
should receive adequate support – childcare, for
example – to allow them to work.
Extend the earned-income tax credit across Israel.
Provide larger child supplements and increased
payments to childcare users to increase the
return from working for low-income families.
Simultaneously, increase benefits (through larger
child supplements) for those on work-tested,
income-support benefits. Reduce child payments
for families able to work, but who do not do so.
Increase investment in education to mitigate
barriers to work for minority groups. Additional
investment would allow teacher-to-child ratios to
be equalised across schools in Israel. Ensure that
the curriculum has the same minimal vocational
education standards (in English and mathematics,
for example) for all children in Israel.
Improve provision of childcare, particularly in
peripheral regions and majority-Arab areas of
Israel, where this is currently limited.
Invest more in public infrastructure in peripheral
areas and those with large Arab populations,
where transportation is currently poor.
Ensure that existing jobs quotas for disadvantaged
population groups (particularly Arabs and
Ethiopians) are met across the public sector. Use
public-procurement contracts to ensure that
employment conditions adhere to basic standards.
Make fair employment of minorities a condition
for receipt of public funds.
Introduce reporting requirements on workforce
composition in larger firms. Empower the Equal
Employment Opportunities Commission to assess
outcomes and suggest suitable targets.
Urgently take practical steps to connect Bedouin
settlements with electricity, sewerage and
transport systems. Continue with efforts to
improve their educational opportunities and
outcomes, including vocational training.
Monitor carefully the results of the pension
reform. Actively ensure compliance with the new
requirements by levying penalties on employers
who fail to operate the schemes within the rules.
Abolish favourable fiscal treatment of mandatory
pension saving and reduce tax credits for
voluntary private pensions. Use additional
revenues to introduce a non-wasteable tax credit
for pension savings of low-income workers.
Adopt a more pro-active approach to police
take-up of disability benefits. Provide a greater
focus in disability policy on effective use of the
work capacity of disabled clients.
Before employers in Israel are allowed to recruit
workers from overseas, ensure that they have
exhausted the possibility of employing current
residents. This requires rigorous enforcement of
the ‘internal-labour-markets test’.
Ensure that employers provide minimum
employment conditions for foreign workers and
pay the minimum wage. Reject authorisation of
employers who violate these rules.
Favour employment of cross-border workers
over foreign workers as far as possible.
Promote bilateral agreements on recruitment to
reduce rent-taking by intermediary agencies.
Add a mechanism for granting foreign workers
permanent permission to remain in Israel, as all
OECD countries do.