SOC Discussions
modules/Modul 8 Health Care And Health Challenges.zip
modul 8.docx
Module 8: Health Care And Health Challenges:
Chapter 7, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 121 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 8: Poverty
In Module 8 we will explore the central issues and themes related to poverty, social welfare, and policy.
Module Objectives
· Examine what poverty is, how it is defined, how it is measured, and whom it affects.
· Exploration of social welfare policy and the examination of how the official poverty line is set in the United States.
· Examine the natures, theories, and causes of poverty in the United States.
· Explore at-risk populations in relation to poverty.
Poverty and Social Class in America
Popple and Leighninger (2011) argues that there are two definitions to determine poverty. The first definition is “economic; it basically defines poverty as a lack of money and other resources,” whereas the second definition is cultural as not only a lack of money, but also a lifestyle or culture related to being poor” (p. 225). Arguments regarding poverty consist of what is “necessary and desirable,” but what standards fulfill those specific criteria (Kirst-Ashman, 2013, p. 205)? The U.S. government has defined poverty formulaically based on the numbers of individuals living in a household and the amount of earnings that the family brings in (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). Popple and Leighninger (2011) examines the broad categories of poverty definitions between absolute and relative definitions:
1. Absolute: poverty is a fixed and measurable level of income below which an individual can function in a productive and efficient manner in a given society. It is based on calculations derived from minimum costs of food, housing, clothing, and transportation in that society;
2. Relative: poverty is viewed as subjective and a matter of perceptions, views, and opinions based on what members of society constitutes poverty (p. 225-230).
Who Are the Poor?
In 2008, approximately 13.2 % Americans lived at or below the poverty line. It is important to note that the vast majority of those impacted by poverty are children, women, and the elderly. On a regional level, the greatest concentration of those in poverty live in rural areas in the South and Western portions of the United States; however, the distribution of poverty is relatively even. Ethnic minorities are at more risk to live at or below the poverty line; however, the largest number of poor are Caucasian due to the fact that the greater majority of the U.S. population is Caucasian (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, pg. 244-245).
Culture of Poverty
The culture of poverty is a theory proposed by anthropologist, Oscar Lewis in 1959. This theory applies the foundational aspects of anthropology that suggests poverty is a “subculture with its own structure and rationale, as a way of life which is passed down from generation to generation along family lines” (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 257). Lewis proposed that the culture of poverty developed as a reaction to the poor’s marginalization by society as a response “to cope with feelings of helplessness and despair which develop from the realization of the improbability of achieving success” (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 257).
Module 8 Readings:
· Textbook, Chapter 8 & 9
· Poverty in Texas https://talkpoverty.org/state-year-report/texas-2015-report/ (Links to an external site.)
· Article,“Minimum Wage, Minimal Families” (New York Times)
YouTube
“People Like Us: Social Class in America”
A Nation of Tribes: How Social Class Divides Us - People Like Us episode #1 (Links to an external site.)
“People Like Us: Tammy’s Story”
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q8VXrHeLqBA
(Links to an external site.)
Interesting Links:
· Kids in Poverty, Annie E. Casey Foundation: http://datacenter.kidscount.org/data/acrossstates/Rankings.aspx?ind=43 (Links to an external site.)
· U.S. Federal Poverty Guidelines
Discussion Board:
· Name two myths associated with poverty. What were your assumptions prior? What personal ideas about poverty have changed?
· After watching “Tammy’s Story,” in what ways might the culture of poverty have impacted her family? What are the pros and cons of this theory based on what you read and what you watched? Be specific.
· Describe at least three specific ways the 1996 passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (TANF) has impacted how welfare services are delivered today. In what ways?
· In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 8 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 10 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week
References
Kirst-Ashman, K. K. (2013). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Popple, P. R. & Leighninger, L. (2011). Social work, social welfare, and American society (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson).
Minimal Wage, Minimal Families.NYTimes.2013.docx
March 4, 2013, 6:00 am
Minimal Wages, Minimal Families
By NANCY FOLBRE
Nancy Folbre is an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts , Amherst. She recently edited and contributed to “ For Love and Money: Care Provision in the United States. “
Announcing his support for an increase in the federal minimum wage to $9 an hour, President Obama called attention to the needs of children: “Even with the tax relief we’ve put in place, a family with two kids that earns the minimum wage still lives below the poverty line. That’s wrong.”
Perspectives from expert contributors.
Many Americans share his concerns: 71 percent of Americans polled in mid-February by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press support the proposed increase, including 50 percent of Republicans.
Influential economists have announced their support as well, including many affiliated with the Initiative on Global Markets at the Booth School of Business at the University of Chicago. Of 38 economists in the group, 18 agreed, 4 disagreed, 12 were uncertain and 4 had no opinion or didn’t answer.
Every time increases in the minimum wage are proposed, a centuries-long history of concerns about the impact of the labor market on family life comes into play, setting the stage for fierce debates over regulation. The classical political economists of the late 18th and early 19th centuries believed that the forces of supply and demand would always be constrained by the cost of subsistence, setting a floor under wages. After all, if the wages that workers received were not sufficient to keep them alive, the supply of labor would be reduced, driving wages back up again.
Because people don’t live forever, the costs of subsistence should include the costs of producing replacement workers, namely, raising children. But as many young children and unmarried women began entering wage employment in the 19th century, it became apparent that an increase in the supply of workers without family responsibilities could potentially drive average wages well below the level adequate to support children.
Market forces, in other words, could discourage, even penalize, family commitments.
In the United States, the “family values” argument for a minimum wage gained political traction on the state level long before federal legislation was passed in 1938. As the historian Alice Kessler-Harris explains , this argument bolstered efforts to reinforce traditional gender roles by discouraging the employment of married women. At the same time, it called attention to the difficulties wage earners faced in supporting dependents.
This historical legacy shows up in calculations, like the one President Obama offered above, that seem to presume that a minimum wage for one parent working full-time should be able to support not only two children but also a spouse who stays home to take care of them. Similar assumptions are often used in state-level estimates of the hourly wage required to bring a working family over the poverty line or a higher standard such as a locally designated living wage . On the other hand, these same estimates show that the costs of child care largely wipe out the net contribution of a second earner’s wage income.
As I emphasized in a previous post , conventional measures of poverty are seriously out of date. Application of the Census Bureau’s new Supplemental Poverty Measure suggests that a $9 minimum wage would not necessarily bring working families over the threshold.
Any way you look at it, adults taking responsibility for young children need considerably higher earnings than those who don’t, even taking into account the tax relief President Obama referred to (primarily the earned income tax credit ).
As Lawrence Mishel of the Economic Policy Institute points out , the median worker’s real hourly compensation (real earnings plus benefits) has stagnated over the last 10 years, and the declining real value of the minimum wage has contributed to increased income inequality.
The resulting economic stresses are bad for children, bad for working parents and bad for family formation and stability. In 2010, children represented 24 percent of the United States population, but 34 percent of all those living in poverty.
Critics of the proposed increase in the minimum wage object that it would increase unemployment. But proponents point to considerable evidence, nicely summarized by Brad Plumer at The Washington Post’s Wonkblog, that this potential effect would be small or nonexistent,
Critics like the economist David Neumark also insist that the policy is not effectively aimed at poor families, because many individuals earning the minimum are young people living with their parents. But proponents like Natalie Sabadish and Doug Hall of the Economic Policy Institute emphasize that about 80 percent of workers who will be directly affected are over age 20.
Many young people earning the minimum wage are living at home. Some can’t afford to do otherwise. And while their parents may be helping them out with living expenses, the wages they earn will determine their opportunity to enroll in college, pay off their debts, save money and start a family of their own.
So, the debate circles back to the dilemma acknowledged by classical political economy in the 19th century. The forces of supply and demand, left to themselves, treat labor like any other commodity. But labor itself is produced outside the market, by families and communities who must struggle to find ways to support their contributions to the future.
modules/Module 10 Mental Health/Healthcare and LGBTQ.pdf
NATIONAL HEALTH LINE
LGBTQ Capacity Building in Health Care Systems: A Social Work Imperative
Darrell P. Wheeler and Sarah-Jane Dodd
W orking within a diverse array of health care settings, social workers encounter a variety of client populations, many
of whom we are well prepared to serve. We have specialties in working with children, adolescents, and older adults with mental illnesses, substance use issues, or particular bealth care concerns such as HIV As a profession, we have begun to pay atten- tion to racial and ethnic health disparities that may cut across each of these groups and have actively engaged in efforts of cultural competence. However, we have not, until recently, paid attention to the health disparities and particular health care needs of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) population.
Estimates of the size of the LGBTQ population in the United Sates vary, with Kinsey's (1948) 10 percent estimate holding almost mythical status. However, a recent estimate generated by Gary Gates at the Williams Institute, who cross-compared a number of different population surveys, put the number of LGB individuals at approximately 3.5 percent of the population and transgender individu- als at 0.3 percent (Gates,2011). Gates noted that this amounts to "9 million LGBT Americans, a figure roughly equivalent to the population of New Jersey" (p. 1). Given this prevalence, it is likely that all social workers will encounter LGBTQ clients on their caseload whether or not they overtly identify their orientation or gender identity.
Throughout history the dominance of a het- eronormative paradigm has resulted in LGBTQ individuals experiencing stigmatization and dis- crimination. This discrimination may manifest as verbal or physical assaults (Kosciw, Greytak, Diaz, & Bartkiewicz, 2010) or as policies that render these individuals' relationships invisible (such as not being eligible for a life-partner's social security benefits).
Having been socialized in a cultural environment that is at best beteronormative and at worst ho- mophobic, health care providers frequently make assumptions of heterosexuality in the questions they ask their patients. In turn, patients anticipate that disclosure of sexual orientation will negatively aff< ct the care they receive (James & Platzer, 1999).
The impact of stigmatization of and discrimina- tion against LGBTQ individuals is the potential for uneven care when accessed, or avoidance I of care altogether, resulting in disparities emergi ig within health issues because many unaddress;d social, contextual, psychological, developmental, interpersonal, and environmental factors can pro- duce deleterious outcomes (Mayer et al., 200E)). The extent of these disparities is sufficient cat: se for concern that the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services has elevated sexual orienta- tion from a noted disparity in their Health People 2010 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000) objectives to a target group tor concern and improvement in Healthy People 2020 (see http://www.healthypeople.gov/2020/ topicsobjectives2020/default.aspx). Social work- ers have an important role to play in helping to address this charge.
Social work's values, as articulated by the NASiW Code of Ethics (NASW, 2008), call on us not oAly to honor the dignity and worth of all persons and to promote social justice, but also to more actively "challenge social injustice," noting that social woik- ers should "pursue social change, particularly w:th and on behalf of vulnerable and oppressed in(h- viduals and groups of people" (p. 5). Social works rs, therefore, have an ethical imperative to increase th îir capacity to provide culturally competent services to clients of all sexual orientations and gender identitî es, shedding assumptions of heterosexuahty and creating
CCC Code: 0360-7283/11 $3.00 ©2011 National Association of Social Workers 307
more inclusive practices. They should also actively engage in the LGBTQ competency training for aU health professionals.
INEQUALITIES, SOCIAL JUSTICE, AND NEGATIVE HEALTH INDICATORS Recently, the Joint Commission for the Accreditation of Health Care Organizations set for a "road map" detailing requirements for the inclusion of LGBTQ foci within health care settings (Joint Commission, 2010). This document highlights the relevance of this inclusion for health care professionals in several areas, including patient—family engagement, patient assessment, and end-of-life care and directives. For social workers and health care professionals, one of the challenges to effectively implementing these recommendations is having a sufficient database from which we can measure successes.
ABSENCE OF DATA The research available suggests that LGBTQ populations suffer disproportionately from a range of conditions and are at disproportionate risk for others, including obesity, depression, anxiety, sub- stance use and abuse, tobacco use, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, some cancers, and inadequate cancer screenings (Hussey, 2006; Mayer et al,, 2008; MiUett, Flores, Peterson, & Bakeman, 2007). However, the fuU extent of these disparities and potential others is not known because most studies do not ask about sexual orientation or gen- der identity and, therefore, render this population and their particular health care needs invisible.This invisibility was substantiated by Boehmer (2002), whose content analysis of 20 years of MEDLINE articles (English language only) found that only 0.1 percent addressed LGBT issues. So, for example, her search for "breast cancer" found 26,554 articles, yet only six of those considered LGBT individuals as a separate part of their analysis. The widespread neglect of LGBTQ individuals in public health re- search has devastating consequences for the health of the LGBTQ community. Similar to when health care research and drug trials focused on men and generalized the results to women, the exclusion of sexual orientation as a variable of study prevents the identification of lower or higher prevalence rates of particular diseases among LGBTQ individuals. A potentially catastrophic example of omission was evident in a 28-page special issue of Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (Centers for Disease Con-
trol and Prevention, 2004; Kadour, 2005). Despite considerable consensus about the potential for gay youths to be at risk for suicide, the special report made no mention of sexual orientation (Kadour, 2005). As Kadour (2005) pointed out, "data are a cornerstone of any public health system, and the lack of data on sexual minorities correlates with the failure of public health to address this group's needs" (p. 31).
Health disparities have been defined as"a chain of events signified by a difference in: (1) environment, (2) access to, utilization of, and quality of care, (3) health status, or (4) a particular health outcome that deserves scrutiny" (Carter-Pokras & Baquet, 2002, p. 427). Although "disparities," "inequities," and "inequalities" are sometimes used interchangeably, there are nuanced differences between the terms. The term "health disparity" is often used within the United States, whereas the terms "health inequity" or "health inequality" are used more frequently overseas (Carter-Pokras & Baquet, 2002). Although disparity and inequality are defined as synonymous, representing differences in access or opportunity, inequity suggests some level of ethical judgment that is unfair or unjust (Carter-Pokras & Baquet, 2002). For this reason, some health disparities or inequalities may be unavoidable and "fair," perhaps because of biological predisposition, for example; an inequity is seen as unfair and has the potential to be avoided. Therefore, it is LGBTQ health disparities created by inequities that social workers have the potential to address through active intervention and capacity building.
The coupling of health insurance and employ- ment in the United States means that employment discrimination experienced by LGBTQ individuals has a negative impact on their access to health insur- ance. Lack of recognition of LGBTQ families means that even when available to workers, health benefits may not also be extended to same-sex partners or their children. These discriminatory patterns and impacts may hold especially true for transgender or gender-nonconforming individuals.
CAPACITY BUILDING AND CHANGE For professional social workers, these service dilem- mas and gaps point to areas for educational, practice, and policy capacity building. Clients' needs and contextual changes facing service delivery, monitor- ing, and payment systems require that professional social workers incorporate skills allowing them
308 Health & Social Work VOLUME 36, NUMBER 4 NOVEMBER 201
to assist LGBTQ clients and their allies as well as challenge forces that oppose full health care services for people on the basis of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
Social work has an ethical commitment to social justice and advocacy on behalf of vulnerable and disadvantaged populations. Given that commitment, social workers can come together to help eradicate health disparities experienced by LGBTQ people.
Several policy initiatives have the potential to create positive change and reduce the disparities in LGBTQ health markers and risks. Social workers should advocate for changes that
• require the sensitive and appropriate collection of demographic information related to sexual orientation and gender identity. Such data are typically unavailable and, therefore, cannot be used to inform LGBTQ-specific health initiatives (Gates, 2011; Silvestre, 2003).
• promote policies that end workplace dis- crimination, given that in the United States, access to health insurance is largely employer driven.
• promote policies that support same-sex partner access to health insurance for all and removal of the tax burden for those who take advantage of the health benefits.
• require units on working with LGBTQ pa- tients in the training curriculums for all health professionals (medical doctors, registered nurses, occupational therapists, psychothera- pists, social workers, and so forth).
• support funding research that examines health disparities within LGBTQ populations and the LGBTQ cultural competence of health providers so that we can understand both the needs of the population and the specific train- ing needs of those who teach them.
REFERENCES Boehmer, U. (2002). Twenty years of public health research:
Inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations. American Journal of Public Health, 92, 1125-1130.
Carter-Pokras, Q , & Baquet, C. (2002). What is a "health disparity"? Public Health Reports, 117, 426-434.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2004). Suicide and attempted suicide [Special issue]. Mortality and Morbidity Weekly Report, 53.
Gates, G. (2011). How many people are lesbian,gay, bisexual, and transgender? Los Angeles:The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law.
Hussey,W. (2006). Slivers of the journey: The use of pho- tovoice and storytelling to examine female to male
transexuals' experience of health care access. Journal of Homosexuality, 51, 129-158.
James,T, & Platzer, H. (1999). Ethical considerations in qualitative research with vulnerable groups: Exploring lesbians' and gay men's experiences of health care—A personal perspective. Nursing Ethics, 6(1), 7 3 - 8 1 .
joint Commission. (2010). Advancing effective communicatio cultural competence, and patient- and family-centered care. A roadmapfor hospitals. Oakbrook Terrace, lL:Autho
Kadour, R. (2005). The power of data, the price of exclu sion. Oay & Lesbian Review, •/2(1),31—33.
Kinsey,A. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Kosciw,J., Greytak, E., Diaz, E., & Bartkiewicz, M. (2OIOi). Tlie 2009 National School Climate Survey: Ttie experi-l enees of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth in oi nation's schools. NewYork: GLSEN.
Mayer, K. H., Bradford, j . B., Makadon, H. J., Stall, R. S., Goldhammer, H., & Landers, S. (2008). Sexual gene minority health:What we know and what needs to be done. American Journal of Public Health, 98, 989-995.
Millett, G.A., Flores, S.A., Peterson,j. L., & Bakeman, R. (2007). Explaining disparities in HIV infection among black and white men who have sex with m A meta-analysis of HIV risk behaviors./1/DS, 21, 2083-2091.
National Association of Social Workers. (2008). Code of ethics of the National Association of Social Workers. Washington, DC: Author.
Silvestre, A. (2003). Ending health disparities among vul- nerable LG13T people. Clinical Research and Regulati ry Affairs, 20(2), ix-xii.
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2000, November). Healthy People 2010: Understanding and improving health (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Darrell P. Wheeler, PhD, MPH, is dean and profes
Graduate School of Social Work, Loyola University Chicago,
820 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, IL 60611; e-nihil:
dwheeler@luc.edu. Sarah-Jane Dodd, PhD, is associate profes-
sor, Sitberman School of Social Work, City University of Net
York, Hunter College.
WHEELER AND D O D D / LCBTQ Capacity Building in Health Care Systems: A Social Work Imperative 309
Copyright of Health & Social Work is the property of National Association of Social Workers and its content
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modules/Module 10 Mental Health/Medical Social Work and the Future.pdf
VIEWPOINT
Is There a Social Worker in the House? Health Care Reform and the Future of
Medical Social Work Heidi Allen
A s medicine has become increasingly so- phisticated and technologically complex, medical educadon and medical care have
come to rely on increased speciaHzation (Moore & Showstack, 2003). Dividing providen into spe- cialties, however, has also led to a fiagmented care delivery system in which a patient might go to one cHnic for a check-up, a mental health service provider for treatment of anxiety, another service provider for rehabilitation after addiction, urgent care for a toothache, a speciaHst for diabetes management, and an imaging center for cancer screening. Fragmentation leads to lapses in com- munication among providers, which can be costly in doHars (when care is dupHcated) and in out- comes (when prescdption errors occur, for in- stance, or when diagnoses fail to take mental health into account). This fragmentation has mea- surable consequences: The number of specialty physicians per population has been associated with higher mortality, shorter Hfe span, and low birth rates (Shi, 1994).
Recent health reform legislation aims to correct fragmentation by providing incentives to reodent health care around pdmary care and for existing practices to transform into medical homes (Kocher, Emanuel, & DePade, 2010). The medical home offers a single place for the coordination of all outpatient care needs, including behavioral and dental health. The model imagines a site where patients access care easily, where interdiscipHnary care teams understand each patient's history and needs, and where the method of payment reflects the coordination necessary for deHvery of individ- ualized care (Amedcan Academy of Pediatdcs, 2002). Although definitions vary from single-site clinics to multiple-site pdmary care networks, the
Agency for Healthcare Research and QuaHty (2011b) outHnes five core medical home attd- butes: They must be patient-centered, compre- hensive, coordinated, provide superb access to care, and have a systems-based approach to quaHty and safety. The medical home model purports to be a transformadon of pdmary care that would set the foundation for a sustainable health care system by keeping people healthy.
Medical home models must include a social lens that considers the whole person in the context of the person's larger environment; without it, medical homes may not be transformadonal enough to achieve a healthy populadon within an affordable health care system. Despite increased access to care, the tradidonal medical model has failed to resolve growing pubHc health problems such as obesity, and health dispaddes exhibited among low-income and minodty populadons include greater dsk for chronic disease, anxiety, substance abuse, and depression (Cooper et al., 2000; Mensah, Mokdad, Ford, Greenlund, & Croft, 2005; Piffath, Whiteman, Haws, Fix, & Busht, 2001; WeUs, Klap, Koike, & Sherboume, 2001). Environmental health research demonstrates that upstream factors such as a lack of community resources, environments hostile to phys- ical acdvity, social isoladon, segregadon, crime, and discdminadon can increase suscepdbüity to health hazards and can lead to poor health outcomes (Lee, 2002; Merkin, Stevenson, & Powe, 2002; Sexton, 2000). Equipping pdmary care to achieve real gains in populadon health wiU Hkely require looking at old problems through a different lens, one that acknowledges inequaHty and incorporates social jusdce.
Social workers can bdng this lens; we now have a unique opportunity to ensure that care
doi: 1O.1O93/hsw/hlsO21 O 2012 National Association of Social Workers 183
models adopted under health reform legislation truly improve outcomes for the communities that we serve. We work in hospitals and cHnics nation- wide, yet we are underrepresented in health policy development or practice redesign. This time must be different.
SOCIAL WORK SHARES VALUES WITH THE
MEDICAL HOME
The conceptual principles of the medical home and the values of our profession are well-aligned. The medical home's emphasis on patient-centered care, for instance, asks practices and providers to build personal relationships with patients and to engage patients in making informed decisions about their own health. This means that the pa- tient's capacity for self-determination takes prece- dence, just as it does within the field of social work. From a social work perspective, though, patient-centered care must acknowledge that patient health doesn't begin and end in a clinic; rather, individuals live within families and com- munities that present them with unique challenges and resources. H o w medical homes wiU encour- age family and community involvement in health remains undefmed. The medical home also would replace the traditional primary care/behavioral health divide, which sees the mind and body as operating in isolation of one another. Medical homes should provide comprehensive care: care that addresses physical and mental health needs and in- tegrates the two in prevention and in treatment. Social workers have often been a bridge between behavioral and physical health settings, and members of our profession can provide important insights, conceptual models, and language that will develop the medical home's capacity to provide whole-person care. Another central element to the medical home model is the concept of coordinated care, in which seamless tran- sitions between care providers and care sites ensure that care delivery is complete and uninter- rupted. Care coordination is intuitive to social worken, who help clients navigate service systems and buOd resources to support clients through changing circumstances. Finally, the medical home's emphasis on access to care and on quality reflects social work values such as equity; inherent in the medical home model is the idea that all pa- tients have the right to access the services they need and to demand the highest standard of care.
SOCIAL WORKERS HAVE A ROLE IN THE
MEDICAL HOME
Social workers currently fill a variety of roles within the health care sector. A medical home may offer even more opportunities, provided we are able to articulate the unique qualifications and skiU sets we bring to the table. The role of care coordinator, for instance, is usually filled by a nurse, and this professional is generally responsible for facilitating care transitions, assisting with chronic disease management, and addressing barrien to care. Yet while nurse coordinators are trained to answer patient questions about their physical health care, they are not usually tied to upstream nonmedical resources. Social workers, on the other hand, are often well qualified in padent-engagement tech- niques such as motivational interviewing, and have a sophisticated understanding of social and environ- mental barriers and resources to health. We can provide case management services and can aid pa- tients in navigating social service systems, linking in- dividuals to resources that will enable them to access healthy foods, active living resources, rehabil- itation services, and social networks. Furthermore, social workers can collaborate with community- based social services such as domestic violence shel- ters, food banks, treatment programs, chud protec- tive services, and housing programs in order to improve health. Just Hke nurse coordinators, social workers are able to connect patients to specialty providers and ensure an iterative flow of informa- tion between points of care. We can smooth transi- tions between inpatient care, assisted living, and rehabilitation services and resolve difficulties with insurance, pharmacies, durable medical equipment, and home-based health care. We can also provide individual, family and couples counseling services that reach beyond the clinic appointment and can assist patients in building healthier skiUs, relation- ships, and lifestyles. Some pilot clinics have recog- nized the need for social worker sldUs and have employed "behaviorists" to meet with patients about depression, anxiety, and health-promoting behaviors such as tobacco cessation (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2011a). But there is more than one role for the social worker within the medical home; our skul set and penpective have evolved from our uniquely interdisciplinary professional education and even from our founda- tional roots in the settlement house movement. We broker medical and nonmedical resources. We
184 Health & Social Work
provide counseling services. We engage the patient and the family in change processes. We work with and within the community. In essence, we are pre- pared to advance care coordination.
SOCIAL WORKERS ARE CRITICAL TO MEDICAL
HOME SUCCESS
Nurse coordinaton or other traditional health care professionals could be trained in some of the skuls hsted above, and so the argument could be made that social workers are not any more necessary in this model of care dehvery than in any other. But the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (P.L. 111-148) incentivizes medical homes specif- ically for the Medicare and Medicaid populations. Existing health disparities research suggests that an improvement in outcomes for these vulnerable communities will take more than care coordination and individual coaching; medical home models must move upstream to prevent disease, reduce inequalities in health outcomes, and improve pop- ulation health. The field of social work can con- tribute a framework to address poverty, racism, and other forms of oppression that prevent marginalized communities from fully benefiting from the health care system.
As an example, the traditional model of care re- quires famihes to visit the doctor during work houn and to plan appointments well ahead of emergent need. Working families are at a disad- vantage under this care delivery model, for it favors those who have the abihty to schedule ahead and to take time off for family appoint- ments. Those with very htde employment lever- age, such as migrant workers, have found it difficult to seek care in traditional settings (Hunter et al., 2003; Mohanty et al., 2005), and expanded electronic access may be less helpful for those populations that seldom access the Internet. As primary care practices work to increase accessibili- ty for all groups, social workers are needed. As the traditional advocates for individuals and groups who have access to fewer resources, social workers could provide vital consultation services as access systems are buut. Social worken are needed to ad- vocate on behalf of the Medicaid and Medicare communities and to ensure that the local and na- tional policies that ultimately define the medical home do so in such a way that even the most vulnerable wOl benefit from it.
As another example, the quality improvement efforts that characterize the medical home offer a pathway to advance health equity in service dehv- ery. Transition to a medical home requires adopt- ing electronic health records and using them for quality improvement efforts. This wealth of metrics and electronic data can reveal systematic inequities that occur at the provider level (Institute of Medicine, 2002). Social workers can and should advocate for quality improvement activities that identify and reduce health disparities. For in- stance, are all patients equally encouraged to quit smoking regardless of income? Does the chnic have adequate language translation and interpreta- tion services? Should the medical home change recruitment and hiring practices so the divenity of the staff is reflective ofthe diversity ofthe popula- tion it serves? In medicine, quality assurance has meant something conceptually different than equity, but in the field of social work quality and equity are inextricably hnked. Without a concert- ed effort to bdng equity into discussions of quality, health inequities will persist within the very populations targeted by health care reform.
CONSEQUENCES OF PAYMENT REFORM
Transitioning traditional pdmary care clinics into medical homes represents a radical shift in service- dehvery practices and wOl require an equally radical shift in the way that care is paid for. Under the traditional care model, providen are paid for a clinic visit or for services such as the administra- tion of a vaccine—they are not paid to integrate behavioral and physical health or to support a multidisciplinary team with roles such as care co- ordination. The incentive structure of the Afford- able Care Act offers the potential to reform this payment system, including enhanced payment for services such as care coordination and integration of behavioral health and pdmary care.
Discussion around long-term payment reform in the medical home model centers on an ap- proach known as capitation (Berenson & Rich, 2010; Lester, 2011). In a capitated model, care teams receive a set amount per patient based on the health charactedstics of the padent population; in return, the team is asked to keep that patient healthy. Instead of incentivizing sick care (and as much of it as possible), capitation ideally incentiv- izes positive health outcomes and prevention of disease. Capitated payments are not new in health
ALLEN / Is There a Social Worker in the House' Health Care Reform and the Future of Medical Social Work 185
care; this is how managed care works. Yet managed care, with siniüar conceptual goals of improving the quality of health care, coordinating services, and focusing on primary care, was soundly criticized for limiting access and "cherry- picking" the healthiest to serve (Cutler & Zeck- hauser, 1998; Newhouse, 1996). Administrators who control purchasing power for Medicaid and for major insurers wül hkely regulate through policy the types of services that must be present within an accredited medical home chnic and the types of outcomes that are expected in order to receive up-front payment capitation or an alterna- tive payment structure. However, we should learn from history that good intentions often fall to the wayside when efforts at cost control collide with an industry that has been immensely profitable. WiU the medical home achieve the noble goals of health reform? Or wül it just increase the profit- abüity of primary care without improving patient outcomes? The answer wiü hkely be determined by how the policy develops and is implemented from this point forward.
What it means to be a medical home and who wiU ful and define the new roles afforded by changes in payment wül be decided by the individ- uals at the table; social workers can be included in the model or we can be left out. Now is the time for social workers to actively engage at every level of the reorganization of primary care practices into medical homes. We should do this not only for the opportunity it affords our profession in terms of expanded employment in medical social work, but because we bring a value-oriented perspective that fuUy complements this effort and is critical to achieving the ideals of health reform. liM'i'i
REFERENCES Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. (2011a).
AHRQ innovation exchange. Retrieved from http:// www.innovations.ahrq.gov/content.aspx?id=2584
Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. (2011b). Wlwt is the PCMH? AHRQ's definition of the medical home. Retrieved from http://www.pcmh.ahrq.gov/ portal/server.pt/community/pcmh home/1483/ pcmh_defining_the_pcmh_v2
American Academy of Pediatrics. (2002). The medical home. Pediatrics, 110, 184-186.
Berenson, R. A., & Rich, E. C. (2010). How to buy a medical home? Pohcy options and practical questions. Joumal of General Internal Medicine, 25, 619—624.
Cooper, R., Cutler, J., Desvigne-Nickens, P., Fortmann, S. P., Friedman, L, Havlik, R. et al. (2000). Trends and disparities in coronary heart disease, stroke, and other cardiovascular diseases in the United States: Findings of the National Conference on
Cardiovascular Disease Prevention. Circulation, 102, 3137-3147.
Cutler, D. M., & Zeckhauser, R . J . (1998). Adverse selec- tion in health insurance. In A. Garber (Ed.), Frontiers in health policy research 1 (pp. 1—31). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Hunter, J. B., de Zapien,J. G., Denman, C. A., Moneada, E., Papenfuss, M., Wallace, D., & Giuhano, A. R. (2003). Healthcare access and utihzation among women 40 and older at the U.S.—Mexico border: Predictors of a routine check-up. JowrMa/ of Communi- ty Health, 28, 317-333.
Institute of Medicine. (2002). Unequal treatment: Confronting racial and ethnic disparities in health. Washington, DC: National Academies Press.
Kocher, R., Emanuel, E. J., & DeParle, N . A. (2010). The Affordable Care Act and the future of clinical medi- cine: The opportunities and challenges. Annals of Intemal Medicine, 153, 536-539.
Lee, C. (2002). Environmental justice: Building a unified vision of health and the environment. Environmental Health Perspectives, ííO(Suppl. 2), 141-144.
Lester, F. (2011). A health plan spurs transformation of primary care practices into better-paid medical homes. Health Affairs, 30, 397-399.
Mensah, G. A., Mokdad, A. H., Ford, E. S., Greenlund, K.J., & Croft, J. B. (2005). State of disparities in cardiovascular health in the United States. Circula- tion, 111, 1233-1241.
Merkin, S. S., Stevenson, L., & Powe, N. (2002). Geo- graphic socioeconomic status, race, and advanced- stage breast cancer in New York City. American Joumal of Public Health, 92, 64-70.
Mohanty, S. A., Woolhandler, S., Himmelstein, D. U., Pau, S., Carrasquillo, O., & Bor, D. H. (2005). Health care expenditures of immigrants in the United States: A nationally representative analysis. American Joumal of Public Health, 95, 1431-1438.
Moore, G., & Showstack, J. (2003). Primary care medicine in crisis: Toward reconstruction and renewal. Annals of Intemal Medicine, 138, 244-247.
Newhouse, J. P. (1996). Reimbursing health plans and health providers: Selection versus efficiency in pro- duction. Jouma/ of Economic Literature, 34, 1236—1263.
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, P.L. 111-148, 124Stat. 119(2010).
Piffath, T. A., Whiteman, M. K., Flaws, J. A., Fix, A. D., & Busht, T. L. (2001). Ethnic differences in cancer mortality trends in the U.S., 1950-1992. Ethnicity and Health, 6, 105-119.
Sexton, K. (2000). Socioeconomic and racial disparities in environmental health: Is risk assessment part of the problem or part of the solution? Human Ecological Risk Assessment, 6, 561-574.
Shi, L. (1994). Primary care, specialty care, and life chances. Intemational Joumal of Health Services, 24, 431-458.
WeUs, K., Klap, R., Koike, A., & Sherboume, C. (2001). Ethnic disparities in unmet need for alcohohsm, drug abuse, and mental health care. American Joumal of Psychiatry, 158, 2027-2032.
Heidi Allen, PhD, MSIV, is assistant professor. School of Social Work, Columbia University, 1255 Amsterdam Avenue,
New York, NY 10027; e-mail: Iia2332@columbia.edu.
Originai manuscript received January 19. 2012 Accepted January 27. 2012 Advance Access Pubiication October 18. 2012
186 Health & Social Work
Copyright of Health & Social Work is the property of National Association of Social Workers and its content
may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express
written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
modules/Module 10 Mental Health/Module 10.rtf
Module 10: Mental Health:
Chapter 9, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 165 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 10: Health Care
Module Objectives
- Explore the history and present state of health and health care in the United States such as basic definitions of health and illness as it relates to past and current trends.
- Examine the health disparities among different groups within the U.S.
- Examine two major models for understanding the causes of disease and illness: the medical model and the social/environmental model.
- Introduce social work roles within the health care field.
Health Care
The World Health Organization has defined health as “a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being, and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 412). Health care is a universal need because health needs impact everyone. Over 35 million Americans are discharged from U.S. hospitals annually (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). Health care includes mental health care as well. There are several factors that cause health issues, such as (Kirst-Ashman, 2013):
•Unhealthy lifestyles such as substance abuse, cigarette smoking, obesity, chronic stress
•Physical injuries
•Exposure to environmental factors (pollution, contaminated water, pesticides, etc.)
•Poverty and lack of consistent, equitable access to health care
•Contagious disease (HIV/AIDS, STDs, cholera, malaria)
Medical social work is considered a specialty within the field of social work that “developed largely in conjunction with the expansion of hospitals and the rise of the medical profession” in the late 1800s and early 1900s (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 427). The Boston School of Social Work established its first medical social work course in 1912. The main tenet of medical social work is to “humanize” and bridge a link between the hospital, the social aspects of disease and illness, and the patient’s insights (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 427).
Social Work Roles in Health Care
•Direct practice
•Hospitals
•Medical clinics
•Treatment centers
•Dialysis Centers
•Home Health Care
•Public Health Departments
•Veteran’s Affairs Hospitals and/or clinics
•Managed Care Settings
•Long-Term Care Facilities
Module 10 Readings:
- Textbook, Chapter 12
- Article, "Health Care and LGBT"
- Article, "Health Care Reform and the Future of Medical Social Work"
YouTube:
Frontline, “Doctor Hotspot: Healthcare Crisis”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0DiwTjeF5AU (Links to an external site.)
Medical Social Work
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ozI8tWCg738 (Links to an external site.)
Interesting Links:
Affordable Care Act of 2010
http://www.healthcare.gov/law/ (Links to an external site.)
Health Care Reform News (Timeline of Significant Health Care Reform Issues Across the U.S.)
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/health/diseasesconditionsandhealthtopics/health_insurance_and_managed_care/health_care_reform/index.html (Links to an external site.)
Module Questions
- In each article reading, describe what was the most impactful aspect to you? Why?
- The estimated cost of health care is expected to rise to 19.5% of the U.S. GDP (gross domestic product) by 2017 (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). Based on what you have read and watched, name at least three contributing factors to the rising cost of health care. Why are these contributing to the costs? Be specific.
- What is the business of health care? In what ways has the business impacted delivery of health care services? In what ways will that effect medical social work moving forward?
- In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 11 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 13 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week.
References
Kirst-Ashman, K. K. (2013). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Popple, P. R. & Leighninger, L. (2011). Social work, social welfare, and American society (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson).
modules/Module 11 Substance Use And Addiction/Chaplin Mansfield (Conflict Resolution).pptx
Conflict Resolution
A Mater of the Heart
Don Mansfield BCBC
A Mater of the Heart
Sustained change must occur from the inside out!
No Control
Control
Attitudes
Actions
Influence
Drawing from Focus for Fathers Curriculum
The Heart
At Peace?
or
At War?
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Things that do not work when solving conflict.
Trying to change others
Doing my best to “cope” with others
Leaving
Communicating
Implementing new skills & techniques
Changing my behavior
From Leadership and Self- Deception By the Arbinger institute
Actions
Behaviors
Way of Being
What we do
How we see
Attitude
Heart at Peace
Others are people: Hopes, needs, cares, and fears as real to me as my own
Attitude
Heart at War
Others are objects: Obstacles, vehicles, irrelevance
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Person’s Heart
The heart of others:
What heart conditions can we expect from our clients and Co-Workers?
You are the key
to change
Actions
Behaviors
Way of Being
What we do
How we see
Attitude
Heart at Peace
Others are people: Hopes, needs, cares, and fears as real to me as my own
Attitude
Heart at War
Others are objects: Obstacles, vehicles, irrelevance
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Your Heart
Mentor’s heart:
What heart conditions can we expect from ourselves?
Sense/Desire
Person
Heart at Peace
Honor
Choice
Betrayal puts us in a box
Object
Heart at war
How I see myself
How I see others
My feelings
My view of the world
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Boxes
We get into
Better-than
I-deserve
Need-to-be-seen-as
Worse-than
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Better-than
How I see myself
Superior
Important
Virtuous/Right
How I see others
Inferior
Incapable/Irrelevant
False/Wrong
My feelings
Impatient
Disdainful
Indifferent
My view of the world
Competitive
Troubled
Needs me
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
I-deserve
How I see myself
Meritorious
Mistreated/Victim
Unappreciated
How I see others
Mistaken
Mistreated
Ungrateful
My feelings
Entitled
Deprived
Resentful
My view of the world
Unfair
Unjust
Owes me
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Need-to-be-seen-as
How I see myself
Need to be well thought of
Fake
How I see others
Judgmental
Threating
My audience
My feelings
Anxious/Afraid
Needy/Stressed
Overwhelmed
My view of the world
Dangerous
Watching
Judging me
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Worse-than
How I see myself
Not as good
Broken/Deficient
Fated
How I see others
Advantaged
Privileged
Blessed
My feelings
Helpless
Jealous/Bitter
Depressed
My view of the world
Hard/Difficult
Against me
Ignoring me
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
The Collusion Diagram
1. He/She does
2. I See
4. He/She sees
3. I do
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
The Heart
Peaceful?
or
At War?
The heart at peace invites people into peace
The heart at war invites others into war
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
Influence Pyramid
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
Get out of the box/
Obtain a heart at peace
Step 1
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
Get out of the box/
Obtain a heart at peace
Step 2
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
Teach & Communicate
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
Get out of the box/
Obtain a heart at peace
Step 3
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
Teach & Communicate
Listen & Learn
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
Get out of the box/
Obtain a heart at peace
Step 4
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
Teach & Communicate
Listen & Learn
Build the relationship
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
A Shift in Focus
Correct
Helping things go right
Get out of the box/
Obtain a heart at peace
Step 5
Dealing with or focusing on thing that go wrong
Teach & Communicate
Listen & Learn
Build the relationship
Build relationship with others who have influnce
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Lessons from the influence Pyramid
1. Most time & effort should be spent at the lower levels of the pyramid.
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Lessons from the influence Pyramid
Most time & effort should be spent at the lower levels of the pyramid.
The solution to a problem at one level of the pyramid is always below that level of the pyramid.
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Lessons from the influence Pyramid
Most time & effort should be spent at the lower levels of the pyramid.
The solution to a problem at one level of the pyramid is always below that level of the pyramid.
Ultimately, my effectiveness at each level of the pyramid depends on the deepest level of the pyramid—my way of being.
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
What boxes are we carrying?
Better-than
I-deserve
Need-to-be-seen-as
Worse-than
Getting out of the box
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Getting out of the box
Identify the person we are in the box toward
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
Getting out of the box
Identify people we are out of the box toward
From “The Anatomy of Peace” 2nd edition
You are a HEART COACH!
A Mater of the Heart
Questions?
modules/Module 11 Substance Use And Addiction/New Microsoft Word Document.docx
Module 11: Substance Use And Addiction:
Chapter 10, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 187 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 11: Mental Health and Developmental Disability
In Module 11 we will explore the central issues and themes related to mental health history and theoretical development in the United States and particular issues as they relates to developmental disabilities and how these phenomena are linked together with public policy, treatment, and service delivery.
Module Objectives
· Introduction to definitions of mental health, mental illness, and development disabilities.
· The dynamics of mental illness are discussed from a variety of perspectives, including physiological, psychological, behavioral, and environmental and sociological explanations.
· The historical perspectives on these phenomena such as deinstitutionalization of these populations and their subsequent integration into community settings.
Mental Health and Developmental Disability
Popple and Leighninger (2011) states that mental health is the absence of mental illness, or the “successful performance of mental function, resulting in productive activities, fulfilling relationships with other people, and the ability to adapt to change” (p. 452). It is estimated that approximately 47.9 million Americans (or 1:5 Americans) live with a disability or a long-lasting physical, emotional or psychological condition (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012). Popple and Leighninger (2011) outline two competing theories related to mental illness: labeling theory and functional approach.
Developmental disability is a relatively new term that is defined as a “severe, chronic disability of a person which is attributable to a mental or physical impairment or combination of mental and physical impairment” (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 460). Developmental disabilities also relates to functional limitations such as self-care, mobility, language, independent living skills, economic and vocational abilities (Popple & Leighninger, 2011). An important concept in mental health service delivery is a least restrictive setting, in which an individual is allowed maximum self-determination and choices pertaining to their treatment (Kirst-Ashman, 2013).
Defining Disabilities (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012):
Impairment—Loss or abnormality at the level of body system or organ (i.e. amputation)
Disability—Impairment that causes restriction in the ability to carry out normal life activities
Handicap—Barriers created by an interaction between the disability and the environment, but it should be noted that this terminology is no longer the politically correct term
It is important to note that disabilities can place an individual at higher risk for discrimination, exploitation, abuse, and neglect.
Employment Settings for Social Workers
· Inpatient Psychiatric Hospitals
· Residential Treatment Centers for Children and Adolescents (RTCs)
· Group Homes (adults and children)
· Outpatient Treatment Facilities (private, hospital, clinic)
· Psychiatric Units in the hospital
· Employee Assistance Programs (EAP)
· Utilization Management
· Community Mental Health (public and private)
· Private Practice
Module 11 Readings:
· Textbook, Chapter 13
· Article, “Self-Determination While Working with Developmental Disabilities”
YouTube:
History of Mental Illness in America, Part I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8yxYAQvGV78
(Links to an external site.)
Frontline, The New Asylums
Interesting Links:
National Institute of Mental Health
http://www.nimh.nih.gov/statistics/index.shtml (Links to an external site.)
CDC (Center for Disease Control): Mental Health Statistics
http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/fastats/mental.htm (Links to an external site.)
PBS Frontline’s The New Asylum: The Severely Mentally Ill in America
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/asylums/ (Links to an external site.)
Module Questions
· In each article reading, describe what was the most impactful aspect to you? Why?
· Popple and Leighninger discuss the difference between labeling theory and a functional approach to mental health. Based on both videos and your chapter reading, what philosophical approach do you think U.S. views mental health? Why? Be specific.
· In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 11 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 15 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week.
References
Kirst-Ashman, K. K. (2013). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Morales, A. T., Sheafor, B. W., & Scott, M. E. (2012). Social work: A profession of many faces (12th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Allyn & Bacon.
Popple, P. R. & Leighninger, L. (2011). Social work, social welfare, and American society (8th ed). Boston, MA: Pearson).
modules/Module 11 Substance Use And Addiction/What happened to Self Determination.pdf
COMMENTARY
What Happened to Self-Determination? Allison D. Murdach
I n 1967, Biestek declared that, of all social work values, the "natural right" of client self- determination must be accorded the honor of
being the "highest" value. In contrast with other values such as social justice and confidentiahty, there today appears to be little interest in the profession in exploring the value of self-determination. Given the alleged central importance of this social work value, this situation requires some explanation and evaluation. This article reviews the status of client self-determination in the profession and considers the reasons for its current neglect. It is suggested that at present, the stress in social work on "verification" has diminished the usefulness and importance ofthe concept of self-determination in the profession.
SELF-DETERMINATION IN SOCIAL WORK Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (11th ed.) defines self-determination as the "free choice of one's own acts or states without external compulsion" ("Self-Determination," 2004, p. 1127). It is thus a value aUied to the closely related values of individual sovereignty and autonomy. Such ideas have a long history in Western civilization and rest on the view that individuals should ideally be self-governing and able to abide by freely self-chosen plans and goals (Beauchanip & Childress, 1989). Such individualistic values are also central in the culture of the United States (Meacham,2009).
It is interesting to note that in England and the United States, the social work profession originally sought to emphasize not self-determination but communitarianism (Furlong, 2003). Mary Rich- mond (1922), one of the founders of the profes- sion, always stressed goals such as working with individuals, families, and groups in the context of their social relationships. Although certainly aware ofthe value, Richmond (1922) did not use the term "self-determination" and chose instead to stress the idea that social workers should encourage clients to engage in the "fullest possible participation . . . in
aD plans" (p. 66). This type of "maximum feasible participation," to use language later adopted by fed- eral antipoverty programs in the 1960s, still remains a core value of social work practice (Furlong, 2003; Gilbert & Terrell, 1998).
Nevertheless, the goal of promoting the value of chent self-determination became a central social work concern, beginning in the 1930s. The ori- gins of this shift lie in the historic confrontation between "growth"-oriented functional social work and "science"-oriented diagnostic social work, which occurred during that decade. Two influ- ential social work articles pubhshed in thel930s illustrate this trend. The first was by Grace Marcus (1939), in which she described self-determination as a "facile concept" and urged the profession to accept the "scientific" findings of psychodynamic psychiatry as a basis for social work practice. The author of the second article. Bertha Reynolds (1939), rejected science as a basis for the profession and urged social work to give highest prominence to the client—provider relationship as a vehicle for individual "growth." In her view, helping clients to achieve self-determination and hberation from their "burdens" by "expanding consciousness" should be the profession's mission (Reynolds, 1939). In the revolutionary political chmate ofthe 1930s, the idea that the social work provider should help individuals achieve "liberation" through self-determination was immensely appeahng.This,in turn, made it a mantra for the social work profession for decades to follow (Furlong, 2003; Keith-Lucas, 1963).
SELF-DETERMINATION QUESTIONED Reflecting more conservative social trends, the importance of self-determination was challenged by some social work authors in the 1950s and early 1960s (Keith-Lucas, 1963). Bernstein (1960) stated that the value of self-determination needed limitation and revision and should, therefore, be considered only as a "citizen" instead of as a "king"
CCC Code: 0037-8046/11 $3.00 ©2011 National Association of Social Workers 371
in the realm of social work values. By the mid 1960s, Perlman (1971) sadly declared that the value had to be considered as an "illusion," although a "grand" illusion, essential for helping individuals to realize their highest potential.
What had caused such a lofty ideal to sink so low? In the Cold War decades following World War II, the value had begun to be perceived as vague and troubhng (Keith-Lucas, 1963). Critics noted that it was first popularized at the conclusion of Wo rid War I by President Woodrow Wilson, who asserted the "right" of self-determination to lend credence to the efforts of the United States to support and en- courage newly emerging nations to gain democracy and self-government. Though noble in intent, the ideal almost immediately ran into serious difficulty in the foreign policy arena because of its ambiguity. Advisers to the president complained that it was a "calamity" because it raised "hopes that can never be realized" and, therefore, "was bound to be dis- credited" (MacMillan, 2003, p. 11).
During the decades after World War II, the value also raised many questions within social work.What does self-determination really mean? Why is it a "right"? How much is enough? Should the right to self-determination be denied in some cases? If so, how should this be determined? Are certain indi- viduals incapable of exercising self-determination? Is self-determination even reahstic if insufficient resources exist to provide for it? The failure of the value's advocates to satisfactorily address such questions raised serious doubts about its accuracy and usefulness in social work practice. Though it continued to be celebrated in social work texts and declarations, interest in the value gradually decreased in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Although some feminist scholars and others tried to reemphasize the importance of self-determination in direct practice in social work, Freedburg concluded, in her 1989 review of the value, that it \vas still considered a cor- nerstone of the profession but its exact significance remained "elusive."
SELF-DETERMINATION REEMERGES By the mid-1980s, a renaissance of interest in self- determination quickly materialized following the publication of works by such authors as Solomon (1976) and Hasenfeld (1987). Building on ideas derived from the civil rights, national identity, and feminist struggles of the 1960s, the work of these and other community practice social work authors began
to explicitly Unk the concept of self-determination with the idea of power. Picking up the "liberation" theme first annunciated by Reynolds (1939), the perceived implications of self-determination began to expand enormously because of the burgeoning professional social work interest in "empowering" clients and providers to struggle against oppres- sion (Fook, 2002; Simon, 1994). By the 1990s, the traditional social work effort to better define the client's "right" to self-determination was dropped as a growing number of social work practitioners and academics sought to redefine the profession as a campaign to "emancipate" clients from their powerlessness and, in this way, truly bring about their self-determination. Thus, individuals, groups, and communities could be fully "empowered" through the process of becoming better aware of and then challenging their oppressive social condi- tions (Fook, 2002).
A NEW MORAL VISION? Since self-determination was now deemed to be a product of client emancipation rather than so- cial recognition, older social work approaches to the development of self-determination were now criticized by many in the profession as encouraging clients to seek the ideal of autonomy but providing no means to achieve it (Fook, 2002; Simon, 1994). In contrast, it was said that empowerment-oriented practitioners offered help to clients based on a well- tried methodology of emancipation, derived from the civil rights struggles of the 1960s and from the liberation ideologies of such thinkers as Paulo Freiré and Franz Fanon (Larson & Allen, 2006). Although only marginal attention was paid to objectively veri- fying whether this methodology actually improved clients' lives, the social work advocates of empow- erment quickly seized the idea that they were the vanguard of a new moral vision in the profession. This perspective appeared to bring to social work a unifying theme and focus at a time when social services and benefits were being threatened by drastic retrenchment and financial cutbacks (Simon, 1994). It seemed that the value of self-determination, now recast as empowerment, had finally achieved its pride of place in social work.
SELF-DETERMINATION LOST? Current social trends have caused the cultural con- text of direct social work practice to change yet again. Although empowerment-oriented practice
372 SocialWork VOLUME 56, NUMBER 4 OCTOBER 2011
is still highly regarded in social work, its star seems to have waned. In its place, top billing now appears to be given to empirically based social work. Once vilified by its detractors as concerned only with "bean counting" and the economic "bottom line," it seems to have gained the upper hand not only in the United States, but also throughout the world- wide profession of social work. Reflecting a growing trend tow ârd a more "scientific" and "rationalistic" approach,"hard data" and empirically driven research are now the lodestones of practice.
Factors such as empowering others or promoting their self-determination are only truly respectable when accompanied by verifiable results (Chu,Tsui, & Yan, 2009). Critics charge that this is sign of resurgent "managerialist" and "neoliberalist" social policies, developed in the United States and Great Britain during the Reagan and Thatcher eras and now entrenched in social welfare systems all over the world (Tang & Peters, 2006). Whatever the reasons, the quest to make self-determination a driving force in social work has once again receded into the background of the profession. There the value remains—respected, honored, and glowing brightly, but awaiting yet another burst of moral energy to galvanize it and the profession back into action. ECU]
REFERENCES Beauchamp,T. L., & Childress,J. F. (1989). Principles of bio-
medical ethics. New York: Oxford University Press. Bernstein, S. (1960). Self-determination: King or citizen in
the realm of values? [Editorial]. Social Work, 5, 3—8. Biestek, F P. (1967). Basic values in social work. In Values
in social work: A re-examination (pp. 11—22). New York: National Association of Social Workers.
Chu, C.K.W.,Tsui, M., &Yan, M. (2009). Social work as a moral and political practice. International Social Work, 52, 287-298.
Fook,J. (2002). Social work: Critical theory and practice. London: Sage Publications.
Freedburg, S. (1989). Self-determination: Historical per- spectives and effects on current practice. Social Work, 34, 33-38.
Furlong, M. A. (2003). Self-determination and a critical perspective in casework. Qualitative Social Work, 2, 177-196.
Gilbert, N., & Terrell, P (1998). Dimensions of social welfare policy (4th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Hasenfeld,Y. (1987). Power in social work. Social Service Review, 61, 469-483.
Keith-Lucas, A. (1963). A critique of the principle of client self-determination. Social Work, 8(3), 66—71.
Larson, G., & Allen, H. (2006). Conscientization—The ex- perience of Canadian social work students in Mexico. International Social Work, 4, 507-518.
Macmillan, M. (2003). Paris 1919. New York: Random House.
Marcus, G. F (1939). The status of social case work today. In F. Lowry (Ed.), Readings in social case work (pp. 122-135). New York: Columbia University Press.
Meacham,J. (2009, April 13).The end of Christian America. Newsweek, 34—38.
Perlman, H. H. (1971). Self-determination: Reahty or illusion? In H. H. Perlman (Ed.), Perspectives on social casework (pp. 125—145). Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Reynolds, B. C. (1939). Social case work:What is it? What is its place in the world today? In F. Lowry (Ed.), Readings in social case work (pp. 135—147). New York: Columbia University Press.
Richmond, M. (1922). What is social case work? New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Self-Determination. (2004). In Merriam-Webster's colle- giate dictionary (11th ed., p. 1127). Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster.
Simon, B. L. (1994). The empowerment tradition in American social work. New York: Columbia University Press.
Solomon, B. B. (1976). Black empowerment: Social work in oppressed communities. New York: Columbia University Press.
Tang, K., & Peters, H. (2006). Internationalizing the struggle against neoliberal social policy: The experi- ence of Canadian women. International Social Work, 49,571-582.
Allison D. Murdach, MA, LCSVi^ is a retired psychiatric social worker. Address correspondence to the author at 2942
Hardeman Street, Hay ward, CA 94541;e-mail:allisonandjo@
hotmail.com.
Original manuscript received January 22, 2010 Accepted February 16, 2010
MURDACH / What Happened to Self-Determination? 373
modules/module 12/Depression and Elderly Population.pdf
Psychology and Aging 1992. Vol.7. No. 3, 343-351
Copyright 1992 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0882-7974/92/S3.00
Physical Illness and Symptoms of Depression Among Elderly Outpatients
Gail M. Williamson University of Georgia
Richard Schulz University of Pittsburgh
Elderly outpatients were assessed to clarify relations between symptoms of depression and physical illness, disability, pain, and selected psychosocial variables. Three types of assessments were made: (a) medical evaluations by physicians, (b) self-reported symptoms of depression and physical health, and (c) demographic and psychosocial data relating to participants' life circumstances. Both objective (physician-rated illness symptoms) and subjective (self-reported health, activity re- striction, and use of pain medications) indicators of health accounted for independent variance in symptoms of depression. After controlling for these factors, additional variance was explained by health-related concerns (e.g., health care expenses, service needs), social support, and "other worries" (e.g., feeling useless, becoming a burden to others).
Although the prevalence of major depression is relatively low among the elderly, a substantial proportion report high levels of depressive symptomatology (Blazer, 1989; Palinkas, Wingard, & Barrett-Connor, 1990). For example, two population studies (Blazer & Williams, 1980; National Institute on Aging, 1986) found that 15% of older adults met criteria for being at risk for clinical depression. A factor repeatedly shown to be associated with affect disturbance in the elderly is the presence of physical illness (e.g., Cassileth et al., 1984; LaRue, Dessonville, & Jar- vick, 1985; Pfeiffer & Busse, 1973; Stenback, 1980). In a cross- national study of elderly residents of London and New \brk, Gurland et al. (1983) reported that degree of physical illness was the most consistent correlate of pervasive depression (i.e., needing clinical attention). On the basis of these results, Gur- land et al. concluded that "physical illness, disability and de- pendence [are] probably the major determinants of depression in the elderly" (p. 245). Other research supports this conclusion (e.g., Blazer & Williams, 1980; Cheah & Beard, 1980; Conlin & Fennell, 1983; Roth & Kay, 1956).
When biological factors have been ruled out as causes of affect disturbance, speculation about mediating mechanisms has often focused on disability. For example, greater functional incapacity in rheumatoid arthritics (Moos, 1964) and inability to perform normal activities in cancer patients (Cassileth et al., 1984) have been shown to be related to poorer mental health. M. Linn, Hunter, and Harris (1980) reported that, after control- ling for level of physical disability, physical illness no longer predicted degree of depression. Gurland et al. (1983) suggested that physical disability may be the primary factor accounting for depression among the physically ill.
Another potential causal agent is pain. Chronic pain patients of all adult ages show increased rates of depression (e.g., Ro-
This research was supported by Grant RO1 MH41887 from the Na- tional Institute of Mental Health (Richard Schulz, principal investiga- tor).
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gail M. Williamson, Department of Psychology, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia 30602.
mano & Turner, 1985; Roy, Thomas, & Matas, 1984). Recently, Parmelee, Katz, and Lawton (1991) found significant associa- tions between pain and depression in a sample of institutional- ized elderly. Moreover, although depression was correlated with physical illness severity and functional disability, these correla- tions did not account for the association between depression and pain.
In sum, there is abundant evidence indicating that physical health variables (e.g., illness, disability, and pain) are related to increased psychological distress among the elderly. However, the exact nature of the association remains unclear. In particu- lar, both medically diagnosed and self-reported illness have been shown to be related to psychological distress. Although the results of studies using subjective (self-report) measures of health (e.g., Bolla-Wilson & Bleecker, 1989; Palinkas et al., 1990; Phifer & Murrell, 1986; Revicki & Mitchell, 1990) are consis- tent with those using objective (e.g., physician-rated) measures, there are reasons to suspect that subjective health may be a better predictor of psychological well-being than is objective health. Recently, Pearlman and Uhlmann (1991) found that quality of life among elderly outpatients was more strongly re- lated to subjective perceptions of health than to the more objec- tive (but still self-report) measure of health care utilization.
Such findings are problematic because subjective measures of health may be confounded by psychological distress (e.g., Cohen & Williamson, 1988,1991; Schulz, Visintainer, & Wil- liamson, 1990). In particular, individuals who are more psycho- logically distressed may be more prone to report being in poorer physical health or to exaggerate reports of health care utilization. If this is the case, then the association between ac- tual health status and depressed affect may be weaker than previously believed. Another possibility is that objective and subjective health contribute to psychological distress indepen- dently. In other words, it may be that the documented presence of illness per se leads to declines in affect and that negative perceptions of one's own health status further exacerbate this effect.
As yet, few studies have compared objective, physician-as- sessed health status with subjective, self-reported health as pre-
343
344 GAIL M. WILLIAMSON AND RICHARD SCHULZ
dictors of psychological distress. In a sample of older adults with no history of clinical depression, we evaluated summary data from comprehensive medical examinations and subjects' own perceptions of their health status for relative ability to predict symptoms of depression. Consistent with previous re- search, we expected that objective (physician-rated) illness would explain substantial portions of the variance in depressive symptomatology. Moreover, given the strength of associations found in prior studies, we also expected that subjective (self-re- ported) illness would predict symptoms of depression beyond the effects of objectively assessed health.
Taken together, health-related variables define some of the central factors that may contribute to symptoms of depression. However, as other researchers (e.g., Lewinsohn, Hoberman, & Rosenbaum, 1988) have proposed, it is unlikely that any factor is solely responsible for producing psychological distress. In addition to the stress associated with declining health, a variety of psychosocial factors are likely to increase the probability of experiencing depressed affect. Given the large body of litera- ture indicating the importance of social support in mediating the relation between stressful events and psychological distress (e.g., Russell & Cutrona, 1991; also see Cohen & Wills, 1985; House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988, for reviews), we expected that social support would predict symptoms of depression after controlling for physical health status. We also included a cate- gory of additional "other worries" variables that preliminary research suggested might be related to depressed affect in the elderly (e.g., worries about becoming a burden to others and fears about personal safety). These variables were considered to be exploratory in nature, and our intent was to investigate their contribution to symptoms of depression beyond the effects of physical illness and social support.
Summary of Hypotheses and Goals
On the basis of the results of prior research, we predicted that higher levels of depressive symptomatology would be asso- ciated with (a) objective (physician-rated) indicators of more physical illness, including symptoms, disease, impairment, and pain; (b) subjective (self-reported) indicators of more physical illness, including symptoms, disability, pain, and perceived overall health status; and (c) less social support. Beyond replicat- ing earlier findings, we also made hypotheses regarding the relative contributions of each of these categories to explaining variance in symptoms of depression. Specifically, we predicted that subjective (self-reported) health would predict depressive symptomatology after controlling for the effects of objective (physician-rated) health and that social support would make an important contribution to depressive symptomatology beyond the effects of both objective and subjective physical illness. Fi- nally, we predicted that more symptoms of depression would be found among those experiencing greater frequency of a new category of variables, "other worries." In addition to these pre- dicted findings, we conducted other analyses to explore contri- butions to symptoms of depression made by other worries after controlling for physical health (both objective and subjective) and social support.
Method
Data reported in this article are from the first wave of a four-panel longitudinal study. Three types of assessments were made: (a) medical evaluations by physicians and physician's assistants (PAs), (b) self-re- port data evaluating symptoms of depression and perceived physical health, and (c) demographic and psychosocial data relating to partici- pants and their life circumstances.
Subjects
Selection Criteria and Recruitment Procedure
Subjects were recruited from two outpatient clinics at the University of Pittsburgh. These facilities provide comprehensive assessment, med- ical care, and case management to ambulatory adults from a broad social, cultural, economic, and educational base. Charts of patients scheduled for regular medical appointments were screened for eligibil- ity on the following criteria: (a) 55 years of age or older; (b) community dwelling (i.e., not institutionalized); (c) no history of alcoholism; (d) a score of at least 25 out of 30 on the Folstein Mini-Mental State Exami- nation (MMS; Folstein, Folstein, & McHugh, 1975); (e) no psychiatric history of major recurrent depression, schizophrenia, psychosis, or- ganic mental disorder, or dementia; and (f) no single episode of major depression in the 6 months prior to recruitment.
Following patient physical examinations, physicians and PAs pro- vided data concerning the results of physical examinations and pain experienced by the patient. Psychosocial interviews were usually con- ducted in respondents' homes within 1 week after the clinic visit. Inter- views took about 90 min to complete.
Participant Sample
A total of 414 individuals met eligibility criteria. Of those, 230 (55.6%) agreed to participate. There were no significant differences in mean age or gender between those who agreed to participate and those who refused. The most commonly cited reason for refusing was being too ill to participate (37%), followed by time limitations and busy schedules (18%). Two individuals did not adequately complete the mea- sure of depressive symptomatology and were excluded from all analy- ses, leaving a total of 228 subjects.
Measures
Symptoms of Depression
Subjects completed the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depres- sion scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977), a 20-item self-report instrument designed for use in the general population. The CES-D consists of items selected from previously validated scales (Beck Depression In- ventory, Zung's Self-Rating Scale, and the Minnesota Multiphasic Per- sonality Inventory depression scale) specifically to avoid the problem characteristic of some measures—placing too much emphasis on so- matic factors that frequently characterize nondepressed older or dis- abled persons. Items were scored on a 4-point scale (0 to 3) describing frequency of occurrence during the previous week. Radloff reported high internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and validity. In the present sample, alpha for internal reliability was .89.
Although we did not assess actual clinical depression, the CES-D has been shown to predict concurrent and future diagnosis of clinical depression (e.g., Lewinsohn et al., 1988; Roberts & Vernon, 1983; Rohde, Lewinsohn, Tilson, & Seeley, 1990; Schulberg, McClelland, & Burns, 1987) and to discriminate between community-residing older adults and those in inpatient psychiatric units (Himmelfarb &Murrell,
PHYSICAL ILLNESS AND SYMPTOMS OF DEPRESSION 345
1983). Scores of 16 and above are generally believed to indicate that individuals are at risk for clinical depression.
Medical Evaluation—Physician-Rated Health Status
Each participant's chart contained thorough medical histories and results of complete physical and neurologic examinations performed in a standardized manner according to established practice at the clin- ics. To keep the amount of data within manageable limits, assessment summaries were made in two categories: illnesses and their severity, and pain and discomfort associated with illness.
Illnesses and their severity. Physicians formulated a complete list of medical diagnoses for each patient and rated severity of all diagnosed conditions. Three summary measures were derived from these data: (a) total symptoms represented a count of the presence or absence of 32 illness symptoms (e.g., fever, deafness, joint pain), (b) total diseases consisted of the number of diagnosed disease conditions, and (c) dis- ease severity was derived by summing physician ratings of the severity of each diagnosed disease condition on scales of 0 to 3, with higher ratings indicating more severity.
Clinic physicians also provided a fourth summary measure of pa- tient health status. The Cumulative Illness Rating Scale (CIRS; B. S. Linn, Linn, & Gurel, 1968) yields estimates of physical impairment. On a scale of 0 (no impairment) to 4 (extremely severe impairment), physicians rated each patient's condition in 12 categories (e.g., cardiac, vascular, respiratory, neurologic). Ratings were summed to yield a to- tal CIRS score.
Pain and discomfort. Physicians also rated overall levels of pain and discomfort associated with patients' conditions. On scales of 0 (none) to 3 (much), three items asked (a) "In general, how much pain has been associated with these illnesses?" (b) "In your opinion, how much pain has the patient experienced in the last week as a result of these illnesses (independent of the patient's report)?" and (c) "In general, how much annoyance, as opposed to pain, would you think these illnesses have caused the patient?" On scales of 0 (no pain) to 5 (worst pain associated with these illnesses), physicians also rated, independent of the patient's report, (d) the most pain the patient had experienced, and (e) the amount of pain the patient had experienced in the past week. Scores on these five items were summed to yield a measure with standardized Cronbach's alpha of .94.
Self-Reported Physical Health
Study participants provided data relevant to their perceived physical health status. Five categories of self-reported health were assessed: (a) subjective overall health, (b) objective health indicators, (c) symptoms, (d) pain and discomfort, and (e) areas of life affected by illness.
Subjective overall health was measured with a single item asking subjects to rate their health on a scale of 1 (poor) to 5 (excellent). Objec- tive self-reported health was assessed by summing patients' reports of the number of (a) hospitalization days and physician visits in the past 6 months, (b) disabilities and illnesses that limited activities in the past 12 months, and (c) other chronic health problems. Self-reported symp- toms were measured using the 12-item somatization subscale of the Symptom Checklist 90 (SCL-90; Derogatis, Rickels, & Rock, 1976). The somatization scale includes items such as weakness, soreness, numbness, heavy feelings, headache, nausea, and faintness. Respon- dents indicated the degree to which each ailment had bothered them in the past month on a scale of 1 (not at all) to 5 (extremely). Two scores were obtained—a simple count of the number of symptoms indicated as being bothersome and the extent to which symptoms were bother- some.
To measure pain and discomfort, a five-item index was constructed to assess general pain (0 = none, 3 = much), highest level of pain
associated with current illness (0 = no pain, 100 = worst pain you can imagine), pain during the past week (0 = none, 3 = much), highest level of pain in the past week (0 = no pain, 100 = worst pain you can imagine), and general annoyance or discomfort (0 = none, 3 = much). Cronbach's standardized alpha for this index was .89. Patients also reported the type and frequency of medications taken for pain and the numberof pain medications served as a secondary measure of discom- fort.
Perceptions of how health status affected subjects' lives were as- sessed in two ways. First, as a measure of disability, level of depen- dence on assistance from others was evaluated with the Activities of Daily Living Scale, derived from the Older Americans Resource and Services scales (OARS; Multidimensional Functional Assessment, 1978). Eighteen items assessed help needed in two categories: 7 items assessed activities of daily living (ADL; e.g., bathing, dressing, and eating), and 11 items assessed instrumental activities of daily living (IADL; e.g., managing money, doing laundry, and shopping for per- sonal items). Each item was rated on a 4-point scale (0 = no help re- quired, 3 = much help required).
Second, to measure perceived activity restriction, respondents indi- cated the extent to which nine areas of activity (self-care, care of others, eating habits, sleeping habits, doing household chores, going shopping, visiting friends, working on hobbies, and maintaining friendships) were restricted by their illness or disability (0 = never or seldom did this, 4 = greatly restricted). Our prior research has shown these items to be highly interrelated (Cronbach's alpha = .89), and in the present study, Cronbach's alpha was .85.
Psychosocial Variables
Standard demographic data (age, income, race, marital status, educa- tion, employment status, and religion) were collected. Additional psy- chosocial measures included health care concerns, financial worries, social support, and other worries.
Health care concerns. Problems related to obtaining health care ser- vices were evaluated with three individual questions: (a) "Is transporta- tion to and from the doctor or clinic a problem for you?" (1 = no problem at all, 4 = always a problem); (b) "How would you rate the amount of care you are getting?" (1 = much less than needed, 4 = more than I need); and (c) "In general, how satisfied are you with the medical care you have received for your latest health problem?" (1 = very dissat- isfied, 4 = very satisfied).
Financial worries. Four individual questions measured respon- dents' perceptions of financial difficulties: (a) "How adequate is your income to meet your needs?" (1 = much more than adequate, 5 = not at all adequate); (b) "How adequate are your insurance and financial re- sources for future health care needs?" (1 = inadequate, 3 = more than adequate); (c) "How much do you worry about being able to cover your health care expenses in the future?" (1 = don't worry at all, 3 = worry a great deal); and (d) "If you could afford it, what other services or care, if any, would you get?" (0 = no additional services needed, 1 = additional services needed).
Social support. The construct of social support was assessed multi- dimensionally. First, satisfaction with social contacts was measured using a six-item scale previously found to predict depressive symptom- atology in caregivers of Alzheimer's patients (Schulz, Williamson, Morycz, & Biegel, 1992). Items asked (a) how the number of people that participants felt close to had changed in the past 6 months (1 = in- creased, 3 = decreased, reverse scored); (b) satisfaction with amount of social contact (1 = very dissatisfied, 5 = very satisfied); (c) satisfaction with quality of social contact (scored same as Item b); (d) how much time participants would like to be spending with people they care about (1 = much less, 5 = much more, reverse scored); (e) how much socializing they were doing (1 = much less than I'd like, 5 = much more
346 GAIL M. WILLIAMSON AND RICHARD SCHULZ
than I'd like); and (f) how much help or support they were currently receiving (1 = much less than I need, 5 = much more than I need). Cronbach's alpha for this scale was .69.
Although Items d, e, and f employed curvilinear rather than linear scales, few respondents indicated spending more time than they would like with people they care about (2.1%), doing more socializing than they would like (5.6%), or receiving more help or support than they needed (3.4%). Tests of deviation from linearity revealed no F values approaching significance (i.e., all ps > .05). Consequently, responses to these items were analyzed as linear functions.
The dimension of perceived social support was measured using a six-item version of the Interpersonal Support Evaluation List (ISEL; Cohen, Mermelstein, Kamarck, & Hoberman, 1985). On a scale of 0 (definitely true) to 3 (definitely false), respondents rated these state- ments: (a) "When I feel lonely, there are several people I can talk to"; (b) "I often meet or talk with family or friends"; (c) "If I were sick, I could easily find someone to help me with my daily chores"; (d) "When I need suggestions on how to deal with a personal problem, I know someone I can turn to"; (e) "If I had to go out of town for a few weeks, it would be difficult to find someone who would look after my house or apart- ment" (reverse scored); and (0 "There is at least one person I know whose advice I really trust." Cronbach's alpha was .73.
Social exits were investigated using a life events instrument that examines 15 events involving the loss or disruption of important rela- tionships with others (Cohen, Tyrrell, & Smith, 1991). These include moving, death or serious illness of a close other, separation or divorce, relationships that ended or became significantly worse, and other events (e.g., loss of job) that might affect interpersonal relationships. Participants were asked to indicate whether each event had occurred within the past year (0 = no, 1 = yes). Affirmative responses were summed to yield the number of social exits experienced.
Two additional social support items were scored individually. To assess willingness to seek help from others, subjects were asked, "In general, how likely are you to ask people you know for help or sup- port?" (1 = very unlikely, 5 = very likely). To measure degree of impor- tance subjects placed on social contact, they were asked, "How impor- tant would you say it is for you to get together with people?" (1 = not important, 5 = very important).
Other worries. We devised a list of 13 other worries, based on evi- dence obtained in preliminary work with elderly populations (e.g., be- coming a burden to others; see Table 2 for a complete list). Respon- dents selected as many as 3 concerns that had been difficult for them to face in the past month. Responses for each item were coded as 0 (not difficult) or 1 (difficult).
Statistical Analyses
We conducted analyses in four stages. First, the sample was de- scribed in terms of CES-D scores and demographic variables. Second, we evaluated relations between indicators of physical illness (both physician-rated and self-reported) and depressive symptomatology. In the third analysis stage, we evaluated relations between sets of psycho- social factors (i.e., health care concerns, financial worries, social sup- port, and other worries) and CES-D scores. The fourth stage consisted of analyses aimed at documenting the importance of these factors in explaining variance in symptoms of depression beyond the effects of physical illness.
A large number of analyses (slightly more than 100) were conducted to obtain the reported results. To control for Type I error, only alphasof at least p < .01 are considered significant. For some analyses, incom- plete or missing data resulted in n less than 228 (minimum n in any analysis = 210).
Results
Sample Characteristics
Participants ranged in age from 59 to 95 years (M = 72). Modal yearly household income was between $5,000 and $10,000. Of the total sample, 68.9% were women. Approxi- mately two thirds of the sample were White; all remaining sub- jects were Black. One third were married, and an additional 40% were widows or widowers. Two thirds (66.0%) had at least a high school education. Almost one third of the sample were Catholic and more than one half were Protestant. Not surpris- ingly, given the age of this group, most (60.9%) were retired.
Mean score for the CES-D was 10.57, indicating levels of depressive symptomatology substantially higher than popula- tion means for similarly aged individuals (M= 7.4) reported by Berkman et al. (1986). Of the total sample, 23.7% (« = 54) were at risk for developing clinical depression, with CES-D scores of 16 or higher.
Symptoms of Depression and Physical Health
Physician-Rated Health Status
Mean scores and standard deviations for each of the physi- cian-rated variables are shown in Table 1, as are correlations between CES-D scores and medical summary variables. Pa- tients evaluated as having more physical illness symptoms and greater physical impairment reported more symptoms of de- pression. Total diseases, disease severity, and physician-rated pain were not related to CES-D scores.
Self-Reported Physical Health
Means and standard deviations for self-reported health mea- sures are reported in Table 1 along with correlations between
Table 1 Physical Health Variables: Means and Correlates of Symptoms of Depression
Variable M SD
Physician-rated health Total symptoms Total diseases Disease severity CIRS Pain
Self-reported health Subjective health Objective health Total symptoms Severity of symptoms Pain Pain medications ADL IADL Activity restriction
7.12 6.32 4.10 6.57 6.52
2.97 9.53 4.32
20.77 82.68 0.71 0.73 3.50
13.25
4.71 2.51 3.07 3.16 5.40
1.05 10.05 2.91 7.51
65.18 0.84 2.65 5.72 6.27
.35**
.12
.08
.21**
.05
-.36** .18* .34* .35* .30* .33* .08 .23* .36*
Note. CIRS = Cumulative Illness Rating Scale (B. S. Linn, Linn, & Gurel, 1968); ADL = activities of daily living; IADL = instrumental activities of dairy living. *p<.01. **p<.001.
PHYSICAL ILLNESS AND SYMPTOMS OF DEPRESSION 347
these variables and CES-D scores. More depressive symptoms were related to poorer subjective and objective health and more somatic symptoms, bother associated with these symptoms, pain, use of pain medication, need for assistance with IADL, and activity restriction. ADL was not related to symptoms of depression.
The CES-D contains 4 items ("I did not feel like eating/appe- tite was poor"; "I felt that everything I did was an effort"; "My sleep was restless"; and "I could not get going") that may be construed as assessing somatic symptoms of depression. To evaluate whether these items artificially inflated correlations between physical health and symptoms of depression, we recal- culated the correlations shown in Table 1 using CES-D scores without these 4 items. Although correlations between this mea- sure and physical health variables were slightly smaller (averag- ing -.05) than with the full CES-D, we found no major differ- ences in significance levels. Consequently, we used the full 20- item CES-D in subsequent analyses.
Individual Contributions of Objective and Self-Reported Health
We hypothesized that self-reported health would predict de- pressive symptomatology beyond the effects of physician-rated health status. Among the physician-rated health variables, total symptoms and CIRS were correlated with CES-D scores. Total symptoms and CIRS were also intercorrelated, r = .46, p < .0001. The first step in testing our hypothesis was to determine the better predictor of depressive symptomatology. We con- ducted a stepwise analysis in which CES-D scores were re- gressed onto total symptoms and CIRS. Total symptoms ac- counted for 12% of the variance in depressed affect, F(1,223) = 31.24, p< .00001. CIRS did not enter into the equation. Thus, the total symptoms measure was retained as the best predictor among physician-rated variables of patient symptoms of de- pression.
To determine if self-rated health predicted additional vari- ance in depressive symptomatology beyond the more objective physician-rated measure, CES-D scores were first regressed onto total physician-rated symptoms. In stepwise fashion, the eight self-report health variables previously determined to be correlated with symptoms of depression (see Table 1) were en- tered next. (Note that the eight self-report health measures in- cluded in this analysis were intercorrelated, all rs > .20, p < .002.) After controlling for physician-rated physical illness symptoms, self-report variables accounted for an additional 13% of the variance in depressive symptomatology, F(4,203) = 16.48, p < .00001. Three of the eight variables entered into the equation: number of pain medications (6%), subjective health (5%), and activity restriction (2%). Higher CES-D scores were related to more pain medications, poorer overall health status, and greater activity restriction.
To summarize, health status variables accounted for 25% of the variance in symptoms of depression in this sample of el- derly outpatients. As expected, an objective (physician-rated) health variable derived from medical tests and examinations predicted depressive symptomatology. Also as hypothesized, beyond the effects of objective health, self-reported health vari- ables accounted for a significant portion of the variance in
Table 2 Psychosocial Variables: Means and Correlates of Symptoms of Depression
Variable M SD
Health care concerns Transportation problems Receiving needed care Satisfaction with medical care
Financial worries Mean household income per year* Income adequacy Insurance adequacy Worry about health care expenses Additional service needs
Social support Satisfaction with social contacts Perceived social support1" Social exits Willingness to seek help Importance of social contact
Other worries Being neglected/abandoned by family Losing someone to confide in/be
close to Becoming a burden to family/friends Becoming more dependent on others Keeping up with household chores Dealing with doctors/taking
medications No one to share occasions/holidays Disinterest in cooking/eating alone Worry about personal safety No one to help in everyday needs Feeling useless General decline in own health Being confined/housebound in bad
weather
1.3 2.9 3.4
3.1 3.4 1.8 1.5 0.3
19.5 3.3 2.1 2.1 3.8
0.0
0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2
0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.1
0.1
0.7 0.4 0.8
2.1 0.9 0.5 0.7 2.0
2.3 3.4 1.6 1.5 1.4
0.2
0.2 0.4 0.3 0.4
0.2 0.2 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.3 0.3
0.3
.24** -.12 -.07
-.20** .14
-.05 .28* .30*
-.32* .22* .28* .14 .16*
.14
.00
.26**
.04
.04
.14
.17*
.19*
.09
.08
.23**
.17*
.14
'3 = $10,000-15,000. ' *p<.01. **p<.001.
Higher scores = lower levels of support.
symptoms of depression. We turn next to examining additional factors that may explain variance in depressed affect over and above the effects of physical health indicators.
Psychosocial Factors and Symptoms of Depression
Means and standard deviations for each of the psychosocial variables are shown in Table 2. This table also displays correla- tions between each variable and CES-D scores.
Health Care Concerns
Neither perceived adequacy of medical care nor satisfaction with medical care were related to symptoms of depression. However, the more frequently patients experienced transporta- tion problems in getting to and from the doctor's office or clinic, the greater were their depressive symptoms. We re- gressed CES-D scores onto transportation problems (the only variable in this set correlated with depressed affect). This analy- sis revealed that transportation problems explained 6% of the variance in symptoms of depression, F(l, 226) = 13.66, p < .0003.
348 GAIL M. WILLIAMSON AND RICHARD SCHULZ
Financial Worries
In addition to the four questions assessing respondents' worries about financial matters, the demographic variable household income was included in this set of variables as a potential measure of financial concern. Neither adequacy of income to meet respondents' needs nor adequacy of insurance and financial resources to meet future health care needs were related to symptoms of depression. Lower income was asso- ciated with higher CES-D scores, as were worry about being able to cover health care expenses in the future and need for additional services.
In stepwise fashion, we regressed CES-D scores onto the three financial variables shown to be related to symptoms of depression (income, health care expenses, and additional ser- vice needs). Two of the variables together explained 14% of the variance in depressive symptomatology: additional service needs (9%), and worry about health care expenses (5%), F(2, 218) = 17.13, p<.00001.
Social Support
Lower CES-D scores were related to greater satisfaction with social contacts, higher perceptions of available social support, fewer social exits, and lower importance of social contact with others. Willingness to seek help from others was not related to symptoms of depression.
To determine the importance of individual social support variables in explaining variance in depressed affect, we re- gressed CES-D scores in stepwise fashion onto the four social support variables shown to be related to symptoms of depres- sion. All four variables entered into the equation, together ex- plaining 20% of the variance: satisfaction with social contacts (10%), social exits (5%), perceived social support (3%), and im- portance of social contacts (2%), F(4,223) = 14.09, p < .00001.
Other Worries
A final set of variables assessed concerns over a number of additional issues hypothesized to be disturbing to elderly peo- ple. Five of these items were correlated with symptoms of de- pression: becoming a burden to others, having no one to share special occasions, disinterest in cooking and eating alone, feel- ing useless, and the general decline of one's own health.
To determine the importance of individual contributions of other worries variables, we regressed CES-D scores in stepwise fashion onto the other worries items that were correlated with symptoms of depression. All of these variables entered into the equation, together explaining 21 % of the variance: becoming a burden (7%), cooking and eating alone (5%), general decline of health (3%), no one to share occasions (3%), and feeling use- less (3%).
To summarize, we found that a number of psychosocial vari- ables were related to symptoms of depression in elderly outpa- tients. Among these were health care concerns (in the form of transportation problems to obtain health care services), finan- cial worries (primarily associated with health care expenses and needed services that could not be afforded), social support, and a number of additional concerns (e.g, becoming a burden to others and feeling useless). Next, we determined the impor-
tance of these factors in explaining variance in depressive symp- tomatology beyond the effects of physical illness.
Contributions of Psychosocial Variables to Symptoms of Depression Beyond Effects of Physical Illness
We expected that at least some psychosocial variables would predict variance in depressed affect after controlling for the effects of physical health status. We had no grounds for making clear a priori predictions about which psychosocial variables would be more important in this process. However, our predic- tions and results of our earlier analyses suggested an ordering of blocks of variables appropriate to hierarchical regression analy- sis. Having previously determined that self-reported health vari- ables contributed to variance in depressive symptomatology beyond the effects of physician-rated symptoms, we entered both physician-rated and self-reported physical health variables as one block in the first step in the regression.
In the second step, health care concerns and financial worries were entered as a block. Our rationale here was that the variables in these categories previously determined to predict symptoms of depression (i.e., transportation to and from doc- tor/clinic, health care expenses, and additional service needs) were conceptually related to physical illness and, as such, should be entered into the equation immediately after physical health measures.
The third regression step involved entering as a block the social support variables shown to predict depressive symptoms in prior stepwise analyses. The fourth and final step, then, con- tained (as a block) the other worries variables shown to predict CES-D scores in earlier analysis. Our reasoning in choosing the order of these final two steps was based on the fact that a sub- stantial body of research has shown that social support is an important factor in mediating psychological reactions to stress (e.g., Russell & Cutrona, 1991; also see Cohen & Wills, 1985; House et al., 1988, for reviews) and on our interest in exploring other worries as additional factors contributing to depressed affect. Consequently, we felt it was important to control for factors known to contribute to symptoms of depression before entering these new variables into the equation.
We also considered the possibility that social support might buffer the relation between stress (physical illness) and de- pressed affect (e.g., Cohen & Wills, 1985; Phifer & Murrell, 1986). Additional analyses were conducted in which terms rep- resenting interactions between all of the health and social sup- port variables (16 interaction terms in total) were calculated and entered as the fourth step in the hierarchical regression equation. After controlling for physical health, health care con- cerns, and social support, no additional variance (i.e., less than 1 %) in symptoms of depression was explained by interactions between health and social support.
To summarize, CES-D scores were regressed hierarchically onto blocks containing physical illness variables, health-related concerns, social support indicators, and other worries. Results of this analysis are shown in Table 3.
As reported previously, physician-rated and self-reported health together accounted for 25% of the variance in CES-D scores. After controlling for health status, health-related con- cerns explained an additional 6%. Beyond the effects of health
PHYSICAL ILLNESS AND SYMPTOMS OF DEPRESSION 349
Table 3 Contributions of Physical Health Status and Psychosocial Factors to Symptoms of Depression
Predictor variable
Physical health (Step 1) Physician-rated symptoms Self-report:
Activity restriction Pain medications Subjective health
Health-related concerns (Step 2) Health care expenses Additional service needs Transportation problems
Social support (Step 3) Satisfaction with social contacts Perceived social support Social exits Importance of social contact
Other worries (Step 4) Becoming a burden to others No one to share occasions Disinterest in cooking/eating Feeling useless General decline in health
Beta
.08
.08
.27 -.24
.13
.16
.08
-.09 .22 .10 .16
.18
.12
.12
.07
.11
R2
R2 change
.25 .25
.31 .06
.40 .09
.47 .07
Note. F for total equation = 11.03, p < .00001.
status and health-related worries, social support variables ex- plained 9% of the variance in depressive symptomatology. After taking into consideration health status, health-related con- cerns, and social support, the block of other worries variables added another 7% to explained variance in symptoms of de- pression.
Discussion
Physical Illness and Depressive Symptomatology
In a sample of community-residing elderly outpatients, indi- cators of physical health status were strongly associated with symptoms of depression. The present investigation sheds new light on the importance of objective versus subjective health ratings in predicting depressive symptoms among older adults. Specifically, although physician-rated physical illness symp- toms accounted for a substantial portion of the variance in depressive symptomatology, subjective health measures ex- plained an equally large portion after controlling for physician- rated health. Although this evidence for the predictive strength of subjective health is consistent with earlier findings (e.g., Idler & Kasl, 1991; Pearlman & Uhlmann, 1991), the primary con- tribution of our results in this regard is that objective health assessments were derived from medical examinations and tests rather than from the commonly used "objective" self-report measures (e.g., illness days, physician visits, hospitalization epi- sodes). Thus, we can say with some confidence that poorer ob- jective health status is related to more depressive symptomatol- ogy and that these results are unlikely to be confounded by patient memory bias and psychological distress.
What mechanisms account for the relation between number
of physical illness symptoms and depressed affect? One possi- bility is that the more depressed patients are, the more likely physicians are to identify greater numbers of illness symptoms (perhaps based on patient complaints). However, there are two reasons to suspect that this is not the case. First, symptom assessments were derived primarily from tests and observations (e.g., fever, weight loss, deafness, chest pain, coughing, diffi- culty walking) rather than patient complaints. Second, in an additional (post hoc) stepwise analysis in which total symptom ratings were regressed onto all other variables, symptoms of depression did not enter into the equation. Thus, it appears that patient symptoms of depression did not have important effects on physician assessments of the presence of physical illness symptoms.
Given the frequently reported association between pain and psychological distress, it was surprising that a secondary pain indicator—use of medications for pain—was the best predictor of depressive symptoms. The three pain measures (physician- rated pain, self-reported pain, and use of pain medications) were intercorrelated with rs ranging from .44 to .55. These correlations suggest that physicians and patients were at least somewhat in agreement about the amount of pain patients expe- rienced and that medications were prescribed accordingly. One explanation for this pattern of results is that medications taken to alleviate pain may contribute to depressed affect over and above the effects of pain itself. Indeed, Cameron (1990) has noted that medications are among "the most common medical causes of depressive mood change" (p. 52), and Palinkas et al. (1990) found that the number of medications taken by older adults was related to increased depressive symptoms. Another possibility is that individuals who experience more depressed affect are more likely to take pain medications. Although our data are not adequate to address these issues fully, a post hoc analysis provided some support for the latter explanation. When use of pain medication was regressed in stepwise fashion onto the other variables, CES-D scores entered the equation on the first step, explaining 14% of the variance in pain medica- tion use. Although by no means conclusive, this finding indi- cates that the relation between pain and depressed affect is more complex than we suspected and that the relation may be further complicated by the use of medications for alleviating pain. Clearly, further research is warranted to replicate and clarify our results.
In addition to use of pain medications, two other subjective health indicators predicted depressive symptomatology. Self-re- ported overall health status and activities restricted by illness contributed to variance in symptoms of depression. These re- sults are consistent with earlier research (e.g., Revicki & Mit- chell, 1990) indicating that poorer subjective health and greater activity restriction are predictive of increased psychological distress. The exact mechanisms through which these variables influence psychological distress remain unclear. Perhaps, as Idler and Kasl (1991) suggested, in the process of making sub- jective judgments of their overall health status, people consider information (e.g., family history, prior exposure to environmen- tal risks, subtle changes in health over time) that may not be tapped in objective health measures. Activity restriction may exert its effects on affective states by causing lowered percep- tions of personal control and self-esteem (e.g., Aneshensel, Fre-
350 GAIL M. WILLIAMSON AND RICHARD SCHULZ
richs, & Huba, 1984) or by reducing social contact and support available from others.
Additional Contributors to Symptoms of Depression
The inclusion of selected psychosocial variables enabled us to account for approximately as much again of the variance in depressive symptomatology as that explained by physical health. Specifically, beyond the 25% attributable to objective and subjective health, an additional 22% was attributable to psychosocial variables. The picture that emerges from these findings is that, among community-residing elderly, those who are in poor health and have relatively low financial and social support resources are more likely to experience psychological distress. These results are consistent with earlier research (e.g., Pearlman & Uhlmann, 1991; Phifer & Murrell, 1986; Revicki & Mitchell, 1990).
The present study goes beyond prior work by showing that a number of additional concerns are related to psychological dis- tress in noninstitutionalized older adults. For example, al- though low household income was correlated with more symp- toms of depression, income did not predict symptoms of de- pression after controlling for physical health. Rather, a set of variables conceptually related to both illness and financial sta- tus explained additional variance. Specifically, being worried about health care expenses, needing additional care or services but being unable to afford them, and having problems with transportation to obtain health care services predicted depres- sive symptomatology. On average, our study participants re- ported rather low income levels but, nevertheless, viewed their income as only slightly inadequate. Taken together, these re- sults suggest that the combination of poor health and concerns about being able to afford health care services influences de- pressive symptomatology in older adults who continue to reside in the community. Recent research by Krause, Jay, and Liang (1991) indicated that financial strain among the elderly leads to decreased feelings of control and self-worth, which in turn lead to increased symptoms of depression. Our data further suggest that an important source of financial strain may well be need for services necessitated by declining physical health.
Beyond the effects of these variables, social support ap- peared to exert additional effects. As would be expected, less satisfaction with social contact, lower levels of perceived social support, and more disruptions in social relationships were re- lated to greater depressive symptomatology. In addition, the more important social contact was to these elderly subjects, the higher were their CES-D scores. Future research might further investigate the possibility that less social support and more network losses may be particularly detrimental among those who value social interaction most. An interesting implication of this pattern of results is that, among those to whom social contact is relatively unimportant, some types of social support may be of little benefit.
Another way in which the present work adds to our under- standing of depressive symptomatology in the community-re- siding elderly is that, after controlling for physical illness, health-related concerns, and social support, five other worries variables explained additional variance in symptoms of depres- sion. At the conceptual level, each of these worries seems to be
related to health, financial concerns, social support, or some combination of the three constructs. For instance, fear of be- coming a burden to others would seem to be a function of declining health and lower financial resources. We suspect that among those who are ill and have low financial resources, so- cial support plays an important role in concerns over becoming a burden to others. In particular, those who have strong support systems may experience fewer worries about burdening others. These and other issues related to findings obtained for the other worries variables warrant further research consideration.
Summary and Conclusions
Interpretation of the results of the present investigation is limited in several ways. First, these are cross-sectional data. Consequently, we cannot say with certainty that changes in any of the predictor variables are related to changes in depressive symptomatology. However, it is expected that longitudinal data collected from this same sample will clarify some of these ques- tions. Second, we did not evaluate the effects of stable individ- ual differences in personality in these analyses. Thus, it re- mains unclear how personality variables might influence our results. Finally, our results may be limited in their generalizabil- ity. In particular, findings obtained from this sample may not apply to elderly persons who reside outside an urban environ- ment or to those who have higher income levels. Furthermore, individuals with a history of major depression were excluded from our study, and a substantial percentage of eligible subjects declined to participate because they felt they were too ill. As a result, our results may not generalize to individuals who are clinically depressed or severely physically impaired.
Despite these limitations, the strength of the present re- search lies in the evidence it provides for the complex nature of depressive symptomatology among older adults. We found that both objective and subjective physical health as well as social support and a variety of other indicators of life circumstance are important contributing factors.
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Received July 23,1991 Revision received December 30,1991
Accepted January 2,1992 •
modules/module 12/meaning of retirement.pdf
Comment
Contents
McVittie & Goodall on Shultz and Wang ..........................................75
Fehr on Wang et al. ..............................76
DOI:10.1037/a0026259
The Ever-Changing Meanings of Retirement
Chris McVittie and Karen Goodall Queen Margaret University
Shultz and Wang (April 2011) drew atten- tion to the ways in which understandings of retirement have changed over time, both in terms of the place of retirement in the lives of individuals and in terms of how retire- ment can no longer usefully be taken to comprise a single defining event. As the authors pointed out, psychological research has approached the study of retirement in a range of ways, including life span develop- mental perspectives, industrial/organiza- tional approaches, and clinical and coun- seling studies. It is against this background that Shultz and Wang argued that psychol- ogy is well placed to make a unique con- tribution to research on retirement by tak- ing forward three conceptualizations of retirement that can inform further work in this area, focusing on individual decision making, the longitudinal development pro- cess that ultimately leads to retirement, and the interactions between individuals and their environments by which individuals shape their experiences of retirement.
Arguments such as those advanced by Shultz and Wang (2011) will certainly be attractive to psychologists in offering ways in which they can contribute to the study of experiences that increasingly are meaningful not only at a particular stage but also poten- tially throughout different phases of people’s working lives (e.g., Alley & Crimmins, 2007). Yet attempting to understand retire- ment in the terms that Shultz and Wang pro- posed will almost inevitably leave central elements of retirement unaddressed, for two
reasons. First, as Shultz and Wang them- selves noted, there is no clear consensus as to what retirement should be taken to comprise; thus, “the designation of the retirement status is famously ambiguous because there are multiple overlapping criteria by which some- one might be called retired” (Ekerdt, 2010, p. 70). Second, insofar as there is agreement, retirement is inherently a relational concept. As Denton and Spencer (2009) noted, “The problem is that what underlies the concept of retirement is the essentially negative notion of attempting to define what people are not doing—namely that they are not working” (p. 74, italics in original). Both of these factors pose challenges for any attempts to study retirement in the ways that Shultz and Wang (2011) proposed.
On the first point, what we understand by retirement changed markedly over the course of the 20th century and continues to change (Alley & Crimmins, 2007; Shultz & Henkens, 2010). Rather than describing a particular transition from being in employ- ment to an exit from the labor market at the end of working life, a description of retire- ment can be seen (a) to include numerous forms of transition from work or certain types of work to other activities, (b) to occur po- tentially at different stages of working life, and indeed (c) to be compatible with other activities that contribute “to the well-being of the society” (Denton & Spencer, 2009, p. 74). It is no surprise, then, that “researchers are unable to agree on a single definition of what constitutes retirement” (Shultz & Wang, 2011, p. 177). Given that the concept of re- tirement is in flux over time, and moreover is open to widely divergent uses by different researchers, it becomes difficult to envisage how current models can usefully incorporate the range of factors that potentially bear upon ever-changing understandings of retirement. In this respect, the evolving and divergent landscapes of retirement might well “create a wide opportunity for scholarship and re- search” (Ekerdt, 2010, p. 69) but do so in ways that require researchers to be alert to what is taken to be encompassed and bound up with the concept of retirement in any particular case.
With regard to the second point, it is now commonly accepted that retirement, for want of a more precise formulation, is usually treated as marked by absence. Often, retire- ment marks the absence of paid employment, although not necessarily so. Equally, retire- ment might signal the move from one form of absence from employment to another, for ex- ample from nonworking through disability to not working on other grounds, or from non- employment to a cessation of seeking work. As cultural understandings of retirement change, so too do the forms of individual activity that come to be recognized as com- prising retirement. Notwithstanding all such possibilities, however, the position remains that retirement comes to be identified in re- lation to other forms of activity, most com- monly one of (not) working. To understand retirement, therefore, we are required to con- sider it not in isolation as one set of possibil- ities but rather in relation to other social ac- tivities that carry somewhat different meanings but which go to shape retirement as understood in developmental or social terms.
The elements outlined above pose challenges for researchers looking to de- velop models of retirement and to agree upon what psychologists (and others) might contribute to these discussions. We suggest, however, that there is at least one way of proceeding that attends to such is- sues while also offering a psychological perspective. Previous researchers (Ekerdt, 2010; Shultz & Henkens, 2010) have, al- beit among other arguments, acknowl- edged the need for further qualitative re- search on these topics. Adopting a qualitative perspective, especially one that foregrounds how individuals themselves negotiate and make sense of their experi- ences, negates the onus on the researcher to attempt to provide models or definitions. In- stead, the focus comes to lie upon how indi- viduals, with widely varying experiences and backgrounds, come to understand retirement and their actions in relation to it. More re- search needs to be done on this topic, but previous study suggests that individuals draw upon work, family circumstances, individual dispositions, and personal commitments in making sense of themselves in relation to
75January 2012 ● American Psychologist © 2012 American Psychological Association 0003-066X/12/$12.00 Vol. 67, No. 1, 75–77
their involvement or noninvolvement in the labor market (McVittie, McKinlay & Widdi- combe, 2008). These factors are, however, neither fixed nor static; individuals can use them flexibly in working up accounts of their lives and themselves that make sense in the contexts in which they live. Further work on these topics is essential if we as psychologists are to derive a rounded understanding of re- tirement in the early 21st century.
REFERENCES
Alley, D., & Crimmins, E. (2007). The demography of aging and work. In K. S. Shultz & G. A. Adams (Eds.), Aging and work in the 21st century (pp. 7–23). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
Denton, F. T., & Spencer, B. G. (2009). What is retirement? A review and assessment of alter- native concepts and measures. Canadian Journal on Aging, 28, 63–76. doi:10.1017/ SO714980809090047
Ekerdt, D. J. (2010). Frontiers of research on work and retirement. Journals of Gerontology: Series B, Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 65B, 69 – 80. doi:10.1093/geronb/gbp109
McVittie, C., McKinlay, A., & Widdicombe, S. (2008). Passive and active non-employment: Age, employment and the identities of older non-working people. Journal of Aging Studies, 22, 248 –255. doi:10.1016/j.jaging.2007.04.003
Shultz, K. S., & Henkens, K. (2010). Introduc- tion to the changing nature of retirement: An international perspective. International Jour- nal of Manpower, 31, 265–270. doi:10.1108/ 01437721011050567
Shultz, K. S., & Wang, M. (2011). Psychological perspectives on the changing nature of retire- ment. American Psychologist, 66, 170 –179. doi:10.1037/a0022411
Correspondence concerning this comment should be addressed to Chris McVittie, Division of Psy- chology and Sociology, Queen Margaret Univer- sity, Edinburgh, United Kingdom. E-mail: cmcvittie@qmu.ac.uk
DOI:10.1037/a0026574
Is Retirement Always Stressful? The Potential
Impact of Creativity
Ryan Fehr University of Washington, Seattle
In their recent and insightful article on ad- justment among retirees, Wang, Henkens, and van Solinge (April 2011) provided a comprehensive review of current theoriz- ing on the antecedents of employees’ post- retirement well-being. Central to their re- view is a resource-based model, which conceptualizes retirement as a stress-induc- ing role transition that requires significant pools of resources to overcome. Prototyp-
ical of the resource paradigm are examina- tions of how monetary resources allow re- tirees to overcome financial stressors and how familial connections allow retirees to overcome emotional stressors. Despite the explanatory power of Wang et al.’s (2011) model, a broader perspective on role tran- sitions suggests that retirement might not always be inherently stressful. Viewed from the perspective of the creative per- sonality, employees may in fact experi- ence retirement as a self-actualizing event that enhances well-being through the provision of desired novelty. Existing empirical evidence on individual differ- ence predictors of role transitions pro- vides preliminary support for this per- spective, suggesting that while retirement is often stressful it can also be an ener- gizing and fulfilling experience.
Above all else, the creative personal- ity entails (a) a preference for novelty, new experiences, and wide interests and (b) confidence in one’s ability to succeed in creative tasks (Feist, 1999). For instance, Barron and Harrington (1981) listed among the core traits of creative individuals both a “high valuation of aesthetic qualities in ex- perience” and a “firm sense of self as ‘cre- ative’” (p. 453). These traits are in contrast to those of less creative people, who are conversely attracted to routine and cer- tainty and lack confidence in their ability to achieve in creative tasks. Creative individ- uals in turn tend to seek out novelty in their everyday lives and take on new challenges that incorporate creative components (Feist, 1999). Given both their preference for novel experiences and their confidence in overcoming associated novel challenges, it is reasonable to presume that creative individuals tend to switch life roles more frequently than do their more close-minded peers. Applied to the workplace, this pre- sumption means that creative individuals should by extension tend to switch tasks, jobs, and careers with relative frequency and ease.
Converging empirical data support the above proposition; for reasons of space, I briefly summarize just three of these proj- ects. In one recent study, Wille, De Fruyt, and Feys (2010) conducted a 15-year cross- lagged examination of individual differ- ences that predict college graduates’ ten- dency to transition into new jobs. First among their findings was a positive rela- tionship between job change frequency and openness to experience—a construct within the Big Five taxonomy that entails a pref- erence for novelty and new experiences. In a second set of findings, the authors dem- onstrated a positive link between job change and investigative and artistic voca-
tional interests that emphasize new experi- ence, and a negative link between job change and conventional vocational inter- ests that emphasize familiarity and routine. In another recent study by Vinson, Con- nelly, and Ones (2007), a similar pattern of findings emerged. Utilizing archival data from more than 1,000 job applicants across a variety of jobs, the authors found that job switching over a five-year period was con- sistently predicted by applicants’ openness to experience. Uncreative employees’ dis- comfort with role transitions appears to ex- tend even to transitions within the same job roles. In four studies, Kruglanski, Pierro, Higgins, and Capozza (2007) found that employees high on need for closure—a preference for firm answers that dampens creative ability—were less able to cope with organizational change than were their peers. Taken together, each of these studies paints a similar picture. Whereas some em- ployees avoid change and seek to maintain consistent roles, many others do not. In- stead, employees who value novelty and excel in unfamiliar environments appear to actively seek change, switching roles and jobs more often than their peers.
What are the implications of these findings for retirement scholarship? When retirement is conceptualized as a role tran- sition, the data suggest a decidedly more complex view of retirement than the stress- based resource perspective allows, one em- phasizing the potential for retirement to exert a net positive impact on employees’ lives. Although previous research supports the idea that retirees often experience sta- ble or increased well-being upon retirement (Wang, 2007), the explanatory mechanisms provided by the creativity perspective are unique. For instance, whereas existing re- search suggests that increases in well- being during the retirement transition are largely due to the removal of work stres- sors (Wang, 2007), the creativity per- spective suggests that a similar pattern might also emerge from the inducement of new challenges that energize and ex- cite employees. In this way, retirement becomes a path to positive identity con- struction (Dutton, Roberts, & Bednar, 2010), providing employees with new opportunities to imbue their lives with enhanced virtue and meaning.
Applied to modern organizations, the creativity perspective suggests new possibil- ities for organizations seeking to manage em- ployees’ retirement transitions through their policies, practices, and procedures. At the most formal level, organizations can institute training programs that encourage employees to consider how retirement might allow them to embrace new, energizing life roles. Less
76 January 2012 ● American Psychologist
modules/Module 13 Criminal Justice/Criminal justice.docx
Module 13: Criminal Justice:
Chapter 12, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 239 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
modules/Module 5 Advocacy in Social Work.zip
Ethical Dilemmas in SW Practice.Reamer.pdf
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Module 5 Advocacy in Social Work.docx
When Laws and Ethics collide in social welfare.pdf
When Law and Ethics Collide: Social Control in Child Protective Services
Donald T. Dickson
Social welfare workers in the protective services field*/among them social workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists*/are expected to follow the laws of the state in which they practice, but are also bound by their professional code of ethics. Often this does not present a problem, but at times ethical and legal expectations differ. This is particularly problematic where the professionals may be seen as agents of control, reporting possible child abuse, conducting child abuse investigations, inspecting homes, monitoring families, removing children from their homes and the like, often working with or reporting to law enforcement agents where expectations are different and codes of ethics absent. This paper explores the relationship between law and professional ethics, and, in particular, situations in which actions and decisions can be legal yet unethical or ethical but yet illegal. It then analyzes some critical child protective service activities where Child Protective Services (CPS) workers exert significant control over parents and children, and where the legal and ethical requirements may differ. Finally, the paper discusses the problems that CPS professionals face when law and ethics collide, and suggests various steps to resolve some of these conflicts.
Keywords Ethics and Law; Child Protective Services; Law and Social Work; Social Work Ethics; Psychology Ethics; Psychiatry Ethics; Law Ethics and Human Services; Child Abuse
In the United States, social welfare workers in the protective services field, among them social workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists, are expected to follow the
laws of the particular state in which they practice and they are also expected to follow the code of ethics of their profession. Often this does not present a problem,
but at times ethical and legal expectations differ. This can be particularly problematic in the field of Child Protective Services (CPS) where, under the various state laws, professionals may function in part as agents of control,
reporting and investigating child abuse, inspecting homes and monitoring families, and at times removing children from their homes, while often working with or
ISSN 1749-6535 print/1749-6543 online/09/030264-20 – 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/17496530903209485
Donald T. Dickson is Professor Emeritus in the School of Social Work, Rutgers University, USA. Correspondence to: Donald T. Dickson, School of Social Work, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08901, USA; E-mail: ddickson@rci.rutgers.edu
ETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE VOLUME 3 NUMBER 3 (NOVEMBER 2009)
reporting to law enforcement agents where expectations are different and codes of ethics may be absent.
In this paper the relationship between law and professional ethics is explored,
followed by an examination of some critical child protective service activities where CPS workers exert significant control over parents and children and where
differing legal and ethical requirements may conflict. Finally, the paper discusses the problems that professionals in CPS face when law and ethics collide, and
suggests various steps to resolve some of these conflicts. Cross-national comparisons are beyond the scope of this paper but, although the focus is
upon laws and practices in the United States and in individual states within the United States, readers from abroad may be able to draw comparisons with their home countries, particularly in the case of the somewhat similar legal systems
found in England and Scotland and relevant professional codes of conduct there.
Law and Professional Ethics
In the human services, law and professional codes of ethics serve similar functions: to promote acceptable behavior and penalize unacceptable behavior.
However, they have different sources, content, enforcement mechanisms, and sanctions. In the United States, the sources of law include federal and state statutes, court decisions and administrative rules and regulations. The sources of
ethical standards are the codes of ethics for various professions, and in the human services, in particular the ethics codes of social workers, psychologists
and psychiatrists.1 In the United States, very different groups make law and determine content of codes of ethics: laws result from actions and decisions by
legislatures, judges, and administrators; codes of ethics are promulgated by professional associations or their sub-committees.
Enforcement mechanisms for laws and codes of ethics are also very different. Laws are enforced by the social control agents of the state, police and other law
enforcement agencies, while codes of ethics are enforced by professional associations. Violations of law are determined by judges, juries, or similar decision makers. Determinations of ethical violations are made by members of
the professional association, for example officers or an ethics committee. Violations of the law may result in fines, probation or imprisonment. These are
not appropriate sanctions for violations of ethical codes. Instead, ethical violations may result in reprimands, suspensions or expulsions from the
profession. In short, while in the United States both laws and codes of ethics set parameters and constraints for professional conduct, they have different
sources, enforcement mechanisms, and sanctions. (Although different, law and ethics may be related: violations of law may be used in determinations of
1. See the National Association of Social Workers, Code of Ethics of the National Association of Social Workers (revised 1999); American Psychological Association, Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (2002); and American Psychiatric Association, Principles of Medical Ethics with Annotations Especially Applicable to Psychiatry (2006).
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 265
unethical conduct; determinations of unethical conduct may be introduced in
legal actions.)
There is an assumption among many professionals that if one acts ethically
then one is also acting legally or, conversely, if one is acting legally then one is
acting ethically. While this is often the case, it is not always so. This is because
legal and ethical standards, while often complementary and overlapping, are not
coterminous. This is shown in Figure 1.2
Most professionals, most of the time, fall within Square #1, following the law
and comporting with the appropriate professional code of ethics. Some might fall
within Square #4, acting illegally and violating their professional code. Examples
include sexual relations with an underage client, sexual harassment of clients or
staff, fraudulent billing practices, and failure to report child abuse when legally
and ethically mandated to do so. The other two possibilities are more problematic for the professional, since
acting legally may at times be unethical or acting ethically may at times be illegal.
Square #2, ethical but illegal behavior, could include civil disobedience, advising/
assisting clients in termination of life decisions or warning a spouse, sexual or
needle-sharing partner about exposure to an HIV/AIDS infected client where
prohibited by law. Square #3, legal yet unethical behavior, could include private
sexual relations with a present or former competent, consenting adult client in
jurisdictions where this is not illegal, failure to inform clients of limits of
confidential communications, or failure to disclose a fellow worker’s incompe-
tence or impairment. At times, codes of ethics for different professions may differ on whether or
not a proposed course of action, although legally permissible, is unethical. For
example, medicating an incarcerated individual in order to make the individual
competent to stand trial is unethical according to the American Psychological
Association, but ethically permissible according to a brief recently filed by the
American Psychiatric Association.3
Several caveats must be added here. First, the final determination of legality
or illegality is a decision by judge or jury, and the final determination of ethical
or unethical conduct is a decision by the professional association or licensing
board. To be precise, illegal conduct as used here may refer to actual or
potentially illegal conduct, unethical conduct may refer to actual or potentially
unethical conduct: that is conduct which is or appears to be contrary to legal or
2. For more detail, see Dickson (1995, pp. 81�/83). 3. Sell v. U.S., 539 U.S. 166 (2003). Compare American Psychiatric Association et al., ‘Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of the Respondent, Sell v U.S.’ 2002 U.S. Briefs 5664 with American Psychological Association, ‘Amicus Curiae Brief Sell v. U.S.’ 2002 U.S. Briefs 5664. The American Psychiatric Association Brief states: ‘This case presents no question as to capital punishment, which might involve special considerations.’ That question was presented in Singleton v. Norris (2003), where the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals (the same court which upheld forcible medication in Sell) upheld forcible medication of a prisoner to treat his psychotic symptoms although in so doing Singleton became competent and thus legally could be executed. (The US Supreme Court refused to hear Singleton’s appeal and Singleton was executed on 6 January 2004 by the State of Arkansas. See About.com: Bhttp://crime.about.com/od/death/p/x2_singleton.htm� (accessed 20 June 2009).)
266 DICKSON
ethical standards. Second, it is possible to have conduct which could be either ethical or unethical under the same code of ethics depending upon the ethical
standard applied. Usually the professional opts for ethical conduct, but at times this may pose a dilemma, for example whether to warn a client’s sexual partner of the client’s HIV positive condition, thereby unethically breaching confidenti-
ality but ethically trying to forestall infection, or to notify law enforcement agents of a crime committed by a client, thereby unethically breaching
confidentiality but acting to promote public safety. The potential for conflict between law and ethics is forecast in some
professional codes of ethics. The American Psychological Association’s Ethical Principles and Code of Conduct states:
If psychologists’ ethical responsibilities conflict with law, regulations, or other governing legal authority, psychologists make known their commitment to the Ethics Code and take steps to resolve the conflict. If the conflict is unresolvable via such means, psychologists may adhere to the requirements of the law, regulations, or other governing legal authority.4
Similarly, the National Association of Social Workers Code of Ethics provides:
Instances may arise when social workers’ ethical obligations conflict with agency policies or relevant laws or regulations. When such conflicts occur, social workers must make a responsible effort to resolve the conflict in a manner that is consistent with the values, principles, and standards expressed in this Code. If a reasonable resolution of the conflict does not appear possible, social workers should seek proper consultation before making a decision.5
The American Psychiatric Association Code of Ethics states:
It would seem self-evident that a psychiatrist who is a law-breaker might be ethically unsuited to practice his or her profession. When such illegal activities bear directly upon his or her practice, this would obviously be the case.
LEGAL
YES NO
Y E
S
#1 Ethical and Legal
#2 Ethical and Illegal
E T
H IC
A L
N O
#3 Unethical and Legal
#4 Unethical and Illegal
Figure 1 Legal and ethical behaviour: A paradigm
4. American Psychological Association, Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (2002). 5. National Association of Social Workers, Code of Ethics of the National Association of Social Workers (revised 1999).
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 267
However, in other instances, illegal activities such as those concerning the right to protest social injustices might not bear on either the image of the psychiatrist or the ability of the specific psychiatrist to treat his or her patient ethically and well. While no committee or board could offer prior assurance that any illegal activity would not be considered unethical, it is conceivable that an individual could violate a law without being guilty of professionally unethical behavior.6
Ethics in Child Protective Services
In the United States, workers in child protective services may, or may not, be
governed by a specific code of professional ethics, depending upon whether or not they have membership in a professional organization. Members of profes-
sional associations for social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists subscribe to codes of ethics; others may be expected to follow these standards. CPS workers
without a professional affiliation may be expected to follow the Child Welfare League of America’s Standards of Practice, which does not have the force of a code of ethics.7 With the movement to professionalize CPS and hire more
workers with advanced professional degrees, an increasing number of workers in CPS may subscribe to a professional code.
Social Control in Child Protective Services
Those working in or with child protective agencies may exert significant control over individuals and families coming within the purview of CPS agencies. For
example, CPS workers receive and make reports of suspected child abuse; decide which reports to follow up; investigate allegations of abuse, including
interviewing children, parents, teachers and neighbors, among others; visit families in their homes and observe home conditions; interview children
suspected of having been abused and at times conduct or are present at physical examinations to establish abuse; decide whether or not to open a CPS
case; monitor children and parents in their homes; conduct removals of children from home on a voluntary or involuntary basis, and monitor children in
foster care. Other human services professionals, and law enforcement agents, may take part in some of these activities.
In American law, most child abuse falls within the area of civil, not criminal,
law and procedure. Therefore, many of the constitutional protections available
6. American Psychiatric Association, The Principles of Medical Ethics with Annotations Especially Applicable to Psychiatry (2008 edn). 7. See generally Child Welfare League of America, Standards of Excellence for Services for Abused and Neglected Children and their Families. See also National Association of Social Workers, NASW Standards for Social Work Practice in Child Welfare.
268 DICKSON
in a criminal setting, namely the right to a ‘Miranda warning’,8 the right to counsel, the right to know one’s accuser, and protections against self- incrimination, among others, are not automatically available to parents or
guardians in civil child abuse actions.9 While warrantless searches conducted by officials of the state may be prohibited by the US Constitution’s Fourth
Amendment, this protection may not be available in CPS civil abuse situations. Drawing primarily upon published court decisions, the following discussion will
focus on stages in the CPS proceedings where social workers and other professionals who are expected to adhere to a professional code of ethics may
face a conflict between law and ethics. The ethical issues raised are often, but not solely, in the areas of informed consent, confidentiality, and privacy. The examples are illustrative; many others could have been used, and published court
decisions do not necessarily reflect the range and number of non-litigated CPS decisions which go unchallenged.
Reporting Child Abuse
All 50 states in the United States now require the reporting of child abuse and
neglect, although who is a child abuser, what constitutes abuse or neglect, who is mandated to report, and what degree of certainty is required before making a
report varies across jurisdictions. Some states specify that any adult, or any person, subjecting a child to abuse as defined is an abuser;10 others require a relationship between abuser and child, such as parent, guardian or teacher.11
Some states mandate that individuals in certain roles report abuse;12 others
8. Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966). The US Supreme Court wrote:
To summarize, we hold that, when an individual is taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom by the authorities in any significant way and is subjected to questioning, the privilege against self-incrimination is jeopardized. Procedural safeguards must be employed to protect the privilege, and unless other fully effective means are adopted to notify the person of his right of silence and to assure that the exercise of the right will be scrupulously honored, the following measures are required. He must be warned prior to any questioning that he has the right to remain silent, that anything he says can be used against him in a court of law, that he has the right to the presence of an attorney, and that, if he cannot afford an attorney one will be appointed for him prior to any questioning if he so desires. (Miranda v. Arizona 1966, pp. 438�/39)
9. However, some states may provide some protections by statute, such as a right to counsel if parents cannot afford one. See, for example, N.J.S.A. §9.6-8.43. 10. Cal. Penal Code §11165.3. 11. ‘‘‘Abused or neglected child’’ means a child less than 18 years of age whose parent or guardian, as herein defined inflicts . . .’ (N.J.S.A. §9.6-8.21). 12. Cal. Penal Code §11165.7 (a)(1)-(a)(37) including: ‘A physician, surgeon, psychiatrist, psychologist, dentist, resident, intern, podiatrist, chiropractor, licensed nurse, dental hygienist, optometrist, marriage, family and child counselor, clinical social worker, or any other person who is currently licensed under Division 2’ (§11165.7(a)(1)-(a)-21), but also ranging from teachers to firefighters to animal control officers. See also NY CLS Soc. Ser. §413.
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 269
provide that any person is mandated to report.13 Failure to report child abuse is a
criminal offense in some jurisdictions, and mandated reporters are often
exempted from civil or criminal liability for making a report.
Law, Ethics, and Reporting Child Abuse
Many codes of ethics in the human services address the potential conflict
between protecting confidential information and the legal obligation to report
abuse. For social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists, reporting child abuse
is an exception to broader ethical protections of client confidentiality and
privacy, making child abuse reports both legal and ethical for these profes-
sionals.14
While reporting child abuse revealed in confidential situations is required of
professionals in all three ethical codes, potential problems remain. Here, two
areas will be examined: where the state has extended mandatory child abuse
reporting to any underage sexual activity, and where the state has defined
pregnant women’s substance abuse as reportable child abuse. Both areas involve
situations in which there is conflict between a legal requirement to report and
ethical mandates of client confidentiality and privacy.
13. See, for example, New Jersey Statutes: ‘Any person having reasonable cause to believe that a child has been subjected to child abuse or acts of child abuse shall report the same immediately . . .’ (N.J.S.A. §9.6-8.10). 14. The NASW Code of Ethics provides:
Social workers’ primary responsibility is to promote the well-being of clients. In general, clients’ interests are primary. However, social workers’ responsibility to the larger society or specific legal obligations may on limited occasions supersede the loyalty owed clients, and clients should be so advised. (Examples include when a social worker is required by law to report that a client has abused a child or has threatened to harm self or others.) (NASW Ethical Standard 1.01 Commitment to Clients)
The Ethical Principles of Members of the American Psychological Association state:
Psychologists have a primary obligation and take reasonable precautions to protect confidential information obtained through or stored in any medium, recognizing that the extent and limits of confidentiality may be regulated by law or established by institutional rules or professional or scientific relationship. (American Psychological Association, Ethical Principles, Standard 4.01 Maintaining Confidentiality)
The American Psychiatric Association’s Principles of Medical Ethics makes no specific mention of child abuse, but more broadly provides: ‘When, in the clinical judgment of the treating psychiatrist, the risk of danger is deemed to be significant, the psychiatrist may reveal confidential information disclosed by the patient’ (American Psychiatric Association, Code of Medical Ethics, §4-8 (2008)). However, the American Psychiatric Association’s Position Statement #199101 states: ‘Psychiatrists need to be informed of the mandatory reporting requirements of all applicable laws. The reporting of maltreatment to the appropriate agency is the responsibility of any psychiatrist, treating either or both children and adults’ (American Psychiatric Association, Child Abuse and Neglect by Adults Position Statement #199101).
270 DICKSON
Reporting Sexual Activities of Minors as Child Abuse
In Kansas the Attorney General issued an opinion that a pregnancy under the age of 16 was reportable child abuse and furthermore:
Other situations that might trigger a mandated reporter’s obligation, because sexual activity of a minor becomes known, include a teenage girl or boy who seeks medical attention for a sexually transmitted disease, a teenage girl who seeks medical attention for a pregnancy, or a teenage girl seeking birth control who discloses she has already been sexually active. (Aid For Women v. Foulston 2006, 1102)15
The federal district court, hearing a challenge to the opinion, concluded: ‘So
mandatory reporters are left to try to sort out what must be reported and what may remain confidential. The difficulties are obvious’ (Aid For Women 2006, p. 1107).
The professional’s ethical/legal dilemma of whether to act legally and report all minor sexual activity as potential child abuse or to act ethically and maintain a minor’s confidentiality and privacy was resolved when the court permanently
enjoined the Attorney General’s expansion of the Kansas reporting statute on the grounds that it interfered with a minor’s right to informational privacy (Aid For
Women 2006). A parallel situation occurred in California. There, the State Attorney General
issued a similar opinion.16 The California court described the effect of that opinion:
Departing from the norm of employing trained professional judgment to determine abuse on a case-by-case basis, the opinion in essence declares all minors under 14 who are sexually active to be child abuse victims . . . [T]he mere fact of intercourse alone triggered a reporting obligation even if the trained professional had no other grounds on which to base a reasonable suspicion of actual sexual abuse. If a minor sought prenatal care, abortion or treatment for a sexually transmitted disease, the fact of prior intercourse would be obvious. Under these circumstances, the medical and nonmedical practitioner would be
15. The court noted that defendant District Attorney Foulston ‘testified that she had always interpreted the reporting statute to cover a broad range of activities. In her view . . . the fondling of a fifteen-year-old girl’s breasts would be reportable under all circumstances . . .’ (Aid For Women v. Foulston 2006, pp. 1099�/100). 16. The court wrote that subdivision (a) of section 288 provides:
‘[any] person who shall willfully and lewdly commit any lewd or lascivious act . . . upon or with the body, or any part or member thereof, of a child under the age of 14 years, with the intent of arousing, appealing to, or gratifying the lust or passions or sexual desires of such person or of such child, shall be guilty of a felony’ . . . The Attorney General concluded that because of this inability to legally consent, the mere fact of intercourse alone triggered a reporting obligation even if the trained professional had no other grounds on which to base a reasonable suspicion of actual sexual abuse. If a minor sought prenatal care, abortion or treatment for a sexually transmitted disease, the fact of prior intercourse would be obvious. Under these circumstances, the medical and nonmedical practitioner would be obligated to report the minor as a victim of abuse, because the act of intercourse alone ‘raises a reasonable suspicion that some other person has engaged in lewd or lascivious acts with the child.’ (Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California v. Van De Kamp 1986, p. 367)
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 271
obligated to report the minor as a victim of abuse, because the act of intercourse alone ‘raises a reasonable suspicion that some other person has engaged in lewd or lascivious acts with the child.’ (Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California v. Van De Kamp 1986, pp. 361�/62, 367)
The court discussed the impact of the opinion:
The Attorney General’s opinion has a real impact on minors and health professionals statewide . . . The state Department of Health Services is currently conducting statewide training of local family planning agencies, informing them of the requirement to report voluntary consensual conduct of under-14 minors in consonance with the Attorney General’s opinion. The state Department of Social Services has issued a letter to all county welfare and probation departments of similar tenor. In sum, the criminal sanction for nonreporting consensual sexual behavior is very real, and the reporting requirement poses an immediate threat to confidential health care and sexual privacy rights on a statewide basis. (Planned Parenthood Affiliates 1986, p. 368)
The California court issued a permanent injunction prohibiting the Attorney
General from enforcing the child abuse reporting law as applied to ‘voluntary, consensual sexual behavior among minors under the age of 14, bearing no indicia of actual sexual or other abuse in the judgment of the reporting professional
involved’ (Planned Parenthood Affiliates 1986, p. 382).17
While Kansas and California courts have enjoined enforcement, the issue is not
dead. Bodger (2006) cites a 2005 report stating that as many as 10 other states are considering similar provisions.18 With such provisions, social workers,
psychologists, psychiatrists and others would have to make the difficult choice
17. In a similar situation several years later in another California county, the District Attorney sued a health clinic for civil penalties for failure to report child abuse, and to enjoin the clinic from violating the child abuse reporting statute. The trial court issued a broad injunction, enjoining the clinic from ‘violating section 11166 of the Penal Code by failing in the future to report as child abuse, instances where minors under the age of fourteen (14) are diagnosed as being pregnant, as having a sexually transmitted disease, or as suffering from complications of abortion.’ The majority of the California appellate court reversed, agreeing with the Van De Kamp decision and issuing an injunction, but limiting it to sexual activity between minors under the age of 14. The court held that sexual activity between a minor under 14 and person of ‘disparate age’ was child abuse and required a report. The dissenting judge in Eichenberger v. Stockton Pregnancy Control Medical Clinic argued that both Van De Kamp and the majority in Eichenberger were wrong, and that sexual activity by a minor under the age of 14 should be reported:
Where a health practitioner treats a child under 14, the observed fact that the child either is or has been pregnant or has a sexually transmitted disease alone constitutes reasonable suspicion the child has been the victim of violation of Penal Code section 288 and thus of child abuse. (Eichenberger v. Stockton Pregnancy Control Medical Clinic 1988, p. 774)
18. According to Jessica Bodger:
Increasingly, statutory rape and child abuse reporting requirements are being used to threaten reproductive health clinics with legal prosecution. Life Dynamics president Mark Crutcher, author of the Child Predators report, claims that the attorneys general of at least ten states have requested information from his organization about prosecuting clinics for child sexual abuse. (Bodger 2006, p. 585)
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between acting legally by reporting child abuse but acting unethically by failing to protecting a minor’s right to privacy and confidentiality, or acting ethically by protecting the minor’s privacy and confidentiality rights but acting in violation of
the law.
Maternal Drug Abuse as Child Abuse
Courts in some states have held that an unborn child exposed to drugs or alcohol may be a victim of child abuse; in other states courts have upheld child abuse statutes which include the transmission of alcohol or drugs from mother to child
at the time of birth.19
In Charleston, South Carolina, this approach was extended by the adoption of a
policy to arrest pregnant women seeking treatment for substance abuse. The Medical University of South Carolina (MUSC) first instituted a program for drug
testing maternity patients suspected of using cocaine, with referrals for counseling and treatment for those who tested positive. Not satisfied with the
results, the hospital formed a task force including medical, social service and law enforcement representatives to develop a policy for prosecuting drug-abusing
pregnant women. As a result, 10 women receiving care at MUSC were arrested after testing positive for cocaine and later sued on the grounds that there was no informed consent and the testing constituted an illegal search under the US
Constitution’s Fourth Amendment. The case was appealed to the US Supreme Court. The court assumed that
there was no informed consent and held the testing illegal:
The reasonable expectation of privacy enjoyed by the typical patient undergoing diagnostic tests in a hospital is that the results of those tests will not be shared with nonmedical personnel without her consent . . . In this case . . . it is clear from the record that an initial and continuing focus of the policy was on the arrest and prosecution of drug-abusing mothers. Moreover, throughout the development and application of the policy, the Charleston prosecutors and police were extensively involved in the day-to-day administration of the policy . . . In the course of the policy’s administration, they had access to Nurse Brown’s medical files on the women who tested positive, routinely attended the substance abuse team’s meetings, and regularly received copies of team documents discussing the women’s progress. (Ferguson v. City of Charleston 2001, pp. 78, 82�/83)
The court concluded:
While state hospital employees, like other citizens, may have a duty to provide the police with evidence of criminal conduct that they inadvertently acquire in the course of routine treatment, when they undertake to obtain such evidence from their patients for the specific purpose of incriminating those patients, they have a special obligation to make sure that the patients are fully informed about
19. See Wisconsin: Wis. Stat. § 48.02 (1)(am), South Carolina: State v. McKnight, 352 S.C. 635 (2003).
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their constitutional rights, as standards of knowing waiver require.20 (Ferguson v. City of Charleston 2001, pp. 84�/85; emphasis in original)
Since the program was developed with the cooperation and support of law enforcement agents, human service professionals working in the program could reasonably believe it was legal. Ethically, however, a failure to inform patients of
potential criminal consequences of testing appears to be in violation of the ethical standard of informed consent, and releasing information without a
knowing client waiver appears to be a violation of confidentiality and privacy. Thus those individuals would be acting legally, but unethically.
Law, Ethics and Child Protective Services Investigations
CPS workers are legally required to investigate reports of child abuse to
determine whether there is cause to believe abuse took place and protect the child or children in question. Home visits and interviews are often critical in the
investigation. However, a conflict between law and ethics can occur if the worker does not inform the individual of the purposes of the interview and elicits
information later used in a criminal prosecution. In New Jersey v. P.Z., the issue was whether information obtained by a CPS worker during a home visit, with prior advice and encouragement of the county Prosecutor’s Office, could be used
in a criminal case or was barred for lack of a Miranda21 warning:
On the morning of April 5, Kobran [the CPS worker] spoke to Investigator Joseph Lazzaro at the Prosecutor’s Office and advised him that she planned to interview
20. ‘Information supplied to the patients had no mention of the potential of arrest: The ‘‘To Our Patients’’ letter warned patients of the dangers of prenatal drug use and further stated:
If you are using drugs, please stop! If you are unable to stop, please let your doctor know. We want to help mothers get off drugs for the benefit of both you and your baby. We will provide you counseling about the harms of drug abuse and will make arrangements for you to be seen at the Substance Abuse Clinic. We realize that drug abuse is a very difficult problem and we will do all that we can to help you. If, however, we continue to detect evidence of drug abuse or a failure to follow recommended treatment, we will take action to protect your unborn child. The Charles- town Police, the solicitor’s office, and the Protective Service Division of [the Department of Social Services] are also committed to the protection of unborn and newborn children from the harms of illegal drug abuse.’ (Ferguson v. City of Charleston 2002, p. 380)
21. See footnote 8. See also Wilkerson v. State, 173 S.W.3d 521 (2005), where the Texas Criminal Court of Appeals found that incriminating statements made to a CPS worker during an interview in jail were admissible since there was no showing that the worker was acting for the police:
There is nothing in the record to indicate that the investigating police knew about Ms. Lane- Martines’s interview, that they spoke to her before the interview, that they asked her to question appellant at all or in any particular manner, or that they made any attempt to use her as a conduit for interrogation purposes. Nor is there anything in this record that indicates that it was Ms. Lane-Martines’s intention to investigate on behalf of, or in tandem with, the Crowley police. (Wilkerson v. State 2005, p. 532)
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P.Z. Investigator Lazzaro informed Kobran that, although the Prosecutor’s Office could not interview defendant because he had a lawyer, there was no obstacle to DYFS questioning P.Z. Lazzaro then asked Kobran to report the results of her interview with defendant to the prosecutor . . . Without communicating with defendant’s attorney, Kobran and another caseworker made an unannounced visit to defendant’s home . . . Defendant thought that the purpose of the meeting was to discuss whether he and his wife would regain custody of their children. Still, he told Kobran that his counsel had advised him not to speak to her. (New Jersey v. P.Z. 1997, p. 94)
Kobran encouraged P.Z. to talk, so that they could finish the investigation, and told him that if he cooperated then he might be able to resolve the ‘crisis’. The
New Jersey Supreme Court held that the social worker’s interview was not conducted in a coercive setting, was not a custodial interrogation, and therefore did not require a Miranda warning. The dissent argued that although P.Z. was not
in custody, the setting itself was inherently coercive and the worker was in part acting as an agent of the prosecutor:
The announced purpose of Kobran’s visit was to determine whether the State would return custody of C.Z. to defendant and his wife. For most parents, the fear of losing custody of a child would produce a coercive effect. According to Kobran, that is precisely the effect it produced on defendant . . . Although the State contends that the purpose of the DYFS interview was to discover the cause of C.Z.’s injuries, the record supports the conclusion that another purpose was to elicit an incriminating statement from defendant. At least that is how the Prosecutor’s Office perceived the purpose of the interview. Unknown to defendant at the time he spoke with Kobran, she was acting both for DYFS and for the County Prosecutor . . . In sum, Kobran was a dual agent. For the purpose of resolving whether defendant’s statement is admissible in the criminal prosecu- tion of defendant, Kobran’s more relevant role is as the agent of the Prosecutor. (New Jersey v. P.Z., 1997, pp. 127�/28)
In this situation, the CPS worker was violating no law and was assisting the
Prosecutor’s Office. Ethically, however, the social worker appears to be in violation of the ethical standard of obtaining client informed consent, including the potential consequences of the interview.
Law, Ethics and Child Protective Services Investigations: Searches
In home visits, CPS workers may conduct searches of the home or visual inspections of possibly abused children. Consent may or may not have been
given, but even where there has been consent, issues of control and coercion may influence the parent/caretaker, raising questions of potential violations of ethical standards of privacy and informed consent.
In Darryl H. v. Coler, a federal case challenged the legality of a strip search conducted by a CPS worker:
Following the home interview and observation, both parents accompanied the caseworker to the children’s school . . . The caseworker required the children to
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 275
disrobe. The examination of each child’s body was conducted in a semi-private room near the principal’s office with the other child present. The mother was also present during this procedure and assisted in removing the children’s clothes. The parents maintain, however, that they objected to this inspection. The caseworker claims that no objection was made. The parents allege that, during the search, the door to the principal’s office was partially open and that the examination could be observed by those in the principal’s office. The caseworker claims that the door was closed. (Darryl H. v. Coler 1986, p. 906)
The US Court of Appeals wrote:
It is not permissible to hold, as a matter of law, that the mother’s assistance in the procedure amounted to her consent. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine a mother, faced with the strip searching of her two young children in a public building, doing anything other than staying and attempting, by her presence, to alleviate the understandable apprehension of her children. (Darryl H. v. Coler 1986, p. 907)
The court concluded that the search was illegal but found the workers not liable
under the doctrine of qualified immunity.22 While not legally actionable, ethically, the search appears to have been a violation of client informed consent
and privacy. Perhaps more egregious, in Roe v. Texas Dept. of Protective and Regulatory
Services (2002), the worker, Strickland, conducted a physical examination of the child with no parental consent:
After entering the house, Strickland explained the purpose of the visit and discussed the report that had been made to CPS. Mrs. Roe asked Strickland whether she should contact an attorney, and Strickland stated, ‘Oh no, no. Don’t worry about it. You don’t need anybody.’
After asking some questions, Strickland told Mrs. Roe that she needed to take pictures of Jackie. Strickland did not give the mother the option of submitting to the examination and pictures or refusing them. Strickland did not disclose the type of pictures or extent of the examination. Strickland acknowledges that she could have requested a medical examination but did not do so.
Strickland asked Mrs. Roe to remove the child’s upper clothing, so she could look for bruises or marks. Strickland found none. Strickland then asked Mrs. Roe to remove Jackie’s underwear, so that Strickland could see if anything was abnormal. Mrs. Roe asked whether it was really necessary, and Strickland responded ‘Oh, don’t worry. It’s more stressful for the parent than it is the child.’ Strickland took pictures of Jackie’s vagina and buttocks in a closed position, and then instructed Mrs. Roe to spread Jackie’s labia and buttocks, so that she could take pictures of the genital and anal areas. Although Mrs. Roe asked a couple of times whether the photographs were necessary, she never requested that Strickland stop. (Roe v. Texas 2002, p. 399)
22. See footnote 28.
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The court found the search was not illegal based on the Texas law existing at the
time. Under a code of ethics, however, the search raises serious ethical questions
of privacy and informed consent.23
Removal of Children: Voluntary Placement Agreements (VPAs)
In a 1977 decision, the US Supreme Court cited statistics estimating that between
50 and 90 percent of children in foster care were voluntary placements (Smith v.
Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform 1977, p. 825, fn. 9).
Voluntary Placement Agreements (VPAs) continue to be used in most states and
for CPS workers may present a serious conflict between law and ethics.24 At the
request of the CPS worker, the parent signs the VPA, often at home and without
legal assistance. Under the agreement, a child may be placed out of home for a
period of 30 days to six months without judicial review. For the parent, the
advantages of the VPA include avoiding going to court and, since the VPA is
voluntary, possible reunification with the child or children, while avoiding more
serious results such as long-term separation under a court order. For the CPS
worker and agency, the advantages lie in the simplicity and ease of the VPA; with
only a signature there can be temporary removal of a child or children with no
need for a court hearing. Yet the voluntary nature of these agreements is not always clear:
The extent to which supposedly ‘voluntary’ placements are in fact voluntary has been questioned . . . For example, it has been said that many ‘voluntary’ placements are in fact coerced by threat of neglect proceedings and are not in fact voluntary in the sense of the product of an informed consent. (Smith v. Organization of Foster Families 1977, p. 834)25
23. However, the court noted:
‘‘The home search cases underscore the strength of Jackie’s privacy interest. As the Seventh Circuit aptly explained in a decision pre-dating its adoption of the special needs test, ‘it does not require a constitutional scholar to conclude that a nude search of a thirteen-year-old child is an invasion of constitutional rights of some magnitude. More than that: it is a violation of any known principles of human decency.’’ (Doe v. Renfrow, 631 F.2d 91, 92-93 (7th Cir. 1980) (per curiam); note 11’ Roe v. Texas Dept. of Protective and Regulatory Services 2002, p. 406)
24. By 1997, that proportion had dropped to about 11 percent (Ehrle et al. 2001, p. 1). 25. Pearson notes:
The voluntary label is often misleading when applied to such agreements. The agency usually insists that the parents make an immediate decision, and may use tactics or threats that can be characterized as ‘blatantly coercive.’ In addition, the agency may fail to give the often frightened and unsophisticated parents the information they need to understand the serious consequences of such an emergency decision. Unfortunately, such agreements are sometimes treated as routine, voluntary waivers of parental rights. (Pearson 1998, p. 835)
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 277
One commentator has observed:
Because they avoid the necessity of an emergency court hearing, VPAs are the preferred mechanism for placement by many social workers. In some states, more than half the children in foster care were placed there by a VPA. Parents almost never have the benefit of legal counsel when they sign VPAs and are frequently coerced into signing by social workers who threaten that the child will be placed for a longer time period or even permanently removed by court intervention if the parent does not sign. (Sinden 1999, p. 385, n. 194)
At times, courts have voided VPAs for lack of informed consent or due to
coercion. In other decisions, the legality of VPAs has been upheld. Whether legal
or illegal, the underlying ethical issues remain.
Voluntary Placement Agreements: Informed Consent
In In theMatter of David R., the court described the circumstances of the signed
VPA:
A department agent witnessed the signature on the one and one-half page agreement in English of the maternal grandmother who allegedly volunteered to place the child. The maternal grandmother is fluent only in Spanish. Although she had come to the department’s office with a relative who was fluent in English, the department’s agent took her to a separate room for the signing. No interpreter was present.26 (In the Matter of David R. 1979, p. 677)
The New York court voided the VPA: ‘If the signer is ignorant of the language of
the writing, and the contents thereof are misread or misrepresented to him by
the other party, unless the signer be negligent, the writing is void’ (In the Matter
of David R. 1979, p. 677). In a recent North Carolina case the complaint alleged that the trial court
committed error in terminating parental rights when there was no informed
consent in the VPA execution:
Did the trial court abuse its discretion, commit reversible error, and violate respondent/mother’s substantial rights when it ordered her parental rights to be terminated, where respondent/mother was not given an interpreter when she signed a voluntary placement agreement, although she spoke no English, had an IQ of 65, and was undergoing a medical emergency? (In the Matter of J.M.E., 2006, p. 2)
The action was dismissed on other grounds and the mother’s allegations were not
considered by the court.
26. In the Matter of David R., 420 N.Y.S.2d 675 (1979).
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Voluntary Placement Agreements: Coercion
Another group of decisions document challenges to VPAs on the basis of coercive
tactics by CPS workers. Coercion may consist of explicit threats or a denial of
benefits if the VPA is not signed. An example of the latter is described in a
Delaware Supreme Court decision:
[At] the age of seventeen, and without the guidance or counsel of any independent person who could advise her . . . Judy was required by CPS, as a condition of its assistance, to sign a document called a Voluntary Placement Agreement. This three-page instrument, filled with legal terms and the esoteric language of social workers, was of broad effect. It provided for the ‘placement’ of both Judy and Derek solely because ‘we don’t have a place to stay’. There is no suggestion that Derek was a neglected, abused or abandoned child. (In the Matter of Derek W. Burns 1986, p. 639; emphasis added)
In a Florida decision, In re Interest of J.H., R.H. and J.S. v. Florida, the court
wrote:
Appellant Hall testified at the hearing that she was reluctant to sign the agreement because several portions of it had been left blank. According to Hall, ‘I didn’t think it was right for me to sign a plain piece of paper. How was I supposed to understand that?’ She stated she eventually signed the agreement ‘because they said if I didn’t sign it they was going to tell the judge.’ . . . Thus, the undisputed evidence indicates that the agreement was not entered into voluntarily. (In re Interest of J.H., R.H. and J.S. v. Florida 1985, p. 683)27
Similar threats were described in a 2005 Pennsylvania decision:
The next day, March 16, 2005, defendant George Kuykendall [the CPS worker], visited Walker’s home. Kuykendall informed Walker that Merriweather needed to be removed from Walker’s custody. ‘Under duress’ from Kuykendall and in ‘fear of losing her daughter,’ Walker voluntarily agreed to place Merriweather in foster care and signed a Voluntary Placement Agreement . . . Allegedly, Kuykendall ‘threatened’ Walker that if she did not sign the Voluntary Placement Agreement, ‘a restraining order, or the like, would be obtained preventing Ms. Walker from having any contact whatsoever with her daughter.’ (Merriweather v. City of Philadelphia 2007, pp. 4�/5)
While none of the three professional codes deal directly with coercion, all
contain broader ethical principles of integrity, human dignity, and justice, which
could make the coercion described here as constituting unethical professional
behavior.
27. In a 1997 decision, King v. Olmstead County, the court ruled that threats by CPS workers to take custody of two other children if the parents did not sign a voluntarily agreement to relinquish legal custody of their third child, while ‘seemingly inappropriate’, were not a constitutional violation (King v. Olmstead County 1997, p. 1068).
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 279
Law, Ethics and Control in Child Protective Services
While actions and decisions of workers in the CPS field are usually both ethical and legal, we have seen that this is not always the case. Some actions may be unethical and illegal. At other times, the human services professionals face real
conflict between legal or ethical decisions. There may be expectations by CPS agencies or pressures from law enforcement entities to select a course of action
which is or appears to be legal, but may be unethical. Adhering to a code of ethics may result in actions which violate the law. These possibilities, inherent in
the differences between law and ethics, become more problematic in Child Protective Services where CPS workers and agencies exert significant power over
families, parents and children. As illustrated above, parents, families, teachers, health professionals and others, when faced with demands from these agents of control, often are reluctant to question policies and practices. Pregnant women
seeking treatment are subject to arrest, interviews take place in spite of contrary advice of counsel, homes are searched, demeaning strip searches are
allowed and even assisted, and VPAs may be signed, even though they are incomplete, not understood or coerced.
Even when actions of the human service agent are later deemed illegal, courts are often reluctant to hold the agents or the agencies liable. Social workers
usually have qualified immunity, and agencies may be protected by sovereign immunity, resulting in no liability even if harm is proven.28
One court observed:
Once again we confront a case in which publicly employed social workers are obliged to make the difficult choice between taking action to protect a child, thereby risking violation of the parents’ rights, and declining to act, thereby risking violation of the child’s rights. In this case the child protection workers, when faced with just this dilemma . . . chose to intervene and interfere with the parents’ rights in the belief that one of the parents may well have been
28. The US Supreme Court stated that there is qualified immunity when ‘government officials performing discretionary functions, generally are shielded from liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known’ (Harlow v. Fitzferald 1982, p. 818). See also Anderson v. Creighton, 483 U.S. 635 (1987). There are exceptions, however. In Calabretta v. Floyd, the US Court of Appeals found no qualified immunity:
But there is a very substantial interest, which forcing the mother to pull the child’s pants down invaded, in the mother’s dignity and authority in relation to her own children in her own home. The strip search as well as the entry stripped the mother of this authority and dignity. The reasonable expectation of privacy of individuals in their homes includes the interests of both parents and children in not having government officials coerce entry in violation of the Fourth Amendment and humiliate the parents in front of the children. An essential aspect of the privacy of the home is the parent’s and the child’s interest in the privacy of their relationship with each other . . . The government’s interest in the welfare of children embraces not only protecting children from physical abuse, but also protecting children’s interest in the privacy and dignity of their homes and in the lawfully exercised authority of their parents. (Calabretta v. Floyd 1999, p. 819)
280 DICKSON
responsible for the child’s injury. That decision, it turns out, may have been wrong and has brought upon them a lawsuit seeking substantial damages. But, as unfortunate as the situation is, in a world in which child protective workers can not be expected to be omniscient, this court finds it hard to fault these workers. Indeed, under the facts here, if the modest restrictions placed on the parents’ rights were improper, it is hard to conceive how an effective system of child protection can be maintained. (Dietz v. Dimas 1996, p. 433)
On the other hand, in Thomason v. SCAN Volunteer Services the court observed:
We also recognize the vital importance of curbing overzealous suspicion and intervention on the part of health care professionals and government officials, particularly where such overzealousness may have the effect of discouraging parents or caretakers from communicating with doctors or seeking appropriate medical attention for children with real or potentially life-threatening condi- tions. The consequences of such a chilling effect could be devastating. (Thomason v. SCAN Volunteer Services 1996, p. 1373)
While some conflicts between law and ethics may be inherent in the role of the CPS worker, others can be limited or even avoided. Limiting CPS worker
discretion, clarifying the role of the CPS worker and changing polices and procedures could obviate some of the problems described above. CPS interviews
which have one purpose of eliciting incriminating information could be prohibited, and, in keeping with ethical behavior, a worker could be required
to instruct the parent or guardian of the purposes of interview and uses of information obtained. Procedures prohibiting strip searches by CPS workers and
requiring consent before entering a home could be adopted.29
Voluntary Placement Agreements have been phased out in some jurisdictions on grounds that they are inherently coercive and do not necessarily further the
purpose of the CPS agency. The CPS agency in the State of New Jersey in a 2004 report pledged that all voluntary placements would be terminated by the year
2005. The agency acknowledged that at the time over 1,300 children were in voluntary placements for over six months without a court hearing, in violation of
state policy. The stated rationale for ending all VPAs was:
In some cases, we utilize voluntary placements to avoid the hard question of whether or not there really was abuse or neglect*/which short-changes the critical scrutiny provided by the courts . . . The utilization of Voluntary
29. For example, in Roe v. Texas Dept. of Protective and Regulatory Services, the court observed:
Strickland argues that a visual body cavity search often can disprove sexual abuse allegations. Perhaps. But their necessity in some cases does not say anything about social workers’ need to perform warrantless (court’s emphasis) searches in non-exigent circumstances. The social worker can take many preliminary steps short of visual body cavity searches, such as interviewing the child and the parents. In non-exigent circum- stances, the worker then has time to obtain a warrant either personally to conduct a visual body cavity search or to have a physician perform it. (Roe v. Texas Dept. of Protective and Regulatory Services 2002, p. 406)
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 281
Placements deprives parents of legal representation in a judicial setting. When children are placed voluntarily into the care and custody of DYFS [the New Jersey CPS agency] by a parent or guardian, they may languish in out-of-home placement longer than children who are involuntarily placed. (State of New Jersey, Department of Human Services 2004, pp. 50, 143)30
Alternatively, VPAs could require judicial approval, including parental appear-
ance in court with legal representation to insure the agreement was made by a competent individual with full disclosure and without coercion*/critical ele- ments of informed consent.
Along with these changes, it is critical that agencies acknowledge the potential
conflict between law and ethics, and include this in training CPS personnel. If individual workers consider these conflicts before they act, and consult with CPS
supervisors or attorneys, there is greater likelihood that the resulting decision will have been made in consideration of both ethical and legal ramifications.
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282 DICKSON
Sinden, A. (1999) ‘‘‘Why Won’t Mom Cooperate?’’: A Critique of Informality in Child Welfare Proceedings’, Yale Journal of Law and Feminism, Vol. 11, pp. 339�/96.
State of New Jersey, Department of Human Services (2004) A New Beginning: The Future of Child Welfare in New Jersey, 9 June, State of New Jersey, Department of Human Services, Trenton, NJ.
Court Decisions, Briefs
Aid For Women v. Foulston, 427 F. Supp. 2d 1093 (D.C. Kansas 2006). American Psychiatric Association et al., ‘Amicus Curiae Brief in Support of the
Respondent, Sell v. U.S.’ 2002 U.S. Briefs 5664 (January 22, 2003). American Psychological Association, ‘Amicus Curiae Brief Sell v. U.S.’ 2002 U.S. Briefs
5664 (December19, 2002). Anderson v. Creighton, 483 U.S. 635; 107 S. Ct. 3034; 97 L. Ed. 2d 523 (1987). Calabretta v. Floyd, 189 F. 3d 808 (9th Cir. 1999). Daryl H. v. Coler, 801 F. 2d 893 (7th Cir. 1986). Dietz v. Dimas, 932 F. Supp. 431 (E.D. NY 1996). Doe v. Renfrow, 631 F.2d 91 (7th Cir. 1980). Eichenberger v. Stockton Pregnancy Control Medical Clinic, 249 Cal. Rptr. 762 (1988). Ferguson v. City of Charleston, 532 U.S. 67; 121 S. Ct. 1281; 149 L. Ed. 2d 205 (2001). Ferguson v. City of Charleston, 308 F.3d.308 (4th Cir. 2002). Harlow v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 800; 102 S. Ct. 2727; 73 L. Ed. 2d 396 (1982). In re Interest of J.H., R.H. and J.S. v. Florida. 480 So. 2d 680 (1985). In the Matter of David R., 420 N.Y.S.2d 675 (1979). In the Matter of Derek W. Burns, 519 A.2d 638 (Del. 1985). In the Matter of J.M.E., N.C. Court of Appeals, Appellant Brief, October 13, 2006 #COA06-
1121. King v. Olmstead County, 117 F. 3d 1065 (8th Cir. 1997). Merriweather v. City of Philadelphia, 2007 Dist. Lexis 36446 (E.D. Pa.2007). New Jersey v. P.Z., 152 N.J. 86 (1997). Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California v. Van De Kamp, 226 Cal Rptr. 361 (1986). Roe v. Texas Dept. of Protective and Regulatory Services, 299 F. 3d 395 (5th Cir. 2002). Sell v. U.S., 539 U.S. 166; 123 S. Ct. 2174; 156 L. Ed. 2d 197 (2003). Singleton v. Norris, 319 F. 3d. 1018 (2003). Smith v. Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform, 431 U.S. 816; 97 S. Ct.
2094; 53 L. Ed. 2d 14 (1977). State v. McKnight, 352 S.C. 635 (2003). Thomason v. SCAN Volunteer Services, 85 F.3d 1365 (8th Cir. 1996). Wilkerson v. State, 173 S.W.3d 521 (2005).
Statutes
California Penal Code §1165.3. California Penal Code §11165.7 (a)(1)-(a)(37). New Jersey Statutes Annotated §9:6-8.21. New Jersey Statutes Annotated §9:6-8.43. New York Social Services Law §413. Wisconsin Statutes §48.02 (1)(am).
WHEN LAW AND ETHICS COLLIDE 283
modules/Module 6 Poverty And Inequality.docx
Module 6: Poverty And Inequality
Module 6: Poverty And Inequality:
Chapter 5, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 79 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 6: Generalist Practice
In Module 6 we will examine the many dimensions of generalist, or “the ability to employ a variety of methods of social work methods” to serve client systems such as individuals, couples, groups, communities, and organizations (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 118).
Module Objectives
· Provides a basic understanding of generalist practice and its methodologies and roles.
· Defines the concepts and describes the skills of generalist practice and case management
· Examine evidenced-base practice in social work.
Generalist Practice
Generalist social work practice model began to emerge in the late 1960s in response to meet the need for trained social workers in the South (Popple & Leighninger, 2011). Kirst-Ashman (2013) defines generalist practice as “the application of an eclectic knowledge base, professional values, and a wide range of skills to target any size system for change” (p. 93). Generalist practice incorporates the following (Morales & Sheafor, 2012):
1. Informed by sociobehavioral and ecosystems knowledge;
2. Incorporates ideologies that include democracy, humanism, and empowerment;
3. Requires a worker to be theoretically and methodologically open when approaching a practice situation;
4. Client-centered and problem focused;
5. Research based.
Historically, social work has integrated multiple fields of disciplines such as psychology, sociology, anthropology, psychiatry (see below), as well as developing its own body of research, theory, and practice (Popple & Leighninger, 2011). It is important to note that in order to be legally recognized as a social worker in the state of Texas, one must be licensed through the Texas State Board of Social Work Examiners. If not, that individual solely has a degree or classes in social work, such as an individual who holds a degree in nursing or law, but has never sat and been certified by a licensing body to practice.
Roles social workers hold:
1. Broker
2. Mediator
3. Advocate
4. Evaluator
5. Mobilizer
6. Teacher
7. Consultant
8. Community Planner
9. Administrator
10. Researcher
Module 6 Readings:
· Textbook, Chapter 4
· Article, “What Does Social Work Have to Offer Evidenced-Based Practice?”
Discussion Board:
· In what ways is a systems approach (person-in-environment) important to social work practice?
· Describe the differences between EBP and DBP. What are your thoughts? Based upon the author’s viewpoints, defend your position.
· What is the “strengths perspective” and in what ways does it relate to “empowerment”?
· In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 6 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 5 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week.
5. If you have not started, the book “Born for Love, please get started!
What Does Social Work Have to OfferEvidence-based Practice?Corey S. ShdaimahEvidence-based practice (EBP) is a relatively recent incarnation in social work’slong history of valuing evidence as a basis for practice. Few argue with the ethicsand usefulness of grounding practice in empirically tested interventions. Criticsof EBP instead focus on how it is defined and implemented. Critiques includewhat counts as evidence, who makes decisions regarding research agendas andprocesses, and the lack of attention to context. This essay reflects on suchcritiques and suggests that social work, as a profession that values humandiversity, equality, and self-determination, is well situated to shed light on suchdebates about EBP. As a profession that supports a person-in-environmentperspective, we must examine not only the theory but the practice of EPB inacademic, institutional, and societal settings. It is also argued that, owing to ourprofessional mission, it is not enough to acknowledge the risk of oppression andharm; we are obligated to take them seriously and include such potential forharm in our assessment of so-called best practices.KeywordsEvidence-based Practice; Social Work Ethics; Social Work Profession;Standards of Evidence; Social Work Values; Research; Research Ethics‘Evidence’ in Service of the Social Work MissionSocial work has a history of valuing the collection of evidence as a basis for socialpolicy and frontline practice. Examples include the social surveys of Hull House,the early Charity Organizations Society movement, Mary Richmond’s socialdiagnosis, and the empirical practice movement of the 1960s (Bisman 2004;Morago 2006; Thyer 2008; Zimbalist 1977). Many early social reformers livedamong the people they intended to serve, and believed firmly that one of thebest ways to learn about social problems and how to ameliorate them was tolisten to those affected by them (Luquet 2005). This was most pronounced amongISSN 1749-6535 print/1749-6543 online/09/010018-14–2009 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/17496530902818732Corey Shdaimah is Assistant Professor at the University of Maryland, Baltimore School of Social Work,with degrees in law and social work. Her research and publications examine how professionals andlaypeople work within, around and against policies and practices that they find oppressive.Correspondence to: Corey S. Shdaimah, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University ofMaryland, Baltimore, 525 W. Redwood Rd., Baltimore, MD 21201, USA; E-mail:cshdaimah@ssw.umaryland.eduETHICS AND SOCIAL WELFARE VOLUME 3 NUMBER 1 (APRIL 2009)
those in the settlement movement; one of the chief goals of settlement houseswas tolearnfrom living and interacting in an environment (on Toynbee Hall, seeHimmelfarb 2001; on Hull House, see Addams 1989/2002). For some, mostnotably Hull House of Chicago, learning was not only a social process that tookplace at the individual level but also involved attempts to better understand thebreadth and scope of social problems and to document them in ways that wouldconvince policy makers (Lendermann & Niebrugge-Brantley 1997; Zimbalist1977). This led proto-social workers to the development of systematic methodsof evidence gathering. Knowledge gathering was not valued by the social workprofession as an end in itself, but a means toward the goal of serving individuals,groups, and broader society.Calls for evidence-based practice (EBP) are ubiquitous in the US context(Gambrill 2007; Gibbs 2003; IAWSR 2008; Thyer 2008). EBP has become a termdescribing a systematic process, as distinguished from a more general desire forpractice to be informed and grounded in empirical research. While this articlefocuses primarily on the United States, interest in, and discussion about, EBPdebates are evident elsewhere (for the United Kingdom, see Sheldon 2001; on theNetherlands, see Garretsenet al. 2005; for Australia, see Plath 2006; on Europegenerally, see Morago 2006; cross-nationally, see Zeiraet al. 2008). However, it isimportant to adopt a cautious approach and evaluate concerns regarding EBP.Critical discussion of the theory and practice of EBP is likely to lead to morereasoned understanding and implementation of EBP.EBP, like all other practices, should be evaluated critically and should beshaped by social work values and goals that inform and circumscribe its use. Tothe extent that the practice and theory of EBP is compatible with social workvalues, it should be embraced by the profession. Further, I argue that otherprofessions espousing such a practice would benefit from the cautions andcritical analysis that social work values promote. In the first section, I reviewformulations of EBP. In the section that follows, I review critiques that have beenleveled at EBP in a variety of fields, with a focus on social work perspectives. Inthe third section, I discuss how social work values might inform EBP for socialwork and for other professions and practitioners who espouse similar values.What is Evidence-based Practice?While conceptions of evidence and standards of evaluating evidence havechanged over time, the underlying quest remains the same. EBP is a relativelyrecent incarnation in social work’s search for so-called best practices that aregrounded in expert knowledge. Proponents claim that it arises from a desire tohold professionals accountable for the practices and procedures that theyperform on laypeople, clients, or patients who generally do not share theprofessional’s expertise and knowledge base.EBP as a philosophy and term, borrowed from the medical profession, is nowubiquitous in other helping professions. There are a number of definitions forWHAT DOES SOCIAL WORK HAVE TO OFFER EBP?19
EBP: an oft-cited one is ‘the conscientious, explicit, and judicious use of currentbest evidence in making decisions about the care of individuals’ (Sackettet al.1997 cited in Gibbs 2003). Practices need to be tested and weighed against theevidence, not used merely because practitioners have faith in them or becausethey are supported by professional authority figures (Gambrill 1999). We knowthat our biases blind us and may incline us away from or towards certainpractices. According to Sheldon (2001), EBP can rectify our very human tendencyto think that what we believe is reality, whether or not supported by evidence.Proponents of EBP hold that we must be transparent about what we do, subject itto testing and critique, and be willing to accept, revise or reject practices basedon how well they hold up when tested empirically (Gambrill 2007).While some definitions of EBP (e.g. Gambrill 2007) include a variety ofresearch methods, kinds of evidence, and forms of knowing, as well asconsideration of individual client values, preferences, and context, ‘in practicethey have been overshadowed by much narrower understandings of EBP that arebased on a biomedical research model that sets a priority for evidence derivedfrom well-designed and carefully implemented randomized controlled trials(RCTs), (Egger, Smith, & O’Rourke 2001)’ (Aisenberg 2008, pp. 297/98). Accordingto Shlonsky and Stern (2007), EBP is often misunderstood and misapplied withinsocial work (see also Barth 2008). Further, purported EBP may contain biases thatstem from the study or studies upon which they are based (Littell 2008).In his article calling for EBP, Sheldon (2001, p. 805) puts forth this definition ofscience, which in its claim to simplicity should raise a red flag:Science is simply a system of checking evidence by deliberately reining in certainhabits of mind which have probably grown up under evolutionary pressure andwhich, though helpful on an evolutionary timescale, distort attempts todisentangle causes and effects in more complex circumstances.Sheldon’s characterization ignores over 40 years of critical scholarship thatproblematizes every aspect of the practice and philosophy of science (some ofthe earlier, influential work in this field can be found in Kuhn 1962 andFeyerabrand 1975). Such a vision of science, which is implied in many of thenarrow and reductionist approaches to EBP, contains a number of assumptionsthat have been challenged.Critiques of Evidence-based PracticeEvidence of and for What?Debate exists about what evidence is an acceptable guide for practice(Dillenburgeret al. 2008, citing Dillenburger 1998, 2004; Drisko 2008) and evenon the definition of what constitutes EBP (Gambrill 2007; Rubin & Parrish 2007).What is a practice that ‘works’? How is ‘best’ defined? What are desired goals?The first part of EBP involves evidence. Many assess evidence hierarchically, with20SHDAIMAH
randomized clinical trials (RCTs) the gold standard; other methods are placedalong the hierarchies based on their perceived ability to decontextualize, orisolate, phenomena and to minimize the contagion of bias (Barry 2006; IAWSR2008, citing McNeece & Thyer 2004). This kind of rigor has been claimed as a wayto better understand specific phenomena by clearing out ‘noise’.While some proponents of EBP note that it may be considered reasonable todeviate from RCTs because ‘it is not always possible or ethical to conduct RCT insocial, health and human services’ (IAWSR 2008, p. 2), such language clearly seesdeviation from RCTs as a compromise rather than the justifiable choice of anappropriate research method. Research methods are ranked using self-referential methodological criteria with no regard to whether they are suitableto type of data or the questions asked (Shdaimahet al. in press). The criteria arealso narrow in that they are quantocentric; that is, they assume a quantitativeparadigm within or against which all methods are assessed (McCoydet al. 2008).Other hierarchies, such as those adopted by the Campbell Collaboration (Littell2006, cited in IASWR 2008), are more versatile and are not plagued by some ofthese same biases.Even if there was agreement on what constitutes the best evidence, it is notclear that evidence alone can provide the answers as to what outcomes ortreatments are optimal. What is considered a best outcome may depend as muchon one’s values and perspective as it does on any objective standard. One articlefrom the medical literature provides the example of choosing what kind of renaldialysis works better, a seemingly straightforward question (Gordon 2005).However, such an example poses an irresolvable question: is it possible to weighlongevity of life against quality of life? If different interventions lead to onerather than the other, how must these incommensurable outcomes be weighed?This becomes even more difficult to resolve when the decision is made at thegroup or policy level, but will affect individuals who differ in their values,concerns, beliefs, perspectives, or even their experience of suffering.When we talk about social work, particularly social policy, the problematicnature of such decisions is exacerbated by greater difficulty in predictingoutcomes in a social world that is inherently dynamic, and by trying to measurevalues that have few objective criteria. Further, the diversity of problems,relevant individual factors, and circumstances (see Barth 2008 on this problem inthe context of child welfare) are challenges to EBP. As Mary Douglas (cited inSheldon 2001) puts it, social work is a field ‘where ambiguity lurks’ (see alsoParton 2000). With so much unpredictability, and in a profession that respects avariety of values and the importance of self-determination, who should decidewhich is better? For whom? Based on what evidence? Produced from whichquestions? Asked of whom? Interpreted by whom? In what context? To what ends?There are no set answers to these questions, and they ask us to acknowledgepower. Indeed, whether or not these questions are even posed is itself a functionof power.WHAT DOES SOCIAL WORK HAVE TO OFFER EBP?21
Evidence-based Practice, Power and the Privileging of KnowledgeStephen Webb claims that EBP ignores power and politics (Webb 2001). I would gofurther and claim that it not only ignores power and politics but it obscures them.Many formulations of EBP assert objectivity, despite the understanding thathuman biases render such claims suspect (Foucault 1977/1995). Recent critiquescall for a nuanced understanding of objectivity, recognizing human beings’abilities to both stand outside themselves and to acknowledge their owninescapable subjectivity that influences all human endeavors, including science(Nagel 1989; Weeks 1998). Values and biases should be acknowledged, debatedand considered. Gambrill (2007), a proponent of EBP in its expanded definition,notes that originators of this term included certain values such as clientpreferences, but that this is often misunderstand or ignored in what she calls‘Cosmetic (Pseudo) EBP’ (p. 556), which she defines as a narrow and reductionistuse of guidelines.Despite claims to reduce bias, many formulations of EBP contain their ownbiases, such as a preference for methods, such as RCTs. These methods arepurported to be neutral; however, they privilege expert knowledge over situatedknowledge. This, in turn, privileges ‘expert’ knowers over those who live andexperience the phenomenon under study (LaForest & Orsini 2005). Most socialwork researchers will acknowledge that rigorous quantitative research toolsshould be balanced by the kind of ambiguous information produced by morecontextualized research techniques, which make up in relevance what they lackin rigor (Padgett 2008). Ask any community organizer or clinician and they willtell you that a decontextualized community or client does not exist. However,such ‘messy’ research is devalued in the academy, with funders, and in politicalvenues, in ways both blatant and insidious (McCoydet al. 2008). Further,research of any kind that is conducted by non-academics, such as communitygroups and practicing professionals, is devalued (Shdaimah & Stahl, 2006).Indeed, much of the discussion around EBP centers on whether students andpractitioners are using or learning, and/or how to increase their reliance on, EBP(e.g. Rubin & Parrish 2007). Such discussions assume that researchers andacademics know best and should try to influence practice rather than solicit theinput of practitioners regarding the relevance and value of research, as currentlyconstituted, for their practice.The power differentials that EBP reinscribes between researchers and non-researchers go beyond questions of research relevance. They also make policymaking (medical, social or economic) that is based upon research dangerouswhen it ignores the realities on the ground. Definitions of concepts, questions,and findings often do not conform with practice understandings (Lens 2005). Thekind of research that is so often touted as evidenced based is not the kind thatcomes from the bottom up, whether it is clients or practitioners who sit at thebottom. Instead, it is driven by researcher-experts who are largely situated in theacademy or in think tanks and tend to be removed from direct practice.22SHDAIMAH
Distance from practice often means that theory and decontextualizedresearch miss the details and meanings that phenomena and experiences holdfor the very people affected by them. It also means that such research does notaddress the understandings, constraints, and context of practitioners andpractice settings. Indeed, the distance from practice is often viewed as apositive contribution in that it asks us not to rely on our faulty and biasedperceptions (Webb 2001). Such distance can come at the expense of relevance,yet EBP is intended to be implemented and thus must balance the need for bothin all phases of the process. Research cannot produce best practices if it ignoresthe values and understandings of practitioners and clients, whether or not theirperceptions are correct by any objective standard.If knowledge is power, so too is the production of knowledge (Bourdieu 1980/1990). Carol Gilligan’s (1982) groundbreaking research into the moral reasoningof girls and women exposed gender biases in Lawrence Kohlberg’s scales of moraldevelopment as systemically favoring the moral reasoning of boys and men(Gilligan 1982, and the references to Kohlberg cited therein). Gilligan challengedKohlberg’s widely used scales, revealing that they had been developed basedupon the moral reasoning of boys and men, which as a group differed from themoral reasoning of girls and women. Recognition of the gender imbalance in theknowledge base that produced the measure helped to explain the consistentinferior ranking of girls and women as a product of viewing female behavior asdeviant from a norm based solely upon male perspectives.As social workers, we should be concerned with the influence of unbalancedpower dynamics on research because it threatens vulnerable populations (BASW2002, sections 3.1 and 3.2; NASW 2008, section 6.04). As social workers, we arealso called to combat this because it compromises research (BASW 2002, section3.5; NASW 2000, section 5.02). As in the case with the Kohlberg scales, suchbiases can both stigmatize and lead to faulty assessments, which may in turn leadto inappropriate interventions. At its core, ignoring the power dynamics inresearch can lead to, or perpetuate, social injustices.There are practical reasons to question EBP, particularly in the policy arena.There is a history of policy decisions that are made without regard to, or in spiteof, what evidence shows. They are often based on highly selective choices thathave little to do with research rigor (Lens 2005). Further, studies show thatprofessionals do not make decisions based on evidence (Mullenet al. 2005). Theyexamine limited evidence, more readily accept evidence in support of theirposition and more strongly resist contrary evidence (Munro 1999), and they relymore on experience than empirically validated knowledge (Rosen 1994). Values-based decision making has been shown even when standardized instruments areemployed (Kyang & Poertner 2006). Professionals’ consistent failure to rely onevidence indicates a potential disjunction between practice and EBP. Even if thiscould be rectified by further training of professionals in EBP, it is not clear thatthe ‘best’ decisions are those based solely on quantifiable or operationalizeddefinitions of phenomena as evidence (van de Luitgaarden 2007). Exploration ofWHAT DOES SOCIAL WORK HAVE TO OFFER EBP?23
practitioners’ assessment of the usefulness and relevance of EBP, generally and inparticular circumstances, is warranted.Some claim that EBP discourages creativity and innovation, and that EBP mayfavor some practices because they are more readily subject to certain kinds oftesting, rather than because they are believed to be the most worthy of reviewand possible implementation (LaForest & Orsini 2005; Smyth & Schorr 2009).Criteria based on narrowly construed EBP can result in methodologically drivenresearch rather than research that is theoretically or substantively driven(Shdaimahet al. in press). There are some who also suggest that EBP is a wayfor the state to tame researchers and research agendas (Barry 2006; LaForest &Orsini 2005). Government and agency funding incentives and disincentivesinfluence research agendas by channeling all of us who feed from the fundingtrough toward certain kinds of problems and questions and away from others. It isno coincidence that the very important work that is being carried out in socialwork today at large research universities is slanted toward medicalized,individualized ‘interventions’ rather than broad-scale policy critiques.What Social Work Can Contribute to Evidence-based PracticeSocial work in the United States has embraced EBP, despite criticism. It appearsthat other countries have as well. EBP can benefit from adaptations suggested bysocial work values, which will also help social workers (and, I believe, those inother professions who espouse similar values) assess, guide, and implement anethical practice of EBP.Cynthia Bisman decries ‘the profession’s turn to knowledge development atthe expense of a moral base’ (2004, p. 114). Despite repeated attempts, manybelieve that social work has not convincingly articulated a unique anddistinguishable knowledge base or technical expertise and instead borrowsheavily on those developed by other professions. However, social work doeshave a professional value base and orientation that informs how and why it usesand combines these tools and the lenses through which it views the world.Knowledge development need not be at the expense of a moral base. Social workcodes of ethics set out values that are to inform all social work practices,including the pursuit of knowledge.1The pursuit of knowledge is meant to further social work goals of supportingpeople and communities. This is the charge of social work and it also undergirdsthe ethical basis for EBP in social work. As such, EBP should be pursued in waysthat are compatible with, and enhance, core social work values. Social workethics can serve as a guide in assessing evidence, as well as in accepting,implementing, and evaluating particular practices with particular clients. This1. It is important to note that not all scholars agree that there should be codes of social work ethics,nor do they agree on the content of these codes (see Banks 1998). However, codes of ethics are auseful illustration of professional aspirations and goals.24SHDAIMAH
will help to ensure that the means of EBP do not overshadow the end of servingsocial work clients, which include individuals, families, communities and broadersociety (NASW 2008) through a vision informed by social justice, equity,recognition of diversity, and compassion. It should be noted that thesesuggestions are entirely compatible with careful and thoughtful definitions ofEBP. In fact, insisting on EBP informed by social work values would be to thebenefit of the profession and EBP.Social Work Calls for Attention to EquityThe critiques outlined above point to a number of areas where EBP has fallenshort. Research may not take into account the experiences of minoritypopulations. Indeed, a number of studies have questioned whether so-calledevidence-based practices do not in fact show good results with minorities (seeAisenberg 2008; Walker & Gowen 2007 and the articles in this special review ofFocal Point). This may be because minority groups are underrepresented inresearch studies although, at least in the United States, this is not supposed to bethe case (see National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects ofBiomedical and Behavioral Research 1979). It may also be because notions ofgoals that relate to whether a practice is ‘successful’, as discussed above, maynot be accepted by all. Such visions may be particularly divided when dominantcultural understandings are those that EBP supports (Walker & Gowen 2007).Social work values diverse input in all aspects of the process and asks us to payattention to which people and phenomena are included in studies, as well as whoand what are excluded, and how this might affect our assessment of evidence.Social work-informed EBP should consider research processes that are inclusiveto the extent possible, such as participatory action research and community-based participatory research, which can be both rigorous and inclusive (Shdaimah& Stahl 2006; Stahl & Shdaimah, 2008).Social Work Encodes the Value of Self-determinationIn a related vein, social work seeks to enhance the ability of individuals andcommunities to make decisions about their own lives. This requires that goals forintervention at the individual and group level should not be predetermined butshould be discussed, even when clients seek (or are required to engage with)professional assistance. Practices should not be espoused merely because theyhave been amenable to testing and are determined, using statistical methods, tobe beneficial (i.e. in most cases, but within a margin of error that allows thatsome portion of the population will not benefit or may actually suffer harm).Respect for individuals and their ability to make decisions also requires that webe honest and appropriately humble about the state of our knowledge. So-calledEBP should not be forced on people, nor should we advocate such practices withWHAT DOES SOCIAL WORK HAVE TO OFFER EBP?25
more certainty than is warranted; they should be reviewed carefully withpotential intended beneficiaries of those practices (Barth 2008).Social Work Values DiversitySocial work acknowledges that reality is multi-faceted. EBP must be tempered bythe need for evidence standards that encompass a range of ways of knowing andapprehending the world. Who we are and our visions of the good life differ andthere is no one objective criterion for choosing certain goals. Such a notionquestions objective definitions of evidence and has a healthy respect for thecomplexity of social life and social reality. It calls for a vision of practice that isgrounded not only in evidence but in the values, beliefs, and preferences of thosewho are asked to weigh its use. We must also strive for a process of EBP that caninclude the input of individuals and groups, not just at the treatment orintervention stage, but in asking questions and producing research upon whichour practices are based. While diversity and empowerment are social work valuesin and of themselves, they also remind us that we must not allow our culturalblindness and the desire to homogenize (albeit for the purposes of conductingrigorous research) to produce bad research.Social Workers are Obligated to Conduct ResearchThe US (NASW 2008) and British (BASW 2002) social work association codes of ethicsinclude research as a professional obligation. While the International Code of SocialWork does not explicitly address research, it requires that social workers ‘developand maintain skills and competence to do their job’ (IFSW and IASSW 2004). Goodresearch must include studies that assess the value of practices for diverse groupsof people. They must also account for a diversity of circumstances and settings.Social work concepts such as person-in-environment, derived from social workvalues, tell us that context matters. Interpretations of EBP that explicitly orimplicitly rely on narrow or singular definitions of evidence and that privilegecertain methods over others, regardless of the research question, should besuspect (cf. Smith & Pell’s (2003) discussion of the appropriateness of RCTs forassessing the use of parachutes, which, tongue-in-cheek, makes its point). EBPwhich is focused narrowly on a single gold standard of RCTs is not an appropriatestandard for social work. Standards that weigh a diversity of methods appropriatefor a diversity of questions and perspectives, such as those suggested by theCampbell Collaboration, are preferable (IASWR 2008, p. 2). We must not disregardsome methods that will yield important insights by clinging to pyramids orhierarchies that rate evidence against particular standards and ignore otherstandards and value sets. We need to work with an expanded definition of evidence,and strive for research that examines all questions of relevance to human beingsand their environment using the most appropriate methods to that question.26SHDAIMAH
ConclusionCurrent debates and evolving notions of evidence-based practice (EBP) show thatthe concept is malleable and, at least in social work, proponents are open toreassessing and changing. An integration of critiques such as those reviewed herewould require a broad-based definition of what counts as evidence (and who candecide), as well as who is defined as an expert. Critical reflection must be turnednot only on evidence but on EBP (see DeVries & Lemmens 2006). Plath (2006)suggests that EBP can and should include situated knowledges and bottom-upinput; Gilgun (2006) advocates for the compatibility of qualitative research withEBP. These are some ways to compensate for the biases in EBP as it is currentlyconstituted. It remains to be seen whether they can, in fact, be incorporated orwhether the concession to a variety of ‘evidences’, the acknowledgement of themessiness of practice, and the expertise of lived experience is anything morethan lip service.The existence of so many cautions and critiques of the way in which EBP ismisused, misappropriated, or misunderstood (Barth 2008; Littell 2007; Shlonsky& Stern 2007; Thyer 2008) should warn us that a ‘pure’ implementation thatremains ‘true’ to careful understandings and definitions might be impossible. Anyconcept that is good in theory but harmful in practice must be scrutinizedcarefully. We must examine what it is about EBP that perhaps lends itself tomisinterpretation, and how this may be connected to existing practices andstructures that reinforce dominant ways of thinking, knowing, and caring.In a profession that recognizes the importance of empowerment, self-determination, equality, and diversity, these questions should be front andcenter in the EBP debate. Jane Addams is an example of one who understood theimportance of learning from evidence. She knew how to choose the problem,formulate the question, gather the evidence and then put it to work in a politicalarena. All of these were informed by her living among those with whom sheworked: she engaged in the epitome of contextualized practice and contextua-lized research. Perhaps most importantly, this exemplifies the moral foundationsof social work obligations to serve the most vulnerable among us in a way thatrecognizes the values of human dignity, equality and self-determination (BASW2002; IFSW and IASSW 2004; NASW 2008). Social work history points to how thecurrent formulations of EBP,in practice, work against these goals, and historyalso suggests how it might improve.Sarah Banks (2008) has noted an increased interest in the social workprofession in applied ethics. There are good reasons why social workers maybe drawn to models of applied ethics. Most social workers find themselves wheresocial policies, medical and mental health practices, and life events affect realpeople. Sociologists refer to these spaces as the rough edges of work, where theproblems faced by real people often thwart ‘pure’ versions of model ethicsormodel practices (Hughes 1971). Social work is a profession of those who get theirhands dirty. I have argued elsewhere (Shdaimah 2009), in relation to professionalsWHAT DOES SOCIAL WORK HAVE TO OFFER EBP?27
who engage in practice, for the pragmatist ethical model that combines theimperative to act upon beliefs with the imperative to continually revise ethicsand practice as we acquire new knowledge and experience. To the extent thatEBP cuts off some forms of commentary and critique, it may be less responsive tothe exigencies, messiness, and richness of everyday practice and the needs,expertise, knowledge, and concerns of those affected by practice.It would seem that the question is not so muchwhetherto espouse EBP, whichsocial work has done since its inception in one form or another, butwhat kindofEBP to espouse. An inclusive EBP would include questions fundamental to socialwork such as for whom, to what end, and decided by whom? Perhaps it mightbehoove social work, instead of again turning to other professions such asmedicine (see, for example, Gilgun 2006) to improve our research and practiceagenda (and improve the connection between the two), to go back to its ownroots. Dialogue needs to examine EBP within the context of existing institutions,biases, and professional, political and social norms. EBP that takes the values oftransparency, self-examination, and rigorous debate seriously must examine theinfluence that dynamics of funding, publishing, hiring and tenure practices,practice theory hierarchies, and curricula have upon the production andassessment of knowledge. Where these consistently privilege certain kinds ofknowledge, research methods, and knowers (regardless of intent) they must bechallenged.The best of EBP reminds us to be humble about human intuition and the biasesto which we are prone. We also need to be humble about claims to objectivity,our ability to know, and the value of any one particular method of knowing.Social work is in a position to serve as a model for ethical EBP. Its mission andvalues can inform an EBP that can guide other fields where researchers arestruggling with how to incorporate a variety of disparate voices and knowledges.If we look to what EBP shares with a social work perspective, we can see that the‘best practices’ in the research arena call for transparency, critical analysis, andan openness to dialogue.AcknowledgementThe author thanks Judic McCoyd, Cynthia Bisman and the anonymous reviewerswho provided helpful commentary.ReferencesAddams, J. (1989/2002) The Subtle Problem of Charity, inThe Jane Addams Reader, ed.J.1 B. Elshtain, Basic Books, New York, pp. 62/75.Aisenberg, E. (2008) ‘Evidence-based Practice in Mental Health Care to Ethnic MinorityCommunities: Has Practice Fallen Short of its Evidence?’,Social Work, Vol. 53, no. 4,pp. 297/306.28SHDAIMAH
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modules/Module 7 Family And Child Welfare.zip
UnpackingTheKnapsack.White priviledge.pdf
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack Peggy McIntosh
"I was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems conferring dominance on my group"
Through work to bring materials from women's studies into the rest of the curriculum, I have often noticed men's unwillingness to grant that they are overprivileged, even though they may grant that women are disadvantaged. They may say they will work to women's statues, in the society, the university, or the curriculum, but they can't or won't support the idea of lessening men's. Denials that amount to taboos surround the subject of advantages that men gain from women's disadvantages. These denials protect male privilege from being fully acknowledged, lessened, or ended.
Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon, I realized that, since hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there are most likely a phenomenon, I realized that, since hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of while privilege that was similarly denied and protected. As a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something that puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage.
I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was "meant" to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools , and blank checks.
Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in women's studies work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having white privilege must ask, "having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?"
After I realized the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white women whom they encounter are oppressive. I began to understand why we are just seen as oppressive, even when we don't see ourselves that way. I began to count the ways in which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion about its existence.
My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will. My schooling followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work that will allow "them" to be more like "us."
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
Daily effects of white privilege
I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of white privilege in my life. I have chosen those conditions that I think in my case attach somewhat more to skin-color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographic location, though of course all these other factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I can tell, my African American coworkers, friends, and acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place and time of work cannot count on most of these conditions.
1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.
2. I can avoid spending time with people whom I was trained to mistrust and who have learned to mistrust my kind or me.
3. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live.
4. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.
5. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed.
6. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented.
7. When I am told about our national heritage or about "civilization," I am shown that people of my color made it what it is.
8. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race.
9. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege.
10. I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in which I am the only member of my race.
11. I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another person's voice in a group in which s/he is the only member of his/her race.
12. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop and find someone who can cut my hair.
13. Whether I use checks, credit cards or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
14. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them.
15. I do not have to educate my children to be aware of systemic racism for their own daily physical protection.
16. I can be pretty sure that my children's teachers and employers will tolerate them if they fit school and workplace norms; my chief worries about them do not concern others' attitudes toward their race.
17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my color.
18. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty or the illiteracy of my race.
19. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial.
20. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race.
21. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.
22. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world's majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion.
23. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.
24. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to the "person in charge", I will be facing a person of my race.
25. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven't been singled out because of my race.
26. I can easily buy posters, post-cards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys and children's magazines featuring people of my race.
27. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance or feared.
28. I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another race is more likely to jeopardize her/his chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine.
29. I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of another race, or a program centering on race, this is not likely to cost me heavily within my present setting, even if my colleagues disagree with me.
30. If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn't a racial issue at hand, my race will lend me more credibility for either position than a person of color will have.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
31. I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority activist programs, or disparage them, or learn from them, but in any case, I can find ways to be more or less protected from negative consequences of any of these choices.
32. My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and powers of people of other races.
33. I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing or body odor will be taken as a reflection on my race.
34. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self-seeking.
35. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having my co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of my race.
36. If my day, week or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it had racial overtones.
37. I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing to talk with me and advise me about my next steps, professionally.
38. I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative or professional, without asking whether a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I want to do.
39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race.
40. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen.
41. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me.
42. I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience feelings of rejection owing to my race.
43. If I have low credibility as a leader I can be sure that my race is not the problem.
44. I can easily find academic courses and institutions which give attention only to people of my race.
45. I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the arts to testify to experiences of my race.
46. I can chose blemish cover or bandages in "flesh" color and have them more or less match my skin.
47. I can travel alone or with my spouse without expecting embarrassment or hostility in those who deal with us.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
48. I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people approve of our household.
49. My children are given texts and classes which implicitly support our kind of family unit and do not turn them against my choice of domestic partnership.
50. I will feel welcomed and "normal" in the usual walks of public life, institutional and social.
Elusive and fugitive
I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it down. For me white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one's life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no virtues of their own.
In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have listed conditions of daily experience that I once took for granted. Nor did I think of any of these perquisites as bad for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege, for some of these varieties are only what one would want for everyone in a just society, and others give license to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant, and destructive.
I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a patter of assumptions that were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turn, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely.
In proportion as my racial group was being made confident, comfortable, and oblivious, other groups were likely being made unconfident, uncomfortable, and alienated. Whiteness protected me from many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit, in turn, upon people of color.
For this reason, the word "privilege" now seems to me misleading. We usually think of privilege as being a favored state, whether earned or conferred by birth or luck. Yet some of the conditions I have described here work systematically to over empower certain groups. Such privilege simply confers dominance because of one's race or sex.
Earned strength, unearned power
I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But not all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society. Others, like the privilege to ignore less powerful people, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
We might at least start by distinguishing between positive advantages, which we can work to spread, and negative types of advantage, which unless rejected will always reinforce our present hierarchies. For example, the feeling that one belongs within the human circle, as Native Americans say, should not be seen as privilege for a few. Ideally it is an unearned entitlement. At present, since only a few have it, it is an unearned advantage for them. This paper results from a process of coming to see that some of the power that I originally say as attendant on being a human being in the United States consisted in unearned advantage and conferred dominance.
I have met very few men who truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance, and, if so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives. Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the United States think that racism doesn't affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see "whiteness" as a racial identity. In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or ethnic advantage, or physical ability, or advantage related to nationality, religion, or sexual orientation.
Difficulties and angers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many. Since racism, sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the advantages associated with them should not be seen as the same. In addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advantage that rest more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex, and ethnic identity that on other factors. Still, all of the oppressions are interlocking, as the members of the Combahee River Collective pointed out in their "Black Feminist Statement" of 1977.
One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions. They take both active forms, which we can see, and embedded forms, which as a member of the dominant groups one is taught not to see. In my class and place, I did not see myself as a racist because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by members of my group, never in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my group from birth.
Disapproving of the system won't be enough to change them. I was taught to think that racism could end if white individuals changed their attitude. But a "white" skin in the United States opens many doors for whites whether or not we approve of the way dominance has been conferred on us. Individual acts can palliate but cannot end, these problems.
To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen dimensions. The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political surrounding privilege are the key political tool here. They keep the thinking about equality or equity incomplete, protecting unearned advantage and conferred dominance by making these subject taboo. Most talk by whites about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into a position of dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist.
It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like obliviousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of meritocracy, the myth that
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most people unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number of people props up those in power and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groups that have most of it already.
Although systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and, I imagine, for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites of being light-skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching men, it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage, and whether we will use any of our arbitrarily awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base.
Peggy McIntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women. This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), by Peggy McIntosh; available for $4.00 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley MA 02181 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges. This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent School.
module 7.docx
Module 7: Family And Child Welfare
Module 7: Family And Child Welfare:
Chapter 6, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 97 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 7: Human Diversity
“We all should know that diversity makes for a rich tapestry, and we must understand that all the threads of the tapestry are equal in value no matter what their color.”
--Maya Angelou
In Module 7 we will examine the response to human diversity and its relation to the field of social work.
Module Objectives
•Examine issues related to diversity in our society, including social policy,
development, and the relationship within or between groups and the larger community, as well as how these issues are important to social workers and social justice issues.
•Define the problems of diversity, including prejudice, discrimination and inequities of status, education, and economic opportunities in this country, with particular focus on the problems faced by immigrants to this country.
•Explore the dynamics of intergroup relations and a discussion of political perspectives on the problems of diversity.
•Examine the historical relations in the United States, focusing on social work’s involvement as a profession culminates in a discussion of current issues regarding social welfare and human diversity, including multiculturalism, immigration, affirmative action, and the tension between separatism and integration.
Response to Human Diversity
Popple and Leighninger (2011) observes that “national, regional, and community reactions to diversity—either acceptance of difference or discrimination—are reflected in our social welfare policies and services. . .the variables of ethnicity, race, gender, sexual orientation, age, physical and mental capabilities often have profound impact on people’s lives” (p. 133). Developing cultural attunement, competence, and awareness is important in social work because we work with a diverse background of individuals, groups, and communities (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). It is also important for social workers to recognize their own personal biases and viewpoints so that their biases do not inadvertently interfere with their ability to genuinely engage a client in a positive way. At-risk populations include, but are not limited to, those individuals and groups who are more vulnerable than the dominant group to be discriminated against, oppressed, marginalized, or alienated such as ethnic minorities, women, children, disabled, GLBT (gay, lesbian, bi-sexual, and transgendered), religious affiliation, immigration status, and political ideology (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). These populations are at greater risk of unfair treatment, exploitation, and economic disadvantage by dominant groups and have been historically served by social workers (Popple & Leighninger, 2011).
A major social work value involves social justice, or the idea that all people would have equal access to resources, opportunities, and social benefits regardless of their background (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). Therefore, it is critical that social workers understand and recognize when certain populations may not have equal access to opportunity due to differences. Kirst-Ashman (2013) defines the following as “inequitable treatment of others” (p. 53):
1. Discrimination—the act of treating people differently based on the fact that they belong to a different group
2. Stereotype—a fixed mental picture of a member of some specified group based on some attributes that are oversimplified without consideration or appreciation of overall differences
3. Prejudice—an opinion or prejudgment about an individual, group, or issue that is not based on fact
4. Oppression—putting extreme limitations or constraints on some person, group, or larger system
5. Marginalization—condition of having less power or being viewed as less important than others in the society because of belonging to some group or having some characteristics
6. Alienation—feeling that one does not fit in or is not treated as well as others in mainstream society
Gambrill (1997) suggests examining common assumptions related to multicultural awareness in social work:
1. Gender, class, race, and ethnicity are reasonable categories (e.g., there is greater variation among people in different categories than within each group).
2. Better services are provided by helpers who match clients (e.g. in race, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation).
3. Multicultural knowledge enhances services.
4. In order to offer services to different groups, different knowledge is required.
5. Emphasizing cultural differences does more good than harm.
6. The less frequent use of mental health services by minority clients deprives them of valuable and needed services.
7. All clients want to increase their “critical consciousness” of how their personal problems are affected by economic, political, and social factors (p. 33).
Based on these assumptions, what are your thoughts? What assumption stands out the most to you? Why?
Module 7 Readings:
· Textbook, Chapter 5
· Article, “Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”
· Article, “Multiracial Competence in Social Work”
TED Talk:
Bryan Stevenson
· In each article reading, describe what was the most impactful aspect to you? Why?
· After viewing, Bryan Stevenson's TED Talk on Injustice, what were some of your initial thoughts? Why?
· In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 7 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 7 & 8 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week.
References
Kirst-Ashman, K. K. (2013). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Morales, A. T., Sheafor, B. W., & Scott, M. E. (2012). Social work: A profession of many faces (12th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Allyn & Bacon.
Popple, P. R. & Leighninger, L. (2011). Social work, social welfare, and American society (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson).
Multiracial Competence in SW.pdf
Multiracial Competence in Social Work: Recommendations for Culturally Attuned
Work with Multiracial People Kelly F. Jackson and Gina M. Samuels
According to the 2010 U.S. census, approximately 9 million individuals report multiracial identities. By the year 2050, as many as one in five Americans could claim a multiracial background. Despite this population growth, a review of recent empirical and theoretical literature in social work suggests a disproportionate lack of attention to issues of niultiraciality. Instead, social work practice models remain embedded in traditional societal discourses of race and culture that often exclude or marginalize the experiences of multiracial individuals and families. This article summarizes recommendations following the domains of awareness, k n o w l e d g e , and skills in the NASW Standards for Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice to support culturally attuned social work practice with multiracial people. The authors argue that a culturally attuned practice approach—one that is inclusive of multiraciality—is not only timely, but also consistent with the profession's ethical obligation to provide culturally relevant services to aU consumers and clients.
KEY W O R D S : cultural attunement; cultural competence;
mixed race; multiracial; social work practice
T his article summarizes recommendations following the domains of awareness, knowl- edge, and skills in the NASW Standards for
Cultural Competence in Social Work Practice ( N A S W ,
2001) to support culturally attuned social work practice with multiracial people. We argue that a culturally attuned practice approach, one that is inclusive of multiraciality is not only timely, but also consistent with the profession's ethical obligation to provide culturally relevant services to all consumers and clients.
This article draws from an interdisciplinary body of scholarship, including social work, to highlight both shared and distinct experiences among mul- tiracial populations. We posit that by comprehend- ing the experiences of multiracial people and how multiracial identities are influenced by multisystemic factors, including the intersection of other identities (for example, gender, socioeconomic status, sexual- ity), we can expand rather than constrict the lens social workers use to understand ethnic and cultural identity processes within and across diverse groups. This article guides social workers through the first phase of competence—initially expanding our knowledge, awareness, and skOls to be more inclusive of multiracial individuals and families. By introduc-
ing an initial discussion of this topic, we hope to challenge traditional notions of homogeneous racial groups and expand our commitment to the growing group of people who identify as multiracial.
We use the terms "multiracial" and "mixed race" interchangeably as umbrella labels inclusive of, but not as substitutes for, derivative terms emerging in the literature to describe multiracial populations or people who identify two or more racial heritages, including biracial, hapa, mestizo, Mexipino, Amera- sian, and Afroasian (Root & KeOey, 2003).
In 2010, 2.9 percent of the U.S. population, of- ficially identified with more than one racial-ethnic category on the U.S. census. This represents a 32 percent increase in the multiracial population since 2000 (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011).This sig- nificant percentage increase corresponds directly to increases in immigration and interracial contact and the rise in interracial marriage. It is estimated that by the year 2050, one in every five Americans could claim a mixed-race background (Lee & Bean, 2004; Smith & Edmonston, 1997). As much of the U.S. population is either multiethnic or multiracial, this is certainly an underestimate of people whose origins are racially and ethnically "mixed" (Morning, 2003). Furthermore, youths are most likely to officially
CCC Code: 0037-8046/11 Í3.00 ©2011 National Association of Social Workers 235
claim their multiraciality (Dhooper, 2003;Jones & Smith, 2001), an identity increasingly visihle in U.S. pop culture. Mixed-race actors, athletes, models, and musicians appear on popular magazines, television shows. Web sites, and radio stations, reflecting the gro-wing ethnic ambiguity of our nation and the world (Dalmage,2004;Ifekwunigwe,2004).Equally noteworthy is the media frenzy surrounding the ra- cial identity of President Barack Obama, a multiracial person of African and European American heritage. His pubhc presence, and the ease with which he discusses his racial ancestry, has triggered nationw îde discourse around issues of race, mixed race, and identity (Hendricks, 2008; Samuels, 2006).
Because of the significant population growth and increasing visibility of multiraciality in the United States, social workers are likely to see an increase in numbers of clients and family systems identif- ing as multiracial (Fong, Spickard, & Ewalt, 1995; Hall, 2001). In particular, there is growing research evidence that multiracial people may be at greater risk to experience discrimination, use drugs and alcohol, engage in violent behaviors, and struggle with mental health problems when compared with their nonmultiracial peers (Bolland et al., 2007; Choi, Harachi, GiUmore, & Catalano, 2006; Jackson & LeCroy, 2009; Sanchez & Garcia, 2009; Udry, Li, & Hendrickson-Smith, 2003). Certainly, multiracial heritage does not cause these risk factors. Instead, these findings highlight the need for social workers to understand how a multiracial people's •well-being can be further placed at risk by their gro-wing up in a race-conscious society that constructs a norma- tive and healthy racial identity in terms of a single, mutually exclusive racial group. As healthy racial- ethnic identities have been consistently identified in research as a protective factor for aU children of color •who must navigate racial bias and prejudice, it is important for social •workers to understand risk and protective factors tied to identity processes that may be distinct for multiracial people. Furthermore, providing culturally com.petent practice, irrespective of the presenting problem and its cause, is a central tenant of ethical social work practice. This article argues that in order to achieve this ethical mandate, social workers must draw from an expanded set of knowledge and skills that are inclusive of contem- porary research and literature on multiracial identity development.
Despite the increasingly diverse contexts in which social workers operate, deficits have been identified
specific to social work practice with multiracial people.The field has been critiqued for its continued reliance on misinformation or use of inappropri- ate practice modalities with multiracial people (see Folaron & Hess, 1993; Hall, 2005; Jackson, 2009; KeddeU, 2009; Khan & Denman, 1997). For instance, the common and accepted practice of presenting informative "facts" aíFihated with a specific panracial or ethnic group (for example, black, white. Na- tive American, Asian, Hispanic) typically displaces mixed-race people by assuming they either do not exist in society or their experiences are equivalent to those of their parent's racial-ethnic group (Hall, 2005; Keddell, 2009; Spencer, 2006).This is partly attributed to the general lack of research and theory on multiracial populations in not only social work (Fong et al., 1995; Jackson, 2010a; Samuels, 2006; Wardle, 1992),but also related fields like counsehng, psychology, and education (see Caballero, Hynes, &Tikly 2007; Coleman, Norton, Miranda, & Mc- Cubbin, 2003; Edwards & Pedrotti, 2008; Wardle, 1992, 2007). Clearly, social work scholarship and theory development regarding aU ethnic minority groups have historically been insufficient (Balgopal, Patchner, & Balgopal, 1982).This dearth of cultur- ally relevant theory, research, and literature has continued into the 21st century (Gray, Coates, & Yellow Bird, 2008; Hall, 2005). And there is some evidence that when comparing the quantity of literature and research on ethnic minority groups in social work databases, there is a notable deficit in research on multiraciality. For example, key word searches conduced in December 2009 recovered the foUô wing hits for the four panracial and panethnic minority groups •within Social Work Abstracts (a prominent database produced by NASW's rê view of over 500 journals •worldwide): 1,185 articles re- lated to "African Americans/blacks" (12.6 percent of total U.S. population in 2010), 496 related to "Asians" (4.8 percent), 193 related to "Native or American Indians" (0.9 percent), and 590 related to "Hispanics or Latinos" (12.5 percent). Although there is a notable dearth of hterature on Latinos (a population with substantial mixed heritage), similar key word searches using the terms "multiracial," "biracial," and "mixed race" (2.9 percent of the population) produced only 85 articles. This num- ber was further reduced •when •we accounted for the common use of biracial, multiracial, and mixed race to describe racially diverse groups, not racially mixed individuals (for example, a multiracial sample
236
inclusive of more than one racial group). This left only 34 articles specific to multiracial individuals (n = 21) or multiracial families, including transracial adoptive families (n = 13).
Critiques of the study of multiraciality are also relevant to many of these remaining 34 articles. First, multiracials are often grouped together as a single panethnic group, or one group—often black—white biracials—is used to assumedly represent a homog- enous multiracial experience. This is problematic because substantial racial and cultural diversity exists within the group "multiracial," including multiracial people who do not have white heritage (Lee & Bean, 2004). Both shared and distinct experiences of multi- raciality could likely affect the provision of culturally attuned services and supports. Second, researchers often use methods and measures of racial and ethnic identity that have been criticized as inappropriate for understanding identity development among people of mixed-race heritage (Coleman et al., 2003; Jackson, 2010a). Finally, social work scholarship has yet to fuUy connect with the explosion of literature theorizing and critiquing multiraciality within the fields of ethnic studies, sociology, and pohtical sci- ence (DaCosta, 2007; Dalmage, 2004; Ifekwunigwe, 2004; Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002; Spencer, 2006; Winters & DeBose, 2003). It is our hope that future theorizing and empirical work wiU remain flexible and responsive to aspects of race and identity that are both shared and unique to specific subgroups of multiracial people and family structures.
This article uses NASW's specific competence domains ofawareness, knowledge, and skills (NASW, 2001) to frame specific recommendations for mul- tiracially attuned social w ôrk practice based on an interdisciplinary reviê w of empirical and theoretical literature on multiraciality. In an effort to respond directly to debates regarding the problematic mean- ing of "competence" as a potentially presumptuous or oversimplistic professional goal (see Gray et al., 2008; Hoskins, 1999; Tervalon & Murray-Garcia, 1998), we instead use the term"cultural attunement," as first introduced by Hoskins (1999).Being cultur- ally attuned requires both skill and knowledge but emphasizes that the knowledge and skill required in practice are intimately linked to the cultural standpoints of others. Thus, cultural attunement is the process of joining with another as a learner and mutually valuing both indigenous and practitioner insights (Hoskins, 1999). Attunement requires one's "cultural humility" (Tervalon & Murray-Garcia,
1998) and awareness and acknowledgment of in- dividual and group-based experiences of pain and oppression (Hoskins, 1999). An attuned practitioner must be perceptive and make microadjustments that account for a client's intersecting identities (for ex- ample, gender, socioeconomic status), which shape potentially unique experiences of race and culture. Finally, being culturally attuned is not a fixed status to which one arrives. Rather, it requires ongoing learning, listening, and critical self-reflection.
MULTIRACIALITY AND THE NASW STANDARDS FOR CULTURAL COMPETENCE IN SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE The profession defines cultural competence as "the process by which individuals and systems respond respectfully and effectively to people of all cultures . . . in a manner that recognizes, affirms, and values the worth ofindividuals, families, and communities" (NASW,2001,p. 11).Accompanying this definition are 10 standards for cultural competence.This article uses three of these standards to organize an initial discussion of what we call a multiradally attuned practice approach: self-awareness, knowledge, and skills (NASW, 2001).
Multiracial Self-Awareness "Social workers shaD . . . develop an understanding of their own personal, cultural values and beliefs" (NASW, 2001, p. 4).
Discourse on social work practice underscores the importance of addressing one's own beliefs and biases prior to entering the field and throughout any working relationship (Kondrat, 1999). This first step is also recommended among advocates for culturally sensitive practice with multiracial people (see Dhooper, 2003; Gibbs, 1998; McRoy & Free- man, 1986;Wardle, 1992;Winn & Priest, 1993).This process includes an awareness of one's beliefs regard- ing race and culture and their centrahty in our lives and those of others. For instance, a first-generation Korean American school social worker may overlook the different experiences with acculturation, ethnic discrimination, and identity development of his 14-year-old, mixed-race Korean—white client. He may not be attuned to the dual discrimination his cli- ent may face at school -with Korean and w ĥite peers and at home with Korean and "white relatives. Or, conversely, he may assume that his mixed-race client is confused about his identity or that the disruptive classroom behavior teachers are noting is caused
r t r ^ - . r in Social Work: Recommendations for Culturally Attuned Won 237
by problems with his identity. Lack of an â wareness of his assumptions could not only jeopardize the helping alliance, but also constrain or negatively bias the assessment and, thus, the intervention process. Yet pursuing cultural attunement requires both an understanding of one's beliefs related to race and a critical evaluation of how our personal systems of racial understanding are embedded •within, and potentially reify, broader sociohistorical structures of racial meaning. How race is constructed in the United States has implications for shaping our so- cietal, and thus our personal, beliefs about race and about specific raciahzed populations. The impact of these societal narratives and beliefs on one's de- velopmental processes are further discussed in the Multiracial Knowledge section.
Literatures in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and political science have long critiqued the social myth, yet enduring belief, that race is a biologi- cally real and meaningful system for categorizing or understanding human beings (Samuels, 2009; Spencer, 2006). For example, critical race theory, which emerged follo^wing the civil rights move- ment, emphasizes that although race is a socially constructed phenomenon, race remains a contrived and deeply imbedded system of categorizing (that is, raciahzing) people according to observable physical attributes that have no correspondence to a genetic or biological reality (Abrams & Moio, 2009). StiU, folk theories of race invoke it as a discernahle characteristic—a legitimate method of creating groups of people by raciaHzing characteristics like skin tone, phenotypes, and essentiahzing traits or skills as normative to specific groups (for example intelligence,athletic abihty) (Samuels,2006). Indeed, society ascribes a single racial category despite the ethnic diversity within one's ancestry. For example, the one-drop rule derives from the genetic and social understanding of race as monocentric; it relegates the outcome of any racial mixing to a"nonwhite" racial status (Davis, 2001; Spencer, 2006; Spickard, 1989). Thus, black-white multiracials (and others with mixed-race white heritage) are expected to claim the racial identity of their racial minority par- ent. This has protected "whiteness" as a privileged racial status, conceived as the only racially "pure" category despite centuries of known racial mixing (DaCosta, 2007; Morning, 2003). Although changes in the 2000 U.S. census allowed reports of more than one racial heritage, the social potency of a mono- centric paradigm, and mass internalization of this
racial hierarchy, continues to inform our collective and individual racial beliefs and identities. Multiracial Hterature further explicates how these same folk theories of race combine to inform unique social narratives related to multiraciahty (Dahnage, 2004; Ifekwunigwe, 2004; Keddell, 2009; Rockquemore & Laszlofiy, 2003, 2005). These constructions of multiraciahty include the following: narratives within society and science that pathologize mul- tiracial individuals as inherently at risk for cultural loss, identity confusion, and psychological problems caused genetically by mixed racial heritage, as typi- fied by the figures of the "tragic mulatto" and the "marginal man"; social conceptions of interracial partnerships as unnatural and, thus, inherently iU fated; constructions of the "multiracial identity" as an unresolved and unhealthy identity status; narra- tives within communities of color that pathologize claims to multiracial identities as attempts to"pass"as white and escape racial stigma; and today's portrayal of multiracials as "rainbow children"—experiencing the "best of both worlds" or validating a "postrace" America (see Chiong, 1998; Coleman et al., 2003; Dalmage, 2004; Davis, 2001 ; Gaskins, 1999 ; Guevarra, 2007; Ifekwunigwe, 2004; Rockquemore & Laszlof- fy, 2003,2005; Root & KeDey, 2003; Samuels, 2006; Shih& Sanchez, 2005; Spencer, 2006;Wijeyesinghe, 2001).Therefore, developing critical self-awareness requires an understanding of hô w these societal narratives of race inform our own beliefs about multiracial individuals and families.
To encourage this internal dialogue and build critical self-awareness, Harris and Durodoye (2006) suggested that practitioners routinely ask themselves questions such as "How do I feel when I see a member of my racial group romantically involved or married interracially?" and "Do I automati- cally conclude that problems are a result of being multiracial or are identity related?" However, we would add that developing culturally attuned self- awareness extends beyond noting one's behefs and values to include a more critical self-reflectivity (see Kondrat, 1999). For example, it requires question- ing how sociohistorical constructions of race and specifically the protection of whiteness as a "pure" racial category inform our conceptions of multi- raciahty. To what degree has our social obsession with black-white race mixing not only resulted in pathologizmg today's black-white multiracials, but also caused us to ignore other multiracial popula- tions? Furthermore, most people in the United
238
States are multiethnic (for example, Polish-German- Irish, a mixture of tribal or indigenous ancestries, even unknown racial ancestries) and are increasingly multicultural (Lee & Bean, 2004). This reality in- spires questions that develop self-awareness around one's own ethnic and racial identity: How do my racial identity and my beliefs reify monocentric racial norms and racial hierarchies? Hô w does my own identity mask the existing racial, ethnic, or cultural diversity in my family background? How am I advantaged by the heritages I claim or those I do not claim? How is my way of racially iden- tifying, or not identifying, accepted (or viewed as normal) within society or by those in my family or friendship group?
Although central to effective and ethical social work practice, multiracial self-awareness must be accompanied by "new" information, a knowledge base that derives from empirical research inclusive of indigenous perspectives. This can begin to aid social workers in pursuing empirically informed practices that are experienced by chents as attuned to their Hved experiences. We argue that this commitment to developing critical self-awareness faces all social workers, even those who are so-called "insiders" to multiraciahty. This ongoing developmental task is linked to expanding one's knowledge base beyond personal experience and dominant fî ameworks of race and identity.
Multiracial Knowledge "Social workers shall have and continue to develop specialized knowledge and understanding" (NASW, 2001, p. 4).
Scholars have long noted the need to expand the profession's kno^wledge base regarding multiraciahty (Bowles, 1993; Folaron & Hess, 1993; Fong et al., 1995; McRoy & Freeman, 1986; Samuels, 2006). Indeed, there is some evidence that professionals in the field are seeking such information to guide their work with multiracial individuals and families (Folaron & Hess, 1993; Harris, 2002).We use three domains of knowledge, drawng from NASW's dis- cussion of "competency" in this area to introduce readers to the existing knowledge base on which a culturally attuned social work practice can be built: (1) the sociopolitical history of multiraciahty in the United States, (2) contemporary theories and models of multiracial identity development, and (3) the strengths and challenges of multiracial people across the hfe course.
History. Though people of mixed heritage have legitimate claims to two or more races or ethnic group identities, society has traditionally denied people the right to assert more than one ethnic or ra- cial membership (Davis, 2001 ; Gibbs & Moskowitz- Sweet, 1991).There has also been great variance in how different ethnic groups have accommodated or rejected racially mixed children and interracial part- nerships. These differences can substantially shape one's multiracial experience, including the degree of their acceptance or rejection in a group, and thus shape processes and outcomes of identity develop- ment (Lee & Bean, 2004). Excellent reviews of the historical experiences of different multiracial popu- lations can be found in the works of Davis (2001), DaCosta (2007), Dalmage (2004), Ifekwunigwe (2004), Lee and Bean (2004), and Guevarra (2007). Social workers should be attuned to the continued use of racial epithets (for example, half-breed, mixed blood) and racially derogatory labels for mixed-race people, such as "mulatto," deriving from the •word "mule," which signifies an infertile "mixed-breed" animal (Davis, 2001; Ifekwunigwe, 2004; Samuels, 2006). The use of such language by a social worker could seriously hinder the development of a help- ful alliance with multiracial clients and interracial families. Using language that remains flexible to within-group diversity would advantage social work practice beyond multiracial populations, taking seri- ously the heterogeneity and complexity embedded •within all cultural and panethnic groups.
Cultural attunement also requires knowledge of how racial legacies shape contemporary experiences of race and identity. Scholars consistently highlight how monocentric racial legacies inform unique ra- cialized microaggressions for multiracials (Dalmage, 2004; Oriti, Bibb, & Mahboubi, 1996), requiring people to navigate racism and"monoracism" (Root & Kelley, 2003). This includes navigating racial lit- mus tests and questions hke "What are you?" that require people to claim their allegiance to a racial group and culturally perform only that identity (Dalmage, 2004; Ifekwunigwe, 2004). Panethnic advocacy organizations have also voiced opposition to the multiracial movement and multiracial iden- tities as antithetical to the survival and well-being of panracial group solidarity against institutional racism (see Chiong, 1998; Dalmage, 2004; Fong et al., 1995; Spencer, 2006;Winters & DeBose, 2003). Consequently, a multiracially attuned approach requires social workers to appreciate the politically
jAi - - /« Social Work: Recommendations for Gulturally Attuned Work 239
and emotionally charged dynamics surrounding multiraciality. Arguably, simply being multiracial is a highly political and public existence.
Theories and Models of Identity. Cultural attune- ment challenges social workers to systematically de- termine the relevance of any theoretical framework of development with respect to a client's values and individual needs (NASW, 2001). In this case, social workers must discern whether a given model of development is relevant to, and thus useñal in, un- derstanding a chent's racial and cultural experience. Increasingly, scholars critique single-race models of racial—ethnic identity as problematic for use with multiracial populations (see Coleman et al, 2003; HaD, 2005; Jackson, 2009; Root, 1998; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). Instead,multiracial identity research advances new models with fluid conceptions of identity development, suggesting that identities vary and change on the basis of context and family system and over the hfe course (see Hall, 2005; Jackson, 2009; Renn, 2003; Rockquemore, Brunsma, Delgado, 2009;Rockquemore & Lasziofïy, 2005;Root, 1998; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). These dynamic conceptions of race and identity replace earlier stage models that pathologized multiracial identity outcomes as psychologically unhealthy (Stonequist, 1937) or ignored such identities altogether (Coleman et al., 2003) .This group of models further stresses the cen- trality of historic and contemporary social contexts and, in this way, compliments earlier discussions of creating a kno^wledge base that values the sociohis- torical context of one's development. Finally, the ecologically grounded processes of development that these models advance are especially comphmentary to social work's long-standing endorsement of the person-in-environment perspective—that human development is a contextuaUy embedded and highly complex process influenced by the interaction of multiple social identities and social statuses (for example, socioeconomic status, sexuality, gender, immigration status).
Several findings from empirical research using these models of identity have begun to explicate a range of "healthy" identity expressions among multiracials (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005), including the finding that even biological siblings may not share an appearance or experience of their multiracial heritages and, thus, can claim different identities (Root, 1998). Multiracials do not all iden- tify as multiracial, and they all do not grow up in similar racial, cultural, or famihal contexts (Samuels,
2009). Assessments of different healthy identity out- comes must be interpreted in these distinct contexts. This requires practitioners to incorporate theories of intersectionality (Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2007) that would draw their attention to factors like a child's age, raciaHzed appearance, gender, family structure, parental racial socialization approaches, abüity/access to acquiring multilingual and multicultural skills, and the racial-ethnic diversity of one's local context. Incorporation of these identities, not as additive but as dynamic and mutually informing factors, helps protect practitioners from using oversimplified understandings of race and culture as homogenous or as the sole lens to assess a client's strengths and vulnerabihties.
Strengths and Challenges. Comprehensive eco- logical models also provide opportunities to reveal both challenges and gains embedded within one's experience of multiraciality. For instance, experienc- ing discrimination, being marginalized, claiming different identities, and feeling accepted and affirmed in multiple racial and cultural communities can be, simultaneously, a part of one's multiracial experi- ence over the life course (deAnda & Riddel, 1991; Guevarra, 2007; Jackson, 2009; Jackson, 2010b; MiviUe, Constantine, Baysden, & So-Lloyd, 2005). Research makes clear that multiracial individuals can and do face distinct challenges attributed to lî ving as a multiracial person or in a multiracial family system in a monocentric society (Choi et al., 2006; Gibbs & Moskowitz-Sweet, 1991; Samuels, 2009). For instance, some multiracial people, because of social distance that persists between many racial-ethnic groups (for example, black and white. Native and white), have to contend with historical dynamics that manifest in their own family systems. Further, systems for estabhshing racial membership (for ex- ample, the one-drop rule or blood quantum criteria to establish tribal memberships) continue to form the legal and informal guidehnes for inclusion as an "authentic" member (Davis, 2001; Rockequemore & Lasziofïy, 2003). However, research has also made clear that not all multiracial people struggle, and experiencing challenges related to this heritage does not eliminate the potential for gains or the devel- opment of strengths. For example, after reviewing social science research on multiracial populations, Shih and Sanchez (2005) found httle evidence that multiracial individuals were dissatisfied, unhappy, or uncomfortable with their mixed-race identity. Other studies have also reported that their multiracial
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participants had a stronger sense of ethnic identity (Bracey, Bamaca, & Umana-Taylor, 2004), felt more positive about themselves racially (Binning, Unzueta, Huo, & Mohna, 2009; Gibbs & Hines, 1992), and were more socially well adjusted (Binning et al., 2009; Johnson & Nagoshi,1986) than their peers who did not identify as multiracial. Again, the pres- ence of these strengths does not eliminate challenges. Rather, it adds complexity to our understanding and knowledge base of how multiracial populations can successfully nâ vigate the monocentricity and racism they experience.
Finally, cultural attunement requires a social worker to demonstrate respect in their practice by humbly assuming a position of "not know- ing" (Hoskins, 1999). Social •workers must remain attuned to •what they knoTiv about an individual client's experience and that it may not yet be repre- sented within existing empirical research. Although both self-awareness and an empirically informed know l̂edge base are essential for moving the field toward a multiracially attuned practice approach, the kno^vledge domain of practice in this area continues to be constrained by the dearth of practice-based empirical research on multiraciality in general and in social work in particular.
Multiracial Skills "Social workers shall use appropriate methodologi- cal approaches, skills, and techniques" (NASW, 2001, p. 19).
As with any chent or family, it is important to se- lect interventions that are culturally yet individually attuned, making use of a relevant kno^wledge base and the client's natural support systems (NASW, 2001). However, many multiracial people do not experience a sense of their multiraciality in a col- lective community of other multiracial people. In fact, the naturalistic environment for many of them is that of a raciaHzed minority in their par- ent's racial and cultural communities, their local neighborhoods, and sometimes their own family ŝ ystems (Jackson, 2009; Rockquemore & LaszloSy, 2005; Samuels, 2009). Consequently, skilled work with multiracial people involves not only building connections to their racial—ethnic communities of origin, but also connecting them to other multira- cial individuals and family systems.We acknowledge that most multiracial clients will not present with racial identity issues in practice. However, it is important for social •workers to remain attuned to
how the social ecology of their clients can exacer- bate, protect, inhibit, or complicate any presenting problem. Further research continues to highlight healthy racial—ethnic identities as protective fac- tors for all people of color. For multiracial clients •who experience social disapproval or invalidation of their chosen racial identity, their psychological well-being and ability to be resilient is harmed (Gillem & Thompson, 2004; Rockquemore, 1999; Root, 1996). In these circumstances, it becomes crucial for social work practitioners to engage their multiracial clients in meaningful discussions about race and culture in a sensitive and responsible way. This section proposes introductory skills and re- sources to consider in •work with multiracial indi- viduals, with a specific focus on identity processes. A deeper discussion of culturally relevant practice approaches, though beyond the scope of this ar- ticle, is being initially explored in other disciplines, mainly psychology. These •works, some of •which include relevant case studies, are being hailed for their examination of culturally sensitive and effec- tive practice strategies •with multiracial people (see GiUem & Thompson, 2004; McDowell et al, 2005; Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003).
Any chent—•worker relationship can be comph- cated by discussing issues related to race and identity. Such dialogue can be uniquely challenging in •work with multiracials, who often are routinely questioned in public and private about the details of their racial heritage and identities and often ridiculed for their identity responses (Buchanan & Acevedo, 2004; Dalmage, 2004; Jackson, 2010b; Samuels, 2009). Thus, some may resist openly engaging in potentially loaded questions regarding their identities and may doubt the relevance of sharing this information when asked early in the relationship (Hall, 2001).
Several skills can be developed by social •work- ers to also avoid monocentric ways of discussing race and identity even as trust is being built in the working relationship. These include not requiring chents to indicate the group that they feel "most identified" with or the culture in •which they feel "most comfortable." Changing intake or assessment forms and one's language to aUô w clients to racially and culturally identify (or not) in multiple ways is an important first step. When possible and appropriate, practitioners should include a client's perspective on his or her identity rather than solely indicating his or her biological heritage or a parent's report of a child's identity. To demonstrate such respect.
JA .j,^^„j„l^2^r„.„^„^„, ¿„ SQcial Work: Recommendations for Culturally Attuned Work 241
an attuned social worker could use open-ended questions to solicit clients' responses regarding their chosen identity. For example, asking the client questions hke "How do you choose to identify?" or "Tell me about your experiences in relation to your chosen identity" would demonstrate respect for the client's right to choose an identity and encourage the client to provide more descriptive accounts of his or her experience, which is crucial to assessment and mutual treatment planning.
Recently, specific practice modalities have received wide support for work "with multiracial people, particularly in supporting positive identity development and in countering pathologizing experiences related to multiracial heritage. In particular, narrative therapy has been proposed among several scholars (see Edwards & Pedrotti, 2004; Gibbs, 1987; Keddell, 2009; Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003). In narrative therapy, clients are viewed as possessing essential know l̂edge and are the experts of their own lives (Abels & Abels, 2001).This view of client-as-expert compliments the value a culturally attuned approach places on lived experience as central to developing practice wisdom. Furthermore, a narrative approach would help a multiracial person to "externalize" the pathologizing societal narratives of multiraciality and replace them with a narrative that affirms a positive sense of identity (Abels & Abels, 2001; Edwards & Pedrotti, 2004; Gibbs, 1987; Ritten- house, 2000; Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003). For example, a social worker might "work with a multiracial client on constructing his or her own labels or creating his or her own language to describe his or her identity in a positive and affirming way (for example, Mexipino—Mexican and Filipino) (Miville et al., 2005). In addition, an attuned worker could assist multiracial clients in developing strategies of resistance, specific to op- pressive circumstances that clients may encounter in their daily lives (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003), including how to affirm one's multiracial identity when pressured to choose one race. Specific nar- rative techniques recommended for work with multiracial people include the following: critical conversation approach (see McDowell et al., 2005), relational narrative therapy (see Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003), and hope therapy (see Edwards & Pedrotti, 2004).These approaches can help people to balance the real constraints placed on their iden- tities in society and within their immediate social
environments (for example, the one-drop rule) with their sense of agency to construct a positive sense of self in the context of these constraints.
Identifying social supports to promote healthy individual development is crucial to multiraciaUy attuned practices.With multiracial clients who have experienced social identity invalidation, this would involve connecting them to a supportive commu- nity of mixed-race others who could validate and nurture their chosen identity. In the past, social workers were advised to connect mixed-race people to one or more of their ethnic minority cultures of origin (Gibbs, 1987;McRoy & Freeman, 1986). Findings generated from recent studies suggest that although these communities are still important resources, they are also incomplete (MiviUe et al, 2005; Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005). Instead, there is evidence that multiracial people can benefit greatly from affirming experiences and relation- ships with other multicultural people and families (deAnda & Riddel, 1991; Jackson, 2009; Samuels, 2009). Yet most of the multiracial population in the United States is regionally dispersed; many multiracial people have limited or no access to a broader community of multiracial people (Jones & Smith, 2001; Miville et al., 2005). Social workers must identify resources and social supports that are available locally and nationally that could promote opportunities for multiracial clients to develop a sense of their raciahzed selves in the context of a multiracial community (McRoy & Freeman, 1986). Increasingly, access to an online multiracial com- munity now offers a way to connect to a worldwide multiracial diaspora. Some of the more prominent organizations are I-Pride (http://www.ipride.org/), MAVIN (http://www.mavin.net/), the Mixed Heritage Center (http://www.mixedheritagecenter. org/), and SWIRL, Inc. (http://swirHnc.wordpress. com/). Social workers should become familiar with these resources for community building as well as other resources (for example, local organizations, books) that reflect and affirm a variety of multiracial and multicultural heritages (for lists of additional resources, see Gaskins, 1999; Root & Kelley, 2003; Steinberg & Hall, 2000). A multiraciaUy attuned practitioner—again, drawing from the theoretical approach of intersectionality—must take into ac- count that not all people require the same types or levels of racial—ethnic bonding and that need or desire for relationships with other multiracials can change across the life course.
242
CONCLUSION In this article, we have argued for a multiracially attuned approach to enhance social work practice with a multiracial population. Indeed, many of the ideas advanced within cultural attunement are com- plimentary to existing language in NASW's cultural competence standards, including its conceptualiza- tion as a Hfe-long process for social workers (NASW, 2001 ). However, we believe that shifting the language to cultural attunement helps to reinforce some challenges embedded •within effectively executing this domain of ethical social •work practice. First, it requires vigilance, humility, and informed critical self-â wareness over the course of one's professional development and during one's interactions with clients. Being culturally attuned also requires prac- tice wisdom that draws from the client and family system's unique racial and cultural experience while also using an empirically, historically, and profession- ally derived kno^wledge base. Finally, •we have argued that this level of self-â wareness must acknowledge that many of our personal, professional, and theoreti- cal conceptions of racial identity are embedded in dominant and often flawed racial legacies, including monocentricity. In proposing the use of the extant interdisciplinary research on multiraciaHty, we highly encourage the development of both theory and ap- plied social •work research, particularly in the areas of school social work and family practice. As the school and family contexts are central to a child's development, a robust body of research is needed to understand hô w social •workers can support families, including adoptive families, to facilitate the healthy development of multiracial children at home and in their communities and schools. Likewise, there is a dearth of social work Hterature by researchers who are themselves multiracial. Including indigenous voices of multiracial people—not only as research participants, but also as scholars—is an important aspect of developing a multiracially attuned body of research and theory in social work.
The centrahty of advocating for multiracial clients to access affirming experiences of themselves as multiracials is of the same protective importance as that for others who, marginalized in broader society, can find affirmation and a normalized sense of self with others who share an identity and experience. Future research should explore the degree to which contemporary cohorts of multiracial youths, in facing enduring monocentricity, come to form a collective sense of themselves and, thus, a distinct
cultural group identity. This does not replace their community of origin but, rather, may offer an added sense of community and kinship to support identity work.
Building on earlier calls for the inclusion of multiraciality in social work (that is, Fong et al., 1995), we beheve the next step is to fully move beyond traditional societal discourses of race and culture in social work theory, research, practice, and education (Keddell, 2009). A multiracially attuned practice model inherently rests on the existence of a broader body of empirical scholarship that engages multisystemic and dynamic understandings of race, culture, and human development.Thus, highlighting how multiracial identities are influenced by multisys- temic factors, including other intersecting identities (for example, gender, class, sexuality), can expand rather than constrict the lens •we use to understand ethnic and cultural identity processes, including those that operate within assumed homogenous panracial groups. This shift would support social work educators, researchers, and practitioners for effective practice in an increasingly diverse society. It is our hope to renew a dialogue on race, culture, and identity in the field that is maximally inclusive of the many ways in which race and culture are hved and experienced in today's society and into the future. HZl
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Kelly F.Jackson, PhD, MSM{is assistant professor. School of Social Work, College of Public Programs, Arizona State Uni- versity, 411 North Central Avenue, Suite 800, Phoenix, AZ 85004; e-mail: keUy.fJackson@iisu.edu. Gina M. Samuels, PhD, MSSli{ is associate professor. School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago.
Original manuscript received April 6, 2009 Final revision received January 25. 2010 Accepted March 4, 2010
Hi:f in Social Work: Recommendations for Culturally Attuned Work 245
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modules/Module 9 Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges/Failure to Report.pdf
The statutes in most (but not all) states specify con- sequences for filing a malicious or knowingly false report, and they also include penalties for failing to report when the threshold has been met (CWIG, 2007b). As of June 2007, only four states have stat- utes that do not include penalties for willfully fail- ing to report known or suspected child abuse. For all other states, the penalties faced by mandated report- ers for failing to report vary by state and, within most states, by the severity of the abuse. Although there is variation, the penalties typically include criminal prosecution of misdemeanor or felony charges (with consequent fines and/or jail time), civil liability, and/ or professional disciplinary action.
The Consequences of Failure In the child abuse and neglect reporting statutes of 48 states, specific professional groups (generally those with regular or ongoing contact with chil- dren) are identified as mandated reporters (CWIG, 2008). While all states permit anyone to file a re- port of suspected child abuse (referred to as “permis- sive” reports), in 18 states (and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico), all citizens, regardless of profes- sion, are considered mandated reporters and are therefore required by law to report suspected child abuse. In those states, citizens who fail to make a report are subject to the same penalties as mandat- ed reporters. Indiana provides a striking and public example of the consequences to persons who fail to report in states in which all citizens are mandated reporters. In September 2002, in a department store parking lot, Madelyne Toogood placed her then 4-year-old daughter in the backseat of her SUV. After looking quickly around the lot, Toogood spent the next 20 seconds physically abusing her daughter. Shortly thereafter, Toogood’s sister, Margaret Daley, was ar- rested for witnessing the abuse and failing to report it. After hearing her sister had been arrested, Toogood fled to her mother’s home in Maryland. She then went to New Jersey where she had her daughter examined by a pediatrician who photographed the child in order to document the absence of any phys- ical signs of abuse. (The doctor was subsequently questioned by police after the film processer filed a report in response to seeing the pictures of a naked child.) One week later, after learning from a news report of the incident that a warrant had been is- sued for her arrest, Toogood turned herself in to law enforcement. Penalties exist for failing to report, and a delay in reporting is grounds for criminal, civil, and/or ad- ministrative penalties in most states. A publicized example of this arose in Florida near the end of the 2002–2003 school year when a school principal, the district human resources director, and the school investigator were arrested for failing to file a timely report of child abuse. On the afternoon of Monday, May 12, 2003, the father of a Kissimmee Elementary School student expressed his concern to the principal regarding the “bizarre” way in which a male 2nd grade teacher was teaching the students to count. The principal con- tacted the school’s human resources manager in the district who, in turn, immediately assigned a district
T he ethical and legal obligation to report known or suspected child abuse is certainly common knowledge among health care professionals. Every state in the United States has stat- utes pertaining to the reporting of known or suspected child
abuse or neglect. Although legislation varies between states, they typi- cally share similar elements, such as a definition of terms and criteria for determining when the threshold for reporting has been met (Child Welfare Information Gateway [CWIG], 2008; CWIG, 2007a). In addi- tion to identifying who is required to report and to whom the report must be made, most include a waiver of privilege (that is, confidential- ity and privilege cannot be used as grounds for failing to report) and a grant of immunity (from criminal and civil liability) for the mandatory or voluntary reporting party when the report was made in good faith (CWIG, 2005a).
44 ANNALS Spring 2009 www.americanpsychotherapy.com
Failure to Report When Abuse Hits Primetime
ISSUES IN THERAPY By Bruce Gross, PhD, JD, MBA, FACFEI, DABPS, DABFE, DABFM, FAPA
According to the non-profit resource, Helpguide, an informational support Web site committed to dispersing information related to child welfare, an estimated 906,000 children are abused or neglected each year (Saisan, Jaffe-Gill, & Segal, 2008). This staggering statistic has prompted the distribution of information that will lead outside parties to recognize signs of abuse and neglect, thereby saving a child from this emo- tional and physical damage.
Saisan, Jaffe-Gill, and Segal (2008) mention four factors that can lead to child abuse:
History of child abuse• . Although a sad fact, the cycle of child abuse is often perpetuated through generations, unless it is dealt with directly. Parents who were abused as children may not understand proper parenting and may not have come to terms with their own childhood abuse. lack of support• . Stress and other factors can lead parents to make snap deci- sions they may come to regret. substance abuse• . Parents who are abusers of drugs and alcohol are at a higher risk of abusing their children. Impairment can also lead to child neglect after the abuse. Domestic violence• . Emotional abuse can occur if the child is frequently ex- posed to domestic violence. Additionally, physical abuse from one spouse to another will often escalate into abuse taken out on the child.
If a child reports abuse, the adult needs to remain calm. It is highly important to avoid denial, which can lead the child to feel shamed and afraid. The child may not want to report future incidents. Ask the child to tell the story in his or her own words. Do not ask leading questions. These types of conversations can confuse the child. Finally, make sure to reassure the child that he or she did nothing wrong; these types of inci- dents are not the fault of the victim (Saisan, Jaffe-Gill, & Segal, 2008).
Keep in mind the most important issue is the well being of the child. Even in times of trauma and chaos, the child needs to understand he or she is not at fault for what hap- pened. The child has already endured a significant event in his or her life and needs to understand that help is on the way. Outside parties can make a difference by reporting the abuse. There is no need to feel like the family intruder. The only way to stop child abuse is to stop the cycle. For more information, please visit www.helpguide.org.
Saisan, J., Jaffe-Gill, E., & Segal, J. (2008). Child abuse and neglect: Warning signs of abuse and how to re-
port it. Helpguide. Retrieved February 9, 2009, from http://www.helpguide.org/mental/child_abuse_physi-
cal_emotional_sexual_neglect.htm#authors
Spring 2009 ANNALS 45 (800) 592-1125
employee to investigate the allegation. Although all three personnel were mandated reporters in the state of Florida, none notified the authorities. The principal and district investigator conducted their own investigation by talking to other students. In the process, one student informed the principal that she had been molested by the suspect teacher on Monday, the day the complaint was first made. By Wednesday afternoon (May 15th), the two con- cluded that the “counting game” had, in fact, in- cluded inappropriate, sexual contact. They reported the alleged abuse to the county sheriff who referred them to the local police department. On the follow- ing morning, three days after the initial accusation was made, the principal filed an official report with the police. As a result of the official investigation, on May 21st the police arrested the 2nd grade teacher on charges of child abuse. That same day, they also arrested the principal, the district human resources manager, and the district investigator. At the time, the district did not have an established policy regarding the handling of incidents of suspected abuse, but state law was very specific regarding the responsibilities of man- dated reporters in terms of when and to whom re- ports should be filed. In addition to being charged with delayed reporting, the three were vulnerable to civil litigation for any and all injury sustained by any child as a result of the delay.
A Prime(-time) Example of Failure It would seem that it should be easy to determine when mandatory reporters have failed to fulfill their legal and ethical responsibility for filing a re- port of suspected child abuse and imposing the ap- propriate penalties in response. Unfortunately, that is not always so, as was evidenced in an episode of “Primetime” aired by the American Broadcasting Company (American Broadcasting Company [ABC], 2006). The specific episode, “Stepfamilies in Crisis,” was intended to be an exposè of the challenges faced by blended families. In developing the program, the producers installed video cameras in the homes of selected families in the process of “blending.” One of the featured families, the Nelsons, included then 15-year-old Kyle, her stepfather (whom she con- siders to be her “father”), his new wife, and three young children. In one clip, Kyle is talking with her stepfather and stepmother about her homework. The conver- sation quickly escalates into a heated argument in which Kyle’s stepfather and stepmother spit profan- ities while berating her. As all three are screaming off-camera, the other children remain seated at the dining table, trying to muffle the sound by cover- ing their ears and praying aloud. Editing brings the viewers into the living room with Kyle, where her stepfather has her pinned down with his knee on
46 ANNALS Spring 2009 www.americanpsychotherapy.com
Physical Abuse—Signs of physical abuse can include unexplained bruises or welts on the child’s body. Addition- ally, a child that seems to be untrusting of adults and who tends to stay away from adult touch may be indicative of physical abuse.
Emotional Abuse—Shy or fearful behavior can be a subtle warning sign of emotional abuse. Children also may ex- hibit extreme behaviors or display actions un- characteristic of their age, such as a child at- tempting to parent an- other child.
Sexual Abuse—Signs may include advanced knowledge of sexual acts that are premature for the child’s age. Dif- ficulty sitting or standing may also accompany sexual abuse.
Saisan, J., Jaffe-Gill, E., & Se-
gal, J. (2008). Child abuse
and neglect: Warning signs
of abuse and how to report it.
Helpguide. Retrieved Febru-
ary 11, 2009, from http://
helpguide.org/mental/child_
abuse_physical_emotional_
sexual_neglect.htm
siGNs of aBUse her chest. Her stepmother is nearby, egging on her husband as he calls Kyle a “little bitch” and slugs her five times while Kyle begs him to stop. The cameras were in place during 2002 and 2003, with the incident of abuse taking place in December of 2002. The episode, hosted by Diane Sawyer, aired on April 21, 2006, and was viewed by over 8 mil- lion people. By the time the show aired, Kyle (then 18) had moved out of the house, her stepfather (a correctional officer and Iraq War military reservist) had been deployed, and the statute of limitation for his assault on Kyle had expired (CWIG, 2005b). Viewers blasted ABC’s Web site, outraged that the network had aired the abuse and, as was made clear by the episode, had not intervened in any way to protect Kyle.
Defending Publicized Abuse Immediately after the “Primetime” episode aired, during “Good Morning America,” Diane Sawyer attempted (more than once) to explain the net- work’s decision-making and position (ABC, 2006). She claimed that despite the perceived sensational- ism, the “Primetime” segment had been created in order to “help stepfamilies.” She asserted that the physical abuse was an “isolated incident” in over one thousand hours of “candid” videotape of the
Nelson family. Mental health professionals who were involved in the project had “kept in touch” with the families during the time between the removal of the cameras and the airing of the show, and they were convinced the incident represented “bad par- enting” rather than an unsafe environment. ABC further justified its decisions by making it known that, after the cameras had been installed, Kyle was placed in individual therapy (arranged by the pro- ducers), and the therapist had not registered any concern. (Kyle discontinued therapy because she felt she could not trust her therapist, who allegedly reported the content of sessions to Kyle’s stepfather and stepmother.) Four days after “Stepfamilies in Crisis” aired and as the public’s ire continued to mount, Diane Sawyer interviewed Kyle on “Good Morning America” (ABC, 2006). Included in the interview were Kyle’s biological mother, her maternal grandmother (with whom she lived after leaving her stepfather and stepmother’s home), and the three mental health professionals who consulted on the program. Kyle agreed to be interviewed on the condition that the segment of the “Primetime” episode that included her abuse would not be rebroadcast.
During the interview, Kyle asserted that she knew her stepfather loved her, that she forgave him, and that she hoped the public would as well. The mental health professionals claimed the incident of physi- cal abuse was only indicative of “inappropriate” and “authoritarian” parenting, and not of abuse. They did, however, acknowledge that the children were exposed to a great deal of “conflict” in the home and admitted that type of environment is harmful for children. One of the psychologists purported that ABC’s mistake was in repeatedly televising the clip, explaining that repeated viewing of violence can potentially be “traumatizing” to viewers.
A Return Appearance Though seemingly unfazed by events at the time, ap- proximately 2 years later, in February 2008, Kyle (age 20) filed a lawsuit against ABC News and its President Dave Weston, “Primetime” Producer David Sloan, Diane Sawyer, the three mental health professionals associated with “Stepfamilies in Crisis,” and the Walt Disney Corporation (ABC News, 2008). The suit in- cludes a number of claims, perhaps the most significant of which being that the abuse was not a single incident but ongoing, and that the parties were “wantonly reck- less” and “grossly negligent” in not intervening on her behalf and in failing to file a report of the abuse.
In addition to the effects of the abuse itself, the suit alleges Kyle suffered “lasting effects” from the airing of the show. The suit further contends that in producing the show, the parties “created and promoted” a hazardous situation to which she was subjected. Kyle alleges further damages from the network having invaded her privacy and revealing the status of Kyle’s mental health to the public (the “Primetime” exposè reported that Kyle had attempt- ed suicide and was being medicated for Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder). The suit is seeking punitive damages, a permanent injunction against ABC from rebroadcasting the abuse, and a judgment compelling the network to provide the counseling that she had been promised.
The Difference between Law and Ethics As indicated in Kyle’s lawsuit, no one involved in the “Primetime” episode “Stepfamilies in Crisis” filed a report of child abuse, despite the fact that mental health professionals are mandated reporters in New York and they must include their name when filing a report (CWIG, 2008). The network and the three practitioners claim the psychologists did not see the tape in question prior to its airing.
“EVEN IF THOSE ASSOCIATED WITH THE SHOW HAD NO LEGAL DUTY TO REPORT THE ABUSE, THEY CERTAINLY HAD AN ETHICAL ONE.”
What is clear is that the exposè showed a segment in which Kyle was being beaten by her stepfather, who was calling her a “bitch,” while her stepmother looked on. In another segment, both adults acknowledged they had struck Kyle on other occasions as “discipline.” (The parents were interviewed at various in- tervals during the time of active taping, with portions of those interviews being included in the finished show.) In another “candid” segment, the stepparents were heard threat- ening to hit Kyle. Heated verbal arguments were commonplace, and the mental health professionals acknowledged that at best, Kyle (and her siblings) lived in an emotionally abusive environment. When installing the cameras in the fami- lies’ homes, the parents were given permis- sion to turn them off whenever they chose. As such, even if the segment of abuse was the only episode of violence on the tapes, the possibility that abuse occurred when the cameras were off is not ruled out. That sin- gle episode was sufficiently extreme, and the reaction of the younger children made it ap- pear improbable that was the first and only incident of violence Kyle suffered. The network asserted that Kyle was in ther- apy (at least for a portion of the time) when the cameras were in her home, as if that guar- anteed her protection. Given that no report was filed, it does not appear that the network expressed any concern to the therapist regard- ing Kyle’s well-being. According to Kyle’s
maternal family, they too were not informed of the nature of her home life. Because Kyle was a minor at the time, if a report had been filed, it is likely the network would have lost possession of the tape as well as the right to its use. Whether the timing was planned or coin- cidental, Kyle was out of the home and her stepfather deployed by the time the episode aired. Even if those associated with the show had no legal duty to report the abuse, they certainly had an ethical one. Journalists may not be mandated reporters, but they do have their own set of ethics, one of which is not to hurt their subject matter. In the state of New York, citizens are not mandated reporters but are permitted to report known or suspected abuse. The public was justifiably disturbed by the clip and though they were not obligated to report, it would be interesting to know if any of the viewers chose to do so on Kyle’s behalf.
References American Broadcasting Company. (2006, April 22). Good Morning America [Television Broadcast]. New York and California: American Broadcasting Company. American Broadcasting Company. (2006, April 23). Good Morning America [Television Broadcast]. New York and California: American Broadcasting Company. American Broadcasting Company. (2006, April 24). Good Morning America [Television Broadcast]. New York and California: American Broadcasting Company. American Broadcasting Company. (2006, April 25). Good Morning America [Television Broadcast]. New York and California: American Broadcasting Company.
American Broadcasting Company. (2008). ABC News [Television Broadcast]. New York and California: Ameri- can Broadcasting Company. Child Welfare Information Gateway (CWIG). (2005a). Immunity for reporters of child abuse and ne- glect: Summary of state laws. Retrieved January 20, 2009, from http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_poli- cies/statutes/immunity.cfm Child Welfare Information Gateway (CWIG). (2005b). Statutes of limitations for offenses sgainst chil- dren: Summary of state laws. Retrieved January 20, 2009, from http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_poli- cies/statutes/limitationsall.cfm Child Welfare Information Gateway (CWIG). (2007a). Definitions of child abuse and neglect: Summa- ry of state laws. Retrieved January 20, 2009, from http:// www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/statutes/ defines.cfm Child Welfare Information Gateway (CWIG). (2007b). Penalties for failure to report and false report- ing of child abuse and neglect: Summary of state laws. Re- trieved January 20, 2009, from http://www.childwelfare. gov/systemwide/laws_policies/statutes/report.cfm Child Welfare Information Gateway (CWIG). (2008). Mandatory reporters of child abuse and neglect: Summary of state laws. Retrieved January 20, 2009, from http:// www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/stat- utes/manda.cfm Sloan, David (Executive Producer). (2006, April 21). Primetime: Stepfamilies in Crisis [Television broadcast]. New York and California: American Broadcasting Com- pany. n
About the Author
Bruce Gross, PhD, JD, MBA, FACFEI, DABPS, DABFE, DABFM, is a Fellow of the American Psychotherapy Asso- ciation and is a regular columnist for Annals of the American Psychotherapy Association. He has been a member since 1999.
Spring 2009 ANNALS 47 (800) 592-1125
modules/Module 9 Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges/Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges.docx
Module 9: Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges
Module 9: Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges:
Chapter 8, Learning Objectives 1-5 on Page 145 are the points to be used in your discussion. All additional sources that you use, including info from the web, Ted-Talks, YouTube etc must be referenced. All additional source input beyond your Textbook reading requirements, will add points to your assignment score. Since this is the first class to start with a new textbook and as an added help to aid you in completing your assignments, I kept the materials from the previous class. All Material shown in () are optional for your use. If you are drawing information from the old class, please go to the corresponding chapter or material. This could be listed in a totally different week or module than that we are currently studying.
(Module 9: Child Welfare
In Module 9 we will examine the response to child welfare such as child abuse and neglect issues, foster care, adoption, family preservation, child welfare policy and legislation.
Module Objectives
· Explores issues related to child welfare services in the United States.
· Profile child abuse, neglect, and maltreatment issues
· Explore current trends and issues in child welfare, political perspectives on child welfare, and social work roles within that domain follow a historical perspective on the development of services for children and families in the United States.
Child Welfare
Popple and Leighninger (2013) states that child welfare refers “to all aspects of society essential for the well-being of children” (p. 318). It is important to note that U.S. families are very diverse ranging from two-parent homes, GLBT families, single parents, multi-generational families, step-families, and much more. Kirst-Ashman (2013) defines child welfare as the systematic “network of policies and programs designed to empower families, promote healthy environment, protect children, and meet children’s needs” (p. 244).
The primary functions of child welfare consist of the following (Pecora, et al., 2000):
· Protecting children
· Preservation of existing family unit
· Promotion of child development into independently functioning adults
Social workers work collectively with all families and children by providing a various types of services to meet the primary functions of child welfare, such as:
· Protective Services (CPS): It is estimated that in the United States over 825, 000 suspected cases of child abuse and neglect are reported annually. Social workers seek to protect children and families. If a referral of abuse and/or neglect is made, social workers must assess risk and immediate danger, assess the parent’s ability to protect the child, and determine the overall safety of the child if he/she stays in the home (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012).
· Foster Care: temporary and/or long-term placement with a kinship relative or non-relative if a child has been removed from his/her immediate caregivers due to substantial danger or risk. Social workers are responsible for preparing children for placement and ensuring that each child receives the care, resources, and protection in alternative care. Social workers are also responsible for recruiting, training, educating, supporting, and monitoring foster families in accordance to agency, local, state, and federal laws and policies (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012).
· Residential Care (RTC): group home or residential center for children and teens who have significant behavioral challenges and may pose a risk to other children in a more intimate family setting such as a foster home, adoptive home, or kinship home. These placements are temporary and in accordance to state laws. Social workers assist these children and teens with evaluation, behavioral challenges, coping skills, education, and transitioning them to a family (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012).
· Adoption: permanent and legal placement of a child into a family system such as a non-related family member, step-parent(s), foster, and kinship (grandparents, aunts, uncles, siblings, etc.). Social workers recruit, educate, and assist potential adoptive families prior to the child being placed in the family. Social workers also assist biological families considering adoptive placement for their child. Social workers also provide support services for members of the adoption triad (adoptees, birth families, and adoptive parents) such as counseling and post adoption services, such as birth search assistance, long after an adoption has been finalized in the courts (Morales, Sheafor, & Scott, 2012).
Child Maltreatment
Child maltreatment is systemic problem throughout the world that encompasses all forms of child abuse such as physical neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse and exploitation, emotional abuse, abandonment, and medical neglect (Kirst-Ashman, 2013). It is estimated that approximately 3.3 million referrals of suspected child abuse are reported annually (Popple & Leighninger, 2011). The consequences of child maltreatment can be damaging such as depression, anxiety, PTSD, low self esteem, exhaustion, fear, behavioral outbursts, academic failure, and much more (Berk, 2002). Four requirements must be met to substantiate child maltreatment (Popple & Leighninger, 2011, p. 322):
· Definable parental behavior directed at the child, whether by omission or commission
· Demonstrable harm to the child must be present
· Causal link to established between parent’s behavior and harm of child
· Assessment by social worker to measure level of intervention needed (immediate or incremental)
To further understand the dynamics of child maltreatment and why parents may abuse, please read Chapter 10, pages 326-332 in your textbook.
Important Child Welfare Legislation
· Federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974 (CAPTA)
· Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 (ASFA)
· Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 (ICWA)
· Temporary Assistance to Needy Families of 1997 (TANF)
· Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000
Module 9 Readings:
· Textbook, Chapter 10
· Article, “Failure to Report”
· Article, “Valuing Families”
· Article, “Unrelenting Catastrophic Trauma”
YouTube
“Dr. Bruce Perry, MD, PhD: Living Smart: What our children need?”
Dr. Bruce Perry, Childhood Development on LIVING SMART with Patricia Gras (Links to an external site.)
“Child of Rage”
Child of Rage The FULL Documentary (Links to an external site.)
Interesting Links:
Texas Department of Family and Protective Services Child Care Minimum Standards
National Statistics on Child Abuse
Texas Law and Child Abuse Definitions
https://www.oag.state.tx.us/ag_publications/txts/childabuse1.shtml (Links to an external site.)
Discussion Board:
· In each article reading, describe what was the most impactful aspect to you? Why?
· After viewing, Dr. Perry’s interview, what are your thoughts? What are some of the modern challenges that children face today? In what ways?
· After viewing, “Child of Rage” what are your initial reactions? What are the impacts of child abuse and neglect?
· In your two response posts, give your peers constructive feedback about their perspective. What other ideas do you have regarding their perspective? Does their perspective help to explain the issue that they picked? Do you agree or disagree with their perspective? Why or why not?
Module 9 Checklist:
1. Complete all of your readings.
2. Completed your original post and response posts.
3. Begin reading Chapter 13 in your textbook.
4. Submit your quiz for the week.
References
Berk, L. E. (2002). Infants, children, and adolescents (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Kirst-Ashman, K. K. (2013). Introduction to social work and social welfare: Critical thinking perspectives (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Morales, A. T., Sheafor, B. W., & Scott, M. E. (2012). Social work: A profession of many faces (12th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Allyn & Bacon.
Pecora, P. J., Whittaker, J. K., Maluccio, A. N., Barth, R. P., & Plotnick, R. D. (2000). The child welfare challenge: Policy, practice, and research (2nd
ed.). Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.
Popple, P. R. & Leighninger, L. (2011). Social work, social welfare, and American society (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson).
modules/Module 9 Physical Cognitive And Developmental Challenges/SW and Families.pdf
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