Reading articles and Answering questions based on these articles
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status
Elise Perrault1
Received: 6 April 2015 / Accepted: 26 October 2015 / Published online: 29 October 2015
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2015
Abstract Despite its increasing popularity across manage-
ment disciplines, stakeholder theory holds an important
shortcoming in terms of its guidance for understanding the
heterogeneity of stakeholder interests, claims, and behavior
toward firms. Specifically, scholars note the inadequacy of
generic categories of stakeholders (e.g., customers, employ-
ees, shareholders, and suppliers) in providing a realistic por-
trait of the groups and individuals that interact with the firm,
opening the theory to much criticism for a ‘simplistic’ and
‘meaningless’ stakeholder concept. In face of this challenge,
recent research is pointing to social identity as a mechanism to
refine our understanding of stakeholders as names-and-faces,
however we argue that despite the advancements offered by
the social identity approach, it too presents limitations in its
ability to guide managers in prioritizing stakeholder claims.
Building onthese nascent efforts to offer much needed nuance
to a theory of stakeholder identification and prioritization, this
paper draws from new advances in the management literature
and offers status as an attribute that helps explain and predict
how managers accord attention to their various constituents.
We set forth five propositions connecting stakeholder status to
the attention stakeholders receive from managers. We argue
that status is a superior attribute of stakeholder identification
and prioritization because it (1) accounts for groups and
individuals’ uniqueness within broad categories of stake-
holders in a dynamic way, (2) reconciles the dual nature of
stakeholders as holding simultaneously a social and an eco-
nomic identity in their claim toward the firm, and (3) provides
a plausible explanation of, and intuitive guidance to, how
managers accord attention to their firm’s stakeholders.
Implications and future directions for research complete this
article.
Keywords Stakeholder theory � Stakeholder management � Social identity � Stakeholder identification � Status
Introduction
Stakeholder theory proposes that firms are most successful
when they address the interests of their various constituents
(Freeman 2004; Freeman et al. 2010). In this view, not all
stakeholders are of equal importance to managers (Don-
aldson and Preston 1995; Gioia 1999; Phillips et al. 2003).
Indeed, while some deserve greater attention or priority in
managers’ agenda because of their important contribution
to the firm’s success (Harrison et al. 2010), others demand
attention by attempting to delegitimize some of the firm’s
practices that go against their interests (Mitchell et al.
1997) or by threatening the firm’s continued success
through activist tactics (den Hond and de Bakker 2007).
However, if firms are to successfully manage their stake-
holders, they must first be able to identify them. Thus, at
the core of stakeholder theory is the ‘problem’ of stake-
holder identification that is, the need to have guidelines or
principles that help identify who are the firm’s relevant
stakeholders, what are their interests, and what is the basis
of their claim toward the firm.
To this point, stakeholder theorists (Agle et al. 1999;
Berman et al. 1999; Clarkson 1995; Freeman et al. 2010;
Griffin and Mahon 1997) observe the inadequacy of
stakeholder research’s tradition to identify stakeholders
based on the generic categories of customers, employees,
& Elise Perrault perraulte@cofc.edu
1 College of Charleston, 66 George St, B-328, Charleston,
SC 29420, USA
123
J Bus Ethics (2017) 146:25–38
DOI 10.1007/s10551-015-2929-1
suppliers, shareholders and the community, or those that
slice and dice stakeholders broadly based on their role
toward the firm (e.g., market/non market, etc.). These
typologies are problematic because they omit to consider
how groups form, coalesce, and mobilize in pressing their
interests to the firm (Wolfe and Putler 2002), which pro-
vides valuable insight as to how managers must address
their interests to successfully coopt these stakeholders’
support (Waldron et al. 2013). It also fails to account for
stakeholders who span several categories (e.g., employees
who are also shareholders and/or customers), and for
stakeholders who—with the same social identity—migrate
from one economic category to another (Crane and Rue-
bottom 2011; McVea and Freeman 2005).
In face of this challenge, scholars have suggested to rely
on a ‘names-and-faces approach’ to stakeholder identifi-
cation (McVea and Freeman 2005). However, this
approach was originally set forth in the context of entre-
preneurial ventures, where the focus is explicitly on the
creation of new goods and services and where a relatively
small number of stakeholders are more closely intertwined
(Jawahar and McLaughlin 2001). While an entrepreneurial
focus applies in some ways to large corporations—because
fast-paced technology developments demand and foster the
creation of new products and services, for example—it is
unclear how a ‘names-and-faces approach’ that relies on
the personal knowledge of individuals with a unique value
proposition to realize with the firm can be integrated in
large corporations’ management practices.
Building on this commentary, scholars have recently
turned to social identity as a basis for stakeholder identi-
fication (e.g., Crane and Ruebottom 2011). This approach
appears promising for several reasons, however it also
holds shortcomings that restrict its applicability in reality.
Most notably, a social identity typology rests on the self-
descriptions that stakeholders develop because of how they
perceive themselves, which may—and likely—differ from
the way in which managers view stakeholders. Thus, it
proposes an answer to the problem of stakeholder identi-
fication that lies with individual stakeholder groups—
which comes at odds with the bulk of the stakeholder lit-
erature that recognizes the importance of managerial per-
ceptions of stakeholders on their firm’s interaction (Bundy
et al. 2013; Mitchell et al. 1997; Waldron et al. 2013).
The present paper returns to this paradigm where, to
understand how managers perceive and respond to their
stakeholders, a theory of stakeholder identification must
rest in managerial perceptions of stakeholders (Agle et al.
1999; Mitchell et al. 1997; Parent and Deephouse 2007).
Merging the idea of a ‘names-and-faces approach’ with
previous efforts to conceptualize the identification and
prioritization of stakeholders by managers, we recognize
that such a typology must accomplish at least three things:
(1) account for groups and individuals’ uniqueness within
broad categories of stakeholders in a dynamic way, (2)
recognize the dual nature of stakeholders as holding
simultaneously a social and an economic identity in their
claim toward the firm, and (3) provide a plausible expla-
nation of, and intuitive guidance to, how managers accord
attention to their firm’s stakeholders. After selectively
reviewing the literature on stakeholder identification and
salience, we draw from new advances in the management
literature to offer status as an attribute that transcends
generic stakeholder categories and enables managers to
perceive their stakeholders specifically—as ‘‘real people
with names and faces’’ (McVea and Freeman 2005).
Status is just beginning to emerge as an attribute that
explains previously elusive management phenomena
(Pearce 2011; Piazza and Castellucci 2014). Commonly
defined as ‘‘the socially constructed, intersubjectively
agreed-upon and accepted ordering or ranking of individ-
uals, groups, organizations, or activities in a social sys-
tem’’ (Washington and Zajac 2005, p. 284), status presents
several advantages of both conceptual and empirical nat-
ure. Theoretically, status provides an intuitive, first
assessment of one’s desire to engage with a party (Jensen
and Roy 2008) while capturing multiple facets of social
interactions—economic as well as social in nature (Pearce
2011). In itself, this is an important extension to existing
work on stakeholder theory because it incorporates recent
research’s findings that stakeholders interact with the firm
from a dual identity that incorporates both economic and
social components (Crane and Ruebottom 2011; Perrault
and Clark 2015). Thus, status enables us to account for
stakeholders’ inherent dual nature, that is, their economic
role toward the firm and their social identity simultane-
ously. Empirically, status applies at the individual level
and provides a natural ranking of constituencies (Deep-
house and Suchman 2008). As such, it enables managers to
perceive differences in stakeholders’ desirability that lar-
gely explains, and predicts, the priority level they obtain in
managers’ agenda.
This article contributes to recent conversations in the
stakeholder literature seeking to understand how stake-
holders generally interact with the firm and how managers
perceive and prioritize their interests (Crane and Ruebot-
tom 2011; Parent and Deephouse 2007; Wolfe and Putler
2002). In advancing status as an attribute of stakeholder
identification and prioritization, we apply the ‘names-and-
faces approach’ to the context of large corporations’
management practices. As we do so, we offer a theoreti-
cally and empirically useful construct that enables us to
better understand how managers respond to their con-
stituents, based on their perceptions. As such, we con-
tribute an important nugget to a key topic of stakeholder
theory that remains largely under-examined. Lastly, this
26 E. Perrault
123
article contributes germane knowledge to the growing body
of literature examining the importance of status in man-
agerial contexts, while presenting a sought-after applica-
tion of status across the macro and meso levels of firms’
interaction with stakeholders in a market context (Piazza
and Castellucci 2014). In the following section, we first
review the literature on stakeholder identification and sal-
ience, after which we expound the value of status to this
body of literature. Considerations for future research and
managers conclude this article.
In Pursuit of a ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’
One of the most enduring criticism of stakeholder theory is
its lack of managerial practicality (Donaldson and Dunfee
1994; Freeman et al. 2010; Jones and Wicks 1999;
Laplume et al. 2008; Phillips and Reichart 2000) based in
the theory’s lack of specificity regarding the stakeholder
construct (Crane and Ruebottom 2011). Indeed, from the
original theory, a stakeholder is ‘‘any group or individual
who can affect or be affected by the firm’s activities’’… (Freeman 1984, p. 46) [emphasis added]. Over the years,
this definition has lent itself to multiple interpretations and
categorizations that still, today, fail to capture the essence
of the groups who interact with firms (Crane and Ruebot-
tom 2011; McVea and Freeman 2005; Wolfe and Putler
2002).
Recent stakeholder research has addressed this criticism
head on. Notably, McVea and Freeman (2005, p. 67)
observe that much of stakeholder theory has lost touch with
practitioners’ reality such that ‘‘stakeholder theory stands
at something of a crossroads’’ and that ‘‘it is time for a
radical rethinking of the stakeholder approach to business.’’
They write ‘‘to manage stakeholder relations according to
the traditional groupings (customers, employees, suppliers,
shareholders, community) would be to blind the entrepre-
neur to some of the critical characteristics of the contem-
porary business environment’’ (McVea and Freeman 2005,
p. 63). By radical rethinking, the authors advocate the
identification of stakeholders through ‘names-and-faces’
and go so far as to reformulate the principles underlying a
stakeholder approach as ‘‘firms that treat their stakeholder
as individuals with names and faces will develop more
value-creating strategies and will also incorporate ethics as
an inherent part of the decision-making process.’’
In this view, the names-and-faces approach rests on
three cornerstones: a focus on value creation, individual
decision-making, and individual relationships (McVea and
Freeman 2005). Of great importance, however, is the
observation that the premise underlying the names-and-
faces approach is entrepreneurial value creation through
the discovery and exploitation of new opportunities that lie
within stakeholders—because of their differential knowl-
edge for example. While this focus on entrepreneurship is
relevant across business types because of its ties to the
fundamental principles of stakeholder theory—that is,
value creation—it advocates personal relationships
between managers and stakeholders, as well as individu-
alized strategic decisions—all of which seems difficult to
conceive of in the context of large corporations’ daily
practices.
Specifically, large corporations are different from
entrepreneurial ventures in the depth and breadth of man-
agerial hierarchies that make decisions on behalf of the
firm, as well as the departmentalization of boundary-
spanning liaisons to stakeholders through generic groups
(such that a customer service department is in charge of
customer relations, a shareholder relations department is in
charge of relationships with shareholders, etc.) (Lawrence
and Weber 2011). These core differences make it espe-
cially difficult for large corporations to approach strategic
decision-making from an individualized perspective since
decisions tend to be taken based on the shared values
developed by teams of high level managers, for instance
(Forbes and Milliken 1999; Simon 1979). It is also difficult
to envision the firm nurturing personal relationships with
thousands of disparate stakeholders who hold conflicting
interests and whose voices can barely get heard in the midst
of those firms’ ongoing complexity.
Building on the names-and-faces approach, recent
research has suggested to use social identity to parse out
the heterogeneity of interests among individual stakehold-
ers within generic categories (e.g., Crane and Ruebottom
2011). An individual or group’s social identity is essen-
tially its answer to the question ‘who are we’ (Ashforth and
Mael 1989; Kuhn and McPartland 1954), which takes into
consideration the multiple roles, positions, and facets of
identification that define and distinguish one from others
(Stryker and Burke 2000). A social identity lens is partic-
ularly useful to a theory of stakeholder identification
because it captures the simultaneous influences that play
out in stakeholders’ interaction with the firm. In turn,
recent research argues that these influences are almost
always of dual nature in that they include both social and
economic elements (Crane and Ruebottom 2011; Wolfe
and Putler 2002), such that current typologies focused on
stakeholders’ economic roles with the firm omit an
important aspect of who stakeholder are, what they want,
and why they behave the way they do (Wolfe and Putler
2002). Thus, identifying stakeholders based on their social
identity—which comprises both the social and economic
dimensions of a group’s identity—enables managers to
better understand stakeholders’ interests, in a first tense,
and ultimately to better satisfy those so as to gain and
maintain their support.
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status 27
123
However, the problem with a theory of stakeholder
identification that relies on social identities is two-fold.
First, it is complex. Social identity is a dynamic construct
that reflects the constant evolution of psychological and
social aspects of an individual (Tajfel 1974). As the pro-
duct of a lifetime of experiences and relationships, social
identities are highly intricate in that they hold social and
economic dimensions (Crane and Ruebottom 2011), and
values that are sometimes transient across the individual’s
roles and sometimes specific to a given context (Burke and
Reitzes 1981; Wolfe and Putler 2002). Thus, while relying
on social identities provides a compelling way to distin-
guish the particularities of each stakeholder group, it
appears unrealistic to suggest that managers can perceive,
and make decisions, based on the intricacies of stake-
holders’ social identities. Second, and relatedly, social
identities are constructed by each individual or group, and
oftentimes are not explicitly articulated. This creates
additional difficulty for managers attempting to uncover
the specificity of their constituents. For this reason, the
bulk of stakeholder research supports that a theory of
stakeholder identification must be anchored in managers’
perceptions of stakeholder attributes, as opposed to the
objective measurement of the attributes themselves.
In the tradition of identifying stakeholders based on
managerial perceptions, Mitchell et al.’s (1997) theory of
stakeholder identification and salience still stands as a
cornerstone. Using a multi-theoretic approach, the authors
developed a ‘principle of who and what really counts’
anchored in managers’ perceptions of their constituents.
While the principles underlying Mitchell et al.’s (1997)
theory are sound and well developed, the theory is also
appealing because of its apparent simplicity: groups
become stakeholders either when they have a legitimate
claim on the firm, or they have the ability to influence the
firm (e.g., power). These attributes add up and when the
stakeholder also presents an urgent claim, it gains the
highest level of priority in managers’ agenda (e.g., high
salience).
However, this theory also presents a number of draw-
backs that have resulted in scarce and inconclusive
empirical studies over the almost two decades of the the-
ory’s popularity (Laplume et al. 2008; Parent and Deep-
house 2007). First, there is question as to whether power
and legitimacy are the most useful attributes to identify and
prioritize stakeholder groups. For instance, previous
research finds that power tends to supersede any other
attribute in managers’ perceptions (Parent and Deephouse
2007; Roloff 2008), while it remains unclear which type of
power gets a group to become a stakeholder. As a result,
extant research has tended to interpret power in its narrow
economic sense (David et al. 2007; Eesley and Lenox
2006), restricting the applicability of the model to market
stakeholders. Meanwhile, other types of power—such as
the political power a stakeholder garners when engaging in
activism or other activities that affect the performance of a
firm—are becoming increasingly relevant to explaining
firms’ management of stakeholders (King 2008; Waldron
et al. 2013). For example, over time hotels may pay greater
attention to customer service as a result of clients
increasingly using online rating systems to post feedback
from their stay on popular travel websites. Yet, power that
stems from other sources than economic factors typically
remains unaccounted for in the stakeholder management
literature.
Likewise, legitimacy as an attribute of stakeholder
identification has received much criticism largely because
all stakeholders identified as such must present some
legitimate basis for their claim toward the firm, even if they
derive legitimacy from having the power to disrupt the
firm’s practices (Phillips 2003). Thus, there is conceptually
little room for envisioning an ‘illegitimate stakeholder,’
while confusion remains as to whether legitimacy stands
alone as a stakeholder attribute or is obtained as a result of
having power to affect the firm (Phillips 2003). In addition,
legitimacy is understood narrowly [in terms of the stake-
holders’ normative acceptance in society, (Suchman 1995)]
while recent literature suggests that firms can perceive
various levels of legitimacy depending on how the stake-
holders’ issue meshes with the firm’s identity and its
strategic frame (Bundy et al. 2013).
Second, and relatedly, Mitchell et al.’s (1997) theory
relies on the addition of stakeholder attributes in managers’
perceptions. They suggest to categorize stakeholders as
latent, expectant, or definitive, based on whether they are
perceived to possess one, two, or the three attributes of
power, legitimacy, and urgency. However, it is highly
unlikely that managers separate, in reality, their percep-
tions and the effect of stakeholders’ attributes. Rather,
managers tend to view business problems or their rela-
tionships with a stakeholder group holistically, in terms of
the degree to which they need to pay attention to that
constituent’s interest (McVea and Freeman 2005). Thus,
instead of adding up what is purported as independent
stakeholder attributes (Mitchell et al. 1997), we need to
consider the possibility that attributes compound or interact
in managers’ perceptions, creating a larger and united
effect in managers’ decisions to engage with certain
constituents.
Lastly, as Mitchell et al. (1997) recognize, stakeholder
attributes are not steady states; rather, they vary over time,
with the dynamism of the relationship between the stake-
holder and the firm, and with the stakeholder’s prominence
in society. As such, it becomes evident that a generic
approach to stakeholder identification and prioritization is
inadequate. That is, even while Mitchell et al.’s (1997)
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typology helps understand why managers may accord
higher priority to shareholders than a NGO (because
shareholders possess a superior number of attributes, that
is), the typology is less useful to explain and predict how
managers accord attention to specific stakeholders within
the same generic category (e.g., why managers agree to
work with one community organization but not another,
given both have low power, high legitimacy, and little
urgency for example).
In light of these recent developments in the literature on
stakeholder identification advocating, and building on a
names-and-faces approach, we argue that a typology of
stakeholder identification must accomplish at least three
things: (1) account for groups and individuals’ uniqueness
within broad categories of stakeholders in a dynamic way,
(2) recognize the dual nature of stakeholders as holding
simultaneously a social and an economic identity in their
claim toward the firm, and (3) provide a plausible expla-
nation of, and intuitive guidance to, how managers accord
attention to their firm’s stakeholders. While McVea and
Freeman (2005) as well as social identity approaches
(Crane and Ruebottom 2011; Wolfe and Putler 2002) and
Mitchell et al.’s (1997) theory accomplish the first two, a
coherent model of stakeholder identification still lacks the
guidance of a simple, intuitive attribute based on which
managers realistically—and actually—form their decisions
regarding stakeholders. In the following section, we argue
that this attribute is stakeholder status.
A Matter of Status
In light of the literature reviewed above, status is concep-
tually attractive to a theory of stakeholder identification
and prioritization for several reasons. We note that status is
inherently a differentiating, ordering attribute, which is
helpful to understand managers’ view of stakeholders in
terms of their uniqueness. In management research, the
rank-ordering of actors based on their status is increasingly
conceptualized and operationalized on a non-denomina-
tional scale ranging from low to high (Bitektine 2011;
Perrault and Clark 2015; Phillips and Zuckerman 2001). In
this section, we discuss the specific characteristics of status
and set forth propositions that explain how managers may
identify and prioritize stakeholders based on their level of
status.
Status is primarily attractive to a theory of stakeholder
identification and prioritization because of its relational
character. Recent research is increasingly pointing to the
characteristics of stakeholders in relationship with the firm
in order to explain firm behavior (Bundy and Pfarrer 2015;
Bundy et al. 2013; Eesley and Lenox 2006; Waldron et al.
2013). In the same way, status is relational because it
transfers by association. That is, a group can gain status by
association with a higher status group (Washington and
Zajac 2005), and likewise, a group can lose status because
of its affiliations with lower status groups (Jensen 2006).
Thus, it offers a dynamic representation of stakeholders in
managerial perceptions. In addition to enhancing one’s
status, association with high-status groups heightens per-
ceptions of one’s legitimacy (Bitektine 2011; Deephouse
and Suchman 2008)). This matters because the essence of
status is the ability to gain privileges, or suffer discrimi-
nation, based on one’s (a firm’s) standing in a social sys-
tem. As such, it is one’s ‘order’ or ‘ranking’ that largely
determines what s/he gets access to (Piazza and Castellucci
2014), whereas those with higher status get more—both in
terms of resources and attention (Thye 2000). Thus, a
general proposition regarding firms’ stakeholder manage-
ment follows in that firms will accord higher attention to
stakeholders whom they perceive to bear status benefits.
Likewise, for cause of status anxiety (Jensen 2006)—the
fear of falling in the status hierarchy and to lose status-
related privileges as a result—firms will refrain from
associating with stakeholders of lower status. This propo-
sition is intuitive given human beings’ intuitive reach for
higher status associations (Huberman et al. 2004) and the
myriad of privileges the firm can benefit from as a result of
higher status associations—chief among which the
enhancement of its legitimacy in the social system, which
opens the pathway for resource appropriation (Benjamin
and Podolny 1999; Bitektine 2011; Jensen et al. 2011). We
propose:
P1. Firms will seek to associate with (disassociate
from) stakeholders when they perceive they can gain
(lose) status from the association.
The definition of status further specifies that one’s status
level is determined within a ‘‘social system,’’ highlighting
the importance of the context of reference in which
stakeholders are evaluated. Specifically, for the purpose of
stakeholder identification, we argue that there are two
social systems that construct and perpetuate the intersub-
jective agreement from which managers derive their per-
ceptions of stakeholders’ status. First, society is the social
system typically understood and referred to as the basis of
status categories (Bitektine 2011). Society constructs and
perpetuates a group’s status largely through the tone of
media communications regarding the group (Castellucci
and Ertug 2010; Perrault and Clark 2015). These media
communications attach a standing of desirability or pres-
tige to individuals and organizations, which act as anchors
in people’s perceptions of the individual or group in
question (Barkemeyer et al. 2009; Deephouse 2000). For
example, the tone of the media communications regarding
People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status 29
123
Teamsters have largely determined the public perception of
their desirability.
Society is an important system in shaping managers’
perceptions of status because the firm acquires and main-
tains its legitimacy primarily through conformance with
society’s values and practices (Meyer and Rowan 1977). In
turn, legitimacy is impacted by status—where high status
can grant legitimacy to actors and activities that would
otherwise be considered outside the norms (Castellucci and
Ertug 2010; Elsbach and Sutton 1992; Thye 2000). For
example, gambling may be perceived as a prestigious
activity if engaged in by a Hollywood star but perceived
lowly if engaged in by a homeless person. The firm can
also enhance or lose some legitimacy through their asso-
ciation with stakeholders, as explained above (Ball and
Eckel 1996; Gould 2002; Washington and Zajac 2005). For
example, a manufacturing company can gain legitimacy
and status through a contract with a high-status brand, such
as a previously unknown seat maker obtaining a contract
with Cadillac automobiles. Thus, it is reasonable to infer
that firms will prefer to associate with stakeholders that
society views as high status so as to preserve or enhance
their legitimacy.
Even while society generally acts as the most important
force shaping perceptions of status, in the context of
stakeholder identification, we argue that yet another social
system is contextually relevant to the formation of man-
agers’ perceptions of stakeholders’ status: the firm.
Research has validated that firms act in of themselves as
social systems with a unique culture that shapes the firm’s
values, ethics, guidelines, and practices (Zucker 1983). In
this way, the firm influences managers’ perceptions of
stakeholders’ status by setting a standard of desirability
anchored in a unique culture that may differ from that of
society. When managers make decisions regarding stake-
holders, they do so by taking into account their firm’s
identity, strategic goals, and the signals they convey by
engaging with certain groups (Bundy et al. 2013)—thus the
‘‘social system’’ within which managers construct their
ordering of individuals.
The firm can also influence perceptions of status because
of the firm’s (or managers’) previous interaction(s), and
thus more specific knowledge, of a stakeholder. As a
hypothetical example, a firm looking to impress a client
may look for a catering supplier of a high status. Even
while society has bestowed upon the Millenia commercial
bakery high status by giving it coverage in the media as a
supplier of baked goods for the White House, the firm may
have had a negative experience in its previous interaction
with Millenia. It may have been dissatisfied with its tar-
diness or the taste of its products. Thus, managers may
accord Millenia lower status than society, because society
has not had the personal experience with the bakery that the
firm did. In short, the firm sets practical guidelines from
which managers derive perceptions of status that may
differ from, or support, those generally perceived by
society. Thus we propose:
P2. Firms will accord greater (lesser) attention to
stakeholders that are perceived to have lower (higher)
status in society when these stakeholders are per-
ceived to have a higher (lower) status at the firm
level.
Conceptually, it appears intuitive and sound that firms
would always prefer to engage with stakeholders of higher
status. However, previous research observes that, at times,
firms also engage with stakeholders of low status (Castel-
lucci and Ertug 2010; Piazza and Castellucci 2014). We
suggest that these counter-intuitive associations occur in
two types of circumstances: willingly or unwillingly. First,
it could be that the firm willingly seeks a stakeholder of
lower status. For example, previous research shows that a
supplier of lower status puts more effort in fulfilling the
firm’s demand, resulting in higher quality products or
services (Castellucci and Ertug 2010). Such is the case
because the lower status supplier attempts to gain the
benefits of associating with the higher status contracting
firm (Castellucci and Ertug 2010). However, it could also
be that the firm is unwillingly thrusted into engaging with a
low-status stakeholder. Above, we discussed the increasing
political power of stakeholders and their growing ability to
command that firms respond to their demands by pressur-
ing them through legitimacy and/or reputational threats
(den Hond and de Bakker 2007). For example, a disgrun-
tled low-status stakeholder can buy a minimum amount of
a public firm’s stock (usually $2000) and thus obtain the
power to publicly file a shareholder proposal to expose a
firm’s concern (Goranova and Ryan 2014). Likewise, a
low-status stakeholder can organize a boycott or strike to
channel media attention to call into question the legitimacy
of a firm’s practice and thus force the firm to address their
issue (King 2008). For these reasons, firms also engage
with stakeholders of low status in reality, whether they
choose to do so or not. We propose:
P3a. Firms will accord greater attention to stake-
holders that are perceived to have lower status in
society when firms perceive they can gain a greater
effort from the stakeholder while not harming the
firm’s legitimacy.
And:
P3b. Firms will accord greater attention to stake-
holders that are perceived to have lower status in
society when these stakeholders have the power to
affect the firm’s activities.
30 E. Perrault
123
Indeed, previous research notes the importance of power
in firm–stakeholder relationships (e.g., Parent and Deep-
house 2007). Likewise, we agree that power permeates
relationships, as explained above. The conceptual advan-
tage of status here is that perceptions of status account in
large part for stakeholder power. For instance, researchers
find that groups can gain high power from their status
because they are offered more opportunities, influence, and
are evaluated more positively for their performance
(Magee and Galinsky 2008; Thye 2000). Thus, actors of
high status gain power through deference, since because of
their high status, others tend to acquiesce to their demands
and allocate them more resources (Thye 2000). By con-
trast, actors of low status have been shown to be more
prone to use coercive power in order to obtain what they
want (Phillips and Zuckerman 2001). They do so because
their low status does not enable them to command defer-
ence while they also have ‘‘nothing to lose’’ from behaving
in ways that may be considered illegitimate (Elsbach and
Sutton 1992; Phillips and Zuckerman 2001). This view
suggests that groups of middle status are the ones least
likely to obtain firms’ attention because they are enslaved
by the pressure to conform: their lack of high status pre-
vents them from commanding deference while their aspi-
ration to reach a higher status bracket prevents them from
exercising less legitimate types of power (Phillips and
Zuckerman 2001). We propose:
P4. Firms will accord the least amount of attention to
stakeholders that are perceived to have middle status.
Figure 1 illustrates how status guides managers’ percep-
tions of stakeholders. It shows that as stakeholders’ status
increase, so does their desirability to managers. However,
both low- and high-status groups can command managerial
attention in reality through their exercise of power—which
middle status groups tend not to enforce due to their
pressure to conform.
In addition to guiding predictions about how managers
will identify and prioritize stakeholders, status is advanta-
geous because of its applicability at multiple levels of
analysis (Piazza and Castellucci 2014). While earlier
writings of status have focused on its effect on interper-
sonal relationships in social settings (Gould 2002; Weber
1978), status is beginning to gain traction as an explanation
to firms’ choice of exchange partners in markets (Jensen
et al. 2011; Podolny 1993, 2005) as well as to the relational
dynamics of dyads and teams in management settings
(Pearce 2011). In the context of a theory of stakeholder
identification and prioritization, it is noteworthy that sev-
eral levels of analysis are at play—from the stakeholder
group and its claim (Mitchell et al. 1997) to the charac-
teristics of the stakeholder’s relationship with the firm
(Eesley and Lenox 2006) to the firm’s values, identity, and
strategic frames (Bundy et al. 2013). Given the uncertainty
that plagues firms’ relationships with stakeholders, status
holds the potential to provide an explanation to both the
relationships that managers form within their firm’s struc-
tured network of stakeholders as well as to the more
unstructured relationships that emerge from their presence
in the market—such as those with the media, the com-
munity, and peer firms. In this way, status acts as a signal
of desirability (Perrault and Clark 2015) that guides man-
agers in their choice and treatment of relationships, while
representing a valuable intangible asset as well as a mobile
resource (Piazza and Castellucci 2014)—all of which
contribute to a more precise understanding of managers’
dynamic interactions with stakeholders, which is more
realistic to how managers actually make decisions (McVea
and Freeman 2005).
Why Status is a Superior Attribute for Stakeholder Identification and Prioritization
Based on our review of the literature, we observe that to
move forward in our understanding of stakeholder identifi-
cation and prioritization by managers, our efforts must
accomplish at least three things: (1) account for groups and
individuals’ uniqueness within broad categories of stake-
holders in a dynamic way, (2) recognize the dual nature of
stakeholders as holding simultaneously a social and an
economic identity in their claim toward the firm, and (3)
provide a plausible explanation of, and intuitive guidance to,
how managers accord attention to their firm’s stakeholders.
In this section, we further explain how in addition to status’
general conceptual fit with a theory of stakeholder identifi-
cation and prioritization it enables us to specifically under-
stand managers’ attention to stakeholders. Fig. 1 Managerial perceptions of stakeholder desirability and stake- holder ability to command managerial attention
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status 31
123
Status Accounts for Individuals’ Uniqueness Within
Generic Categories of Stakeholders
One of the core features of status is that it represents a
fundamental aspect of social inequality among individuals
(Weber 1978). Contrary to attributes such as legitimacy
and power, which are often perceived as dichotomous (in
the sense of whether one possesses these attributes or not),
status is rival: it forces a competitive hierarchical ranking
between parties where one has higher status than the other
(Deephouse and Suchman 2008). Thus, where legitimacy
homogenizes groups as the population level, highlighting
the conforming elements through mechanisms such as
mimetism (Meyer and Rowan 1977), status highlights
differences between individuals and groups in order to
stimulate an intuitive ordering of their desirability (Deep-
house and Suchman 2008; Perrault and Clark 2015). In this
way, status enables us to move beyond generic catego-
rizations of stakeholders to assess how managers perceive
specific groups within them.
Empirically, previous research supports the inherent
ordering feature of status by noticing that status is gen-
erally operationalized as a ranking from low to high
(e.g., Bitektine 2011; Phillips and Zuckerman 2001).
However, a recent review article (Piazza and Castellucci
2014) notes that status is also commonly operationalized
as a sophisticated ordering, based on individuals’ visi-
bility in the media or number of ties to others in their
network (Castellucci and Ertug 2010; Gould 2002; Per-
rault and Clark 2015). This indicates that managers, as
individuals, are able to perceive these nuances in stake-
holders’ status, and that these perceptions may play an
important role in the way they accord attention to their
various constituents.
We also make note of status’ dynamic character. Indeed,
status is constantly reevaluated because a group’s position
can easily change in the status hierarchy based on the status
level of its affiliations and the way in which the group is
generally perceived in its social context (Podolny 2005).
This comes in contrast with attributes such as power and
legitimacy, which tend to be relatively stable over time
(Parent and Deephouse 2007). Thus, status adds much
needed dynamism to a theory of stakeholder identification
and prioritization by reflecting the social system’s ever
changing perceptions of an individual or group into man-
agers’ perceptions of their stakeholders.
Status Accounts for the Dual Nature of Stakeholders
as Holding Simultaneously a Social
and an Economic Identity
In extant literature, status presents an explicit dual nature
that derives from both social and economic components.
That is, one can obtain status from either-or-and their
social position in society or their economic ability. Indeed,
there is a long tradition in the sociology and social psy-
chology literature to define, and analyze, status primarily in
terms of its effect on social relationships (Piazza and
Castellucci 2014). This line of inquiry generally refers to
the biblical ‘‘Matthew effect,’’ whereby contributions of
apparently similar quality are evaluated more positively
when the actor is of high status and more negatively when
the actor is of lower status (Gould 2002; Merton 1968).
Thus, status is honorific and places individuals in a hier-
archy of social class (Weber 1978) that is not based on
economic ability (Washington and Zajac 2005). The
resultant of this view is that status commands respect and
deference, while bestowing influence onto higher status
individuals (Ridgeway and Walker 1995).
In the management literature, status has been concep-
tualized largely based on its economic roots (e.g., Podolny
1993). More specifically, status has been tied to the per-
formance of a firm in a market environment and thus is
thought to help guide managers in their choice of exchange
partners (Benjamin and Podolny 1999; Castellucci and
Ertug 2010; Pfarrer et al. 2005; Podolny 1993; Podolny and
Phillips 1996). Indeed, previous research finds that those
with higher status benefit from greater power, and that in
turn their resources are perceived as more valuable while it
enables them to obtain a greater share of resources (Thye
2000). This aspect of status is important to a theory of
stakeholder identification and prioritization because it
confirms that status is positively related to resource allo-
cation (e.g., Shafritz et al. 2005).
Despite the dual nature of status as a social and eco-
nomic construct (Weber 1947), it is noteworthy that social
and economic status cannot be disentangled (Perrault and
Clark 2015). Likewise, recent stakeholder research notes
that stakeholders interact with the firm from a dual identity
that encompasses intertwined social and economic ele-
ments that ‘‘must be analyzed simultaneously’’ (Crane and
Ruebottom 2011, p. 78). Status thus reconciles the social
and economic dimensions that co-exist in stakeholders’
identity, a distinct conceptual advantage of using status as
opposed to other types of social evaluations such as power,
legitimacy, or reputation (Bitektine 2011).
Status Provides a Realistic and Intuitive
Explanation to How Managers Accord Attention
to Their Stakeholders
Another characteristic of status is that it provides an intu-
itive, all-encompassing assessment of a group’s desirabil-
ity. Because perceptions of a group’s status are based on
the subconscious evaluation of multiple and complex facets
of the group’s identity and behavior, including its power,
32 E. Perrault
123
status acts as a one-dimensional indicator of the group’s
desirability (Jensen and Roy 2008). Previous research
suggests that due to cognitive limitations, managers do not,
in reality, evaluate their constituents along single attributes
such as power, legitimacy, or urgency for example (McVea
and Freeman 2005). Rather, managers form holistic per-
ceptions that vaguely define the attractiveness of a rela-
tionship. As such, status more realistically captures the way
in which managers perceive their interest in each stake-
holder relationship.
As mentioned above, status is perception based, and
intersubjectively agreed-upon (Bitektine 2011; Washington
and Zajac 2005). What this means is that evaluations of a
group’s status can vary depending on who perceives the
stakeholder, the situation, the evaluator’s own circum-
stances, and a host of other variables left undefined in the
previous literature; however, because status is generally
defined by social indices that are implicitly concordant,
variations in perceptions of status may be relatively small
within the overall status ranking. In other words, different
managers may perceive the same stakeholder group to have
higher or lower status, but we would expect that they
generally rank stakeholder groups in a similar order. For
example, a manager at a large chemical corporation may
accord lower status to an environmental group such as
Greenpeace than would a manager at a small venture
focused on developing a water-saving device. Yet, both
managers may accord higher status to Boston Common
Assets, an institutional investor.
This leads us to the final advantage of status over other
attributes set forth to identify stakeholders and their sal-
ience to managers, the fact that perceptions of status rest
with managers. This last characteristic is important in
view of recent literature suggesting to use social identity
as a basis of stakeholder identification (e.g., Crane and
Ruebottom 2011). Indeed, social identity represents the
perception that individuals form of themselves (Tajfel
1974), which may—and likely does—differ from the
perception that managers form of the same stakeholder
group. Therefore, if we wish to provide a tool for
academicians and practitioners to understand how man-
agers identify and prioritize their stakeholders, we must
restrict our analysis to managerial perceptions of stake-
holders, such as their view of stakeholder status. Doing so
also increases the value of status as an empirical con-
struct. That is, where previous research has struggled with
the operationalization of power (by restricting it to its
economic sense), legitimacy, and urgency (see Eesley and
Lenox 2006 for a discussion of some of these issues),
status has been operationalized through measures that are
largely agreed-upon in the literature (e.g., see Castellucci
and Ertug 2010; Perrault and Clark 2015; Piazza and
Castellucci 2014).
A summary of the advantages of status as an attribute of
stakeholder identification and prioritization over constructs
previously advanced in the stakeholder literature (social
identity, power, legitimacy, and urgency) is presented in
Table 1 below. In sum, individual attributes of salience
such as power, legitimacy, and urgency fail to account for
stakeholders’ unique characteristics within their broad
category as well as the dual nature of stakeholders as
comprising both social and economic dimensions. In turn,
social identity remains difficult in its application because
the social identity is generated by stakeholders’ own per-
ceptions of their identity and objectives, in contrast to that
of managers.
Below are a few vignettes that illustrate how status
guides managers’ interaction with stakeholders in reality.
The main proposition of this paper is that firms identify
stakeholders based on their status and seek to engage with
those of higher status in order to reap the benefits of status
by association (P1). Such benefits can vary in form
depending on the firm’s own status, other social approval
assets (such as its reputation or legitimacy), and even the
firm’s life cycle. For instance, younger firms in the entre-
preneurial or growth stage may ardently seek the
endorsement of a high-status individual or organization in
order to establish their legitimacy.
This strategy is widespread among activist and non-
governmental organizations whose survival hinges on their
Table 1 A comparison of status, social identity, and other attributes of stakeholder identification
Status Social identity Stakeholder attributes (power,
legitimacy, urgency)
Accounts for stakeholders’ uniqueness within
generic categories
Yes, intersubjectively
agreed-upon
ranking
Yes, individually generated
perception
No, attributes generally define
broad categories of stakeholders
Accounts for the social and economic aspects
of stakeholders’ dual identity
Yes, multi-faceted Yes, multi-faceted No, single nature
Provides a one-dimensional attribute capturing
managers’ perceptions of their stakeholders
Yes, intuitive and all-
encompassing
No, defined by the stakeholders
themselves and difficult to
access
No, individual attributes are
presented as independent of
each other
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status 33
123
ability to generate momentum from donors who, in turn,
are highly sensitive to the status, reputation, and legitimacy
of their funds’ recipients. For example, organizations such
as the Carbon Disclosure Project or the activist campaign
2020 Women on Boards heavily publicize their high-status
relationships on their websites to bolster their own credi-
bility. 1 In conversation, the director of one such organi-
zation explains: ‘‘People listen to those who they recognize
and admire. We are all about numbers… the more big names we can advertise on our website, the easier it is for
us to sell our cause and get supporters.’’ Likewise, it is
common for prestigious festivals to garner high-status
sponsors; much like the higher status sport of golf gener-
ally features more prestigious products and brands—such
as investment banks, luxury cars, and branded jewelry. In
the business arena, Benefitfocus is a rapidly growing firm
whose mission is to simplify benefits’ options and enroll-
ment. On the front page of its website, we can find the logo
of eight highly visible and prestigious customers, including
Hard Rock, WelchAllyn, and Under Armour. 2 The quest
for status offers an explanation to why firms eagerly cajole
stakeholders of high status in a visible relationship with the
firm.
Indeed, it is noteworthy that firms expend considerable
resources to gain the endorsement of high-status actors.
These often take the form of discounted services to gain a
high-status customer or supplier, or some form of ‘‘status
purchase.’’ For instance, a hotel may purchase the ‘‘Relais
and Chateaux’’ designation, for a substantial fee, to increase
the prestige of its institution. The same dynamics are at play
when DBLM, a construction company focused on large-
scale restoration projects, bids below cost on a prestigious
contract (such as City Hall) in order to add to its impressive
portfolio of clients. Or, when a local fitness center offering
gymnastics programs accords a training discount and
membership incentives to a gymnast training at level 9 and
not to an equally powerful and legitimate gymnast who trains
at level 3, from whom the gym does not foresee reaping the
same status benefits in competitions.
In the same manner that firms can gain from associating
with high-status organizations, their own status position
can be tainted through associations with lower status
organizations (Washington and Zajac 2005), which firms
generally seek to avoid. Recall Tiger Woods’ sex addiction
scandal in 2009 and the sudden crumble of Mr. Wood’s
status. Subsequently, high-paying sponsors such as Gillette,
Gatorade, Accenture, AT&T, and Tag Heuer began writing
off their contracts with Mr. Woods—either through their
immediate and public disassociation from the golfer or
over time, by slowly suspending their use of Wood’s image
in their product’s advertisement. 3
In another example, a multiple brand car dealership was
seeking to obtain the territory’s Mercedes-Benz franchise.
In order to do so, however, the dealership was required to
terminate early its franchising contract with Volkswagen, a
costly agreement. Traditional models of stakeholder iden-
tification and prioritization do not explain these dynamics.
For instance, Mercedes-Benz is not more powerful than
Volkswagen by traditional measures: the Volkswagen
brand is ‘‘an icon’’ 4 and its asset base is twice the size as
Mercedes’. 5 Both brands are highly legitimate in society
and one’s claims are not more urgent than the other. In fact,
one could argue that Volkswagen, being already in a
contract with the dealership, has higher legitimacy to the
dealership, and that contractually speaking, its claim is
more urgent. However, the quest for status does explain the
dealership’s choice to renege its contract with Volkswagen
in order to obtain the Mercedes-Benz franchise. An
employee of the dealership explains: ‘‘Mercedes fits better
with the owner’s desire to be recognized in the luxury
segment.’’ When pressed to explain why the owner was
seeking these prestigious associations, the employee
responded: ‘‘It gives him an ‘‘in’’ with local movers and
shakers, because it increases his personal recognition.’’
In certain particular instances, high-status firms may
willingly seek the association with lower status organiza-
tions in order to gain a greater effort from the low-status
stakeholder, so long as the association does not harm the
high-status firm’s legitimacy (P3a). In September 2015,
Amazon announced its endorsement of Shopify, a web-
stores’ online mall. The endorsement came in the wake of
Amazon’s own webstores division failure while it desired
to remain present in that segment of the market. Shopify, a
low-status firm, would benefit from allowing its customers
use the Amazon interface for login and payment. 6 With
Amazon’s high-status endorsement, Shopify’s own status
and legitimacy are significantly bolstered. While the ben-
efits to Shopify are apparent, Amazon’s motivation aligns
with the idea that a high-status firm can gain a greater
effort from this lower status stakeholder—specifically
1 https://www.cdp.net/en-US/Pages/HomePage.aspx and http://www.
2020wob.com/. Information accessed October 12, 2015. 2 https://www.benefitfocus.com/. Information accessed October 12,
2015.
3 http://content.usatoday.com/communities/gameon/post/2011/08/
tiger-woods-losing-another-corporate-sponsor-tag-heuer-spilt-part-ways-
amicable/1#.VhviE_lVhHw. Information accessed October 12, 2015. 4 http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2009-09-02/news/27643
757_1_volkswagen-passenger-cars-car-market-beetle. Information acces-
sed October 12, 2015. 5 https://ycharts.com/companies/VLKPY/assets. Information acces-
sed October 13, 2015. 6 http://learnbonds.com/123414/amazon-com-inc-amzn-endorses-sho
pify-as-webstores-die/. Information accessed October 12, 2015.
34 E. Perrault
123
favorable contractual terms such as access to users’ list and
Shopify’s intellectual property.
Likewise, the case was made earlier in this article that
status can derive from power, and thus that organizations
with lower status in society may be perceived as high status
by a particular firm if it has the power to affect the firm’s
success (P3b). In a recent conversation, the director of
strategy at a MeadWestVaco’s specialty division explained
that the stakeholders they prioritize are analysts. She
explains that while the analysts who follow them do not
work in high-status firms, they individually hold great
power in directing how the public—shareholders and the
media—will view MeadWestVaco’s performance. As a
result, these analysts are bestowed with prestige that ele-
vates their status to MeadWestVaco employees. In turn, the
status analysts acquire by way of their power to affect the
firm’s outcomes enables them to capture managers’ time as
desired—a highly valued resource.
Without power or effort, however, low- and middle-
status stakeholders are likely to receive the least amount of
managerial attention (P4). For instance, the 9/11 Heroes
Run is held throughout the United States and raises money
for first responders. A local organizer explains that when
she solicited a high-status aerospace company to sponsor
the race for a few thousand dollars, she was denied the
money. Yet, she witnessed the same firm donate over
$200,000 to two funds created for the victims of local
tragedies that were made highly visible in the media a few
weeks after her requests. She blames her failure to raise
money with this prestigious company on the lack of visi-
bility of her organization—which we know to be tied to
status (Castellucci and Ertug 2010).
In sum, when deciding how to engage with stakeholders,
it is commonplace for managers to primarily rely on their
perception of stakeholders in terms of their desirability and
the possible benefits (loss) they may gain (suffer) from the
association. This approach, based on status, is deeply
rooted in managers’ humanity in terms of individuals’
intuitive tendency to seek high-status associations, while
enabling the modeling of stakeholder management from a
names-and-faces perspective. As such, status offers a
realistic construct to understand firm–stakeholder rela-
tionships that defy traditional conceptions of stakeholder
identification and prioritization.
Discussion
This paper builds on recent research in the stakeholder
literature that suggests much needed nuance to a theory of
stakeholder identification and prioritization by adopting a
‘names-and-faces’ approach grounded in stakeholder sta-
tus. In support of scholars who advocate for the importance
of recognizing stakeholders’ uniqueness within broad cat-
egories of constituents’ transactional roles with the firm
(e.g., Crane and Ruebottom 2011; McVea and Freeman
2005; Wolfe and Putler 2002), the present article aims at
refining the way in which a names-and-faces approach can
be applied, in reality, to our understanding of firms’
stakeholder management practices. To do so, it first eval-
uates the contributions and limitations of past approa-
ches—namely relying on stakeholders’ social identity
(Crane and Ruebottom 2011; Wolfe and Putler 2002) or
managers’ perceptions of their individual attributes, such as
power, legitimacy, and urgency (Mitchell et al. 1997)—in
order to identify and prioritize stakeholders. Drawing on
the strengths of these works, the present article suggests
that stakeholder status offers important conceptual and
empirical advantages in explaining and predicting who
managers identify as stakeholders and who they give pri-
ority to. Below, we draw out the implications of this
argument and present some areas for future research.
One of the main implications of using stakeholder status
as a basis for stakeholder identification and prioritization is
that it provides a socio-cognitive explanation to how firms
interact with stakeholders, taking into account the dynamic
effect of firms’ characteristics in view of those of stake-
holders (Bundy and Pfarrer 2015; Bundy et al. 2013;
Waldron et al. 2013). That is, previous research has
established the links between status and other social
approval assets such as legitimacy and reputation (Bitek-
tine 2011; Deephouse and Suchman 2008). Within this
paradigm, firms behave and choose relationships based on
their own social approval assets as well as those of others
(Bundy and Pfarrer 2015; Phillips and Zuckerman 2001).
For instance, a firm with a generally high reputation and
high legitimacy may be more sensitive to preserving its
social approval assets and engage solely with stakeholders
of high status. By contrast, a firm with lower legitimacy has
less to lose in associating with stakeholders of lower status,
and may use this opportunity to learn or gain more ‘‘work’’
from these stakeholders (Castellucci and Ertug 2010; Ertug
and Castellucci 2013).
Given the nascent interest in the management literature
for understanding the effect of status on firm behavior, and
the current limitations of stakeholder theory in terms of
providing a guideline to identify and prioritize stakehold-
ers, further examining the effect of stakeholder status on
firms’ interactions with stakeholders bridges these two
areas and opens several avenues of future research at the
intersection. Thus, an interesting avenue for future research
is to include considerations of status in socio-cognitive
theories of firm behavior that are grounded in social
approval assets (Bitektine 2011; Bundy and Pfarrer 2015;
Bundy et al. 2013; Perrault and Clark 2015; Pfarrer et al.
2010; Waldron et al. 2013). This would enable a more
A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status 35
123
complete account of the way in which firms’ own social
approval assets impact how they seek stakeholder rela-
tionships and respond to stakeholders’ demands.
Specifically, research is just beginning to explore the
relationship between status and other important constructs
in stakeholder identification and prioritization—such as
power and legitimacy. Future research examining the ways
in which status grants power, or how stakeholders of var-
ious status levels use the different types of power to press
their requests onto firms, would be particularly insightful to
our understanding of managers’ resource allocation to
activist stakeholders. Likewise, establishing a stronger
connection between status and legitimacy through case
studies would further enlighten the impact of stakeholder
status on managerial decision-making within a socio-cog-
nitive approach to management.
Doing so would provide important knowledge con-
cerning the effect of status at the meso level—a largely
under-researched area of management theory (Piazza and
Castellucci 2014). Indeed, previous literature generally
examines status from either a macro perspective, in terms
of its effect on markets and exchange partners in high-risk
and uncertain environments (e.g., Benjamin and Podolny
1999; Jensen et al. 2011; Podolny 1993; Podolny and
Castellucci 1999) as well as at the micro level, in teams and
personal relationships (e.g., Gould 2002; Huberman et al.
2004; Weber 1978). By contrast, little is known about the
effect of status in coordinated environments such as the
networks of stakeholders in which firms operate. Specifi-
cally, future research could examine the effect of status on
firms’ choice of individual relationships within a broad
category of stakeholders, among potential suppliers for
example. Doing so could further our understanding of
firms’ differential responses to stakeholders, which
research has begun to pay increasing attention to, espe-
cially in the context of stakeholder activism (Perrault and
Clark 2015; Waldron et al. 2013).
Perhaps a first step for future research is to validate
empirically the explanatory power of status theoretically
advanced in the present paper and the validity of the
relationships set forth in our propositions and Fig. 1. Does
stakeholder status explain how managers accord priority to
their constituents? And, is status a more accurate attribute
to enlighten how managers categorize stakeholders than
other attributes previously advanced in the stakeholder
literature, such as power, legitimacy, urgency, or social
identity for example? Examining these questions in large
scale empirical tests would provide much needed knowl-
edge regarding the value of status—and of a socio-cogni-
tive approach—to understanding firm–stakeholders
interactions. Likewise, future research examining the
relationship between status and power, and how stake-
holders use their status in reality to press their requests to
managers would help enlighten the mechanisms that
undergird managers’ stakeholder management decisions.
Conclusion
This paper builds on recent advances in the stakeholder
literature promoting the importance of accounting for the
specificity of groups and individuals within broad cate-
gories of stakeholders in order to better understand firm–
stakeholder interactions. After reviewing the strengths and
limitations of a ‘names-and-faces approach’ based on the
social identity of stakeholders, we offer stakeholder status
as an attribute of stakeholder identification and prioritiza-
tion. We argue that examining status significantly advances
stakeholder identification and prioritization efforts because
it provides a specific ordering of groups’ desirability, based
on their uniqueness within broad categories of stakehold-
ers. In addition, it accounts for the inherent dual identity of
stakeholders as including both social and economic
dimensions. Lastly, it is an all-encompassing, one-dimen-
sional indicator of a group’s desirability that can realisti-
cally explain, as well as guide, how managers accord
attention to their constituents. We set forth propositions
that link stakeholder status to managerial attention in hope
to stimulate future research addressing the important topic
of stakeholder identification and prioritization.
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38 E. Perrault
123
- A ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’ to Stakeholder Identification and Salience: A Matter of Status
- Abstract
- Introduction
- In Pursuit of a ‘Names-and-Faces Approach’
- A Matter of Status
- Why Status is a Superior Attribute for Stakeholder Identification and Prioritization
- Status Accounts for Individuals’ Uniqueness Within Generic Categories of Stakeholders
- Status Accounts for the Dual Nature of Stakeholders as Holding Simultaneously a Social and an Economic Identity
- Status Provides a Realistic and Intuitive Explanation to How Managers Accord Attention to Their Stakeholders
- Discussion
- Conclusion
- References