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In Brief SOCIAL BULLYING: Correlates, Consequences, and Prevention Page 1
SOCIAL BULLYING: Correlates, Consequences, and Prevention
Victoria Stuart-Cassel, Mary Terzian, and Catherine Bradshaw
May 2013
In Brief
Bullying is considered one of the most prevalent and potentially damaging forms of school violence
(Elinoff, Chafouleas, & Sassu, 2004). Each year, more than a quarter of middle and high school students
are subjected to some form of bullying in their school environments (Neiman, 2011). Research has
identified potentially harmful immediate and long-term consequences for bullying-involved youth and has
linked bullying to the quality of school environments and to unsafe conditions for learning in schools
(Copeland, Wolke, Angold, & Costello, 2013; DeVoe & Kaffenberger, 2005).
This In Brief focuses on social bullying, a form of emotionally aggressive bullying behavior. The brief
includes discussion of how social bullying is defined, what distinguishes it from other types of aggression,
how commonly it occurs in schools, and what factors contribute to social bullying involvement. The brief
summarizes research findings concerning the impacts of social bullying on individual social development
and adjustment and identifies implications for school learning environments. The last section describes
school-based approaches for preventing and reducing social bullying.
What Is Social Bullying? Bullying is generally defined as a form of unwanted, aggressive behavior among school-age children that
involves a real or perceived power imbalance and that is repeated, or has the potential to be repeated,
over time (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, in press; http://www.stopbullying.gov).There are three
broad forms of bullying, including physical, verbal, and social bullying.
Research and school-based prevention practices have generally focused on the more visible and widely
recognized forms of physical and verbal bullying. However, as public understanding of youth bullying
behavior continues to evolve, definitions have been expanded to recognize social bullying as an
important form of youth aggression.
Relational aggression, indirect aggression, and
social aggression are terms used to describe
different dimensions of social bullying. Although
the terms convey subtle differences in meaning,
they describe a set of closely related, often
overlapping behaviors that share the effect of
undermining social status and threatening
feelings of support, security, and closeness in
youth relationships.
Social bullying can occur within the context of
large social groups as well as within small social networks, close friendships, or romantic relationships.
It can involve direct social interactions or confrontations between a student who bullies and a student
who is targeted as well as indirect acts that engage other members of the social group or network in
the bullying interaction (see Exhibit 1).
Social bullying, sometimes referred to as relational
bullying, involves hurting someone’s reputation or
relationships. Social bullying includes:
¡ Leaving someone out on purpose
¡ Telling other children not to be friends with someone
¡ Spreading rumors about someone
¡ Embarassing someone in public
(http://www.stopbullying.gov)
In Brief SOCIAL BULLYING: Correlates, Consequences, and Prevention Page 2
Social bullying can be proactive, or used to achieve or maintain social position, gain attention, or
alleviate boredom, or it can be reactive, or retaliatory, in nature, in response to a perceived threat
or to feelings of anger, jealousy, or betrayal (Young, Boye, & Nelson, 2006). Understanding the range
of social bullying behaviors and the different contexts that motivate students’ actions can help
to appropriately identify social bullying incidents and can inform strategies for how to effectively
intervene (http://www.stopbullying.gov).
Exhibit 1. Examples of Direct and Indirect Forms of Social Bullying
Cyberbullying With growing access to technology, acts of social bullying are increasingly likely to take the form of
electronic aggression, often referred to as cyberbullying. Cyberbullying is defined as bullying using
electronic devices, such as cell phones, computers, and tablets, or other communication tools, including
social media sites, text messages, chat rooms, and websites (http://www.stopbullying.gov).
Cyberbullying can be extremely damaging to targeted students because of the opportunity for hurtful
content to be broadcast to large audiences. Furthermore, the physical and emotional distance between
youth who bully online and youth who are targeted can make cyberbullying attacks more malicious in
nature (Smith et al., 2008). Although most incidents of cyberbullying occur off school grounds and
during nonschool hours, schools are increasingly called upon to respond within the limitations of their
school policies, particularly when the effects of cyberbullying disrupt the learning environment.
How Common Is Social Bullying? According to the U.S. Department of Education’s national survey of student safety in secondary schools,
16 percent of all students reported being the subject of rumors, and 5 percent reported being excluded
from activities on purpose within the past school year. Approximately 4 percent of students reported being
the targets of cyberbullying, including acts intended to damage social relationships or status. Specifically,
2 percent reported that hurtful information had been posted about them online, and 9 percent reported
that they had been deliberately excluded from online activities (Nieman, 2011).
Leaving someone out on purpose
¡ Direct verbal: Telling other children that they are not wanted in the group
¡ Indirect verbal: Telling other children to exclude a particular person from games or other group activities
¡ Indirect nonverbal: Walking away or ignoring particular children when they attempt to join the group
Telling other children not to be friends with someone
¡ Indirect: Telling other children that you do not understand why they are friends with a particular person
¡ Direct: Telling other children that you or your friends do not want to be friends with them anymore
Spreading rumors about someone
¡ Indirect: Telling others negative things about a particular person in order to damage or sabotage that person’s close
relationships or social reputation (e.g., writing rumors or insults about someone on a bathroom wall or spray painting an
insult or slur on someone’s locker)
Embarrassing someone in public
¡ Direct: Embarrassing or insulting other children over the Internet or making embarrassing comments about others when
they attempt to approach the group
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The national survey also indicated differences in prevalence of social bullying across gender groups and
grade levels. Females reported higher rates of social bullying victimization than male students, with 20
percent of females experiencing exclusion by peers, compared with 13 percent of males. Similarly, 6
percent of female students reported being the subjects of rumor spreading, compared with 4 percent of
males. Across grade levels, sixth-grade students reported the highest prevalence of bullying of any form
(39 percent) as well as the highest rates of social bullying victimization—21 percent of all sixth-grade
students reported being the subject of rumors, compared with 17 percent of ninth-grade students and
13 percent of 12th-grade students (Nieman, 2011).
Other large-scale surveys of students in Grades 3–8 reveal even higher rates of social bullying
victimization among upper elementary and middle school-age youth. Specifically, between 41–48
percent of girls and 31–42 percent of boys reported being the targets of social bullying within a
30-day period. Even more striking, 20–28 percent of girls and 20–24 percent of boys reported
engaging in socially aggressive behavior themselves, most commonly by ignoring someone on
purpose (Nishioka, Coe, Burke, Hanita, & Sprague, 2011).
These data indicate that social bullying is relatively common across many school settings. However,
because social bullying is often subtle, indirect, and not easily observed, school personnel may be
unaware of when it occurs or may have difficulty determining the source of the conflict (Bradshaw,
Sawyer, & O’Brennan, 2007; Elinoff et al., 2004). School personnel may also fail to acknowledge and
respond to incidents of social bullying because adults often view these hurtful social interactions as
a normal part of childhood. Students may also be less willing to report social bullying than other forms
of bullying behavior and may perceive that certain types of social bullying, such as social exclusion,
should be handled without adult involvement (Goldstein & Tisak, 2006; Waasdorp & Bradshaw, 2011).
What Contributes to Social Bullying Involvement? Several factors can heighten or reduce youth risks for social bullying or social aggression, including
individual-, family-, peer-, and school-related influences.
Factors Related to Victimization Although any child can become a target of social bullying, children who are at heightened risk are
often those who are perceived to visibly differ from conventional social norms. This includes youth
with developmental disabilities or social skills deficits, youth who are underweight or overweight, and
youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) (Fox & Boulton, 2005; Kosciw,
Greytak, Diaz, & Bartkiewicz, 2011; Rose, Espelage, & Monda-Amaya, 2009; Wang, Iannotti, & Luk,
2010; Zablotsky, Bradshaw, Anderson, & Law, 2012). Exhibit 2 highlights the social bullying
experiences of LGBT youth who are at risk for being the target of bullying (Kosciw et al., 2011).
Exhibit 2. Social Bullying and LGBT Youth
Recent national school climate surveys capturing the school experiences of students who identify as LGBT found high rates
of bullying exposure for all forms of bullying behavior, including social bullying. LGBT respondents 13–20 years of age were
asked how often they experienced two common forms of relational aggression: being purposefully excluded by peers and
being the target of mean rumors or lies. Nearly half of all youth surveyed (49 percent) experienced deliberate exclusion by
their peers “frequently” or “often” throughout the course of the school year, and 40 percent were “frequently” or “often” the
target of mean rumors or lies (Kosciw et al., 2011).
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Although further research is needed to fully understand the complex factors contributing to social
bullying, the available research suggests that certain factors may put youth at risk for being targeted.
For example, compared to their peers, targets of social bullying tend more often to be disliked by their
peers, have fewer friends, have stronger needs for intimacy, and, within their friendships, report higher
levels of conflict and betrayal (Crick et al., 1999; Grotpeter & Crick, 1996).
Factors Related to Perpetration Several of the factors associated with perpetrating social bullying overlap with those linked to physical
and verbal forms of bullying (Brendgen, 2012). For example, an irritable temperament, difficulty managing
strong emotions, and a tendency to attribute hostile intent are associated with reactive forms of bullying
of any type (Crick, Grotpeter, & Bigbee, 2002). In addition, environmental factors, such as low levels of
perceived family support and exposure to domestic and community violence, have been linked with all
forms of bullying behavior (Pepler, Jiang, Craig, & Connolly, 2008; Woods & Wolke 2004).
Although a common perception is that social bullying is predominantly a “girl” issue, research suggests
that males engage in social bullying more often than previously thought (Card, Stucky, Sawalani, & Little
2008). Still, studies have shown that girls are more likely to engage in social bullying than other more
physical forms of aggression and are more likely to be the targets of social bullying (Crick, Ostrov, &
Kawabata, 2007).
From a developmental perspective, early adolescence and the transition to middle school represent
a period of heightened risk for involvement in most forms of bullying. Yet, some studies have shown
that social bullying behavior is generally stable (Cillessen & Mayeux, 2004), suggesting that without
intervention, youth will continue to engage in socially aggressive behaviors over time. Exhibit 3 summarizes
differences in social bullying by age, compared with age trends for physical/verbal bullying, and
highlights other factors associated with social bullying across child, peer, family, and school domains.
Exhibit 3. Factors Associated With Social Bullying
Child Factors Age Studies suggest that physical aggression is most common in childhood, and social aggression is
most common in adolescence. However, bullying behaviors tend to peak in early adolescence, when
youth begin to rely more on peers and romantic partners for social support. During adolescence,
youth also seek to gain acceptance from peers, advance their social status, form small peer groups
known as “cliques,” vie for social power within these groups, and secure individual friendships and
romantic relationships (Yoon, Barton, & Taiariol, 2004).
Personal Attitudes
Research suggests that children who evaluate socially aggressive behaviors favorably are more likely
to exhibit these behaviors than children who disapprove of such behaviors (Werner & Nixon, 2005).
In addition, children who tend to detach themselves from moral obligations (e.g., by blaming others
or justifying inhumane behavior) are more likely to exhibit these behaviors than those who do not
(Pepler et al., 2008).
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Peer Factors Peer Attitudes and Behaviors Just as having antisocial peers can increase the risk for aggressive and delinquent behaviors,
having socially aggressive peers or belonging to a peer group that tolerates and reinforces socially
aggressive behaviors (by ignoring or laughing in response to these behaviors) can increase the risk
for social bullying (Heilbron & Prinstein, 2008; Rodkin, 2011).
Family Factors Parenting Style Parenting styles characterized by psychological control and lack of nurturing have also been
examined as possible links to the development of social bullying (Kawabata, Alink, Tseng, van
Ijzendoorn, & Crick, 2011; Pernice-Duca, Taiariol, & Yoon 2010). Parents may exert psychological
control by relying heavily on the use of guilt, engaging in personal attacks, threatening to withdraw
love or support, invalidating feelings, and constraining verbal expressions (Barber, 1996). Parents
may display a lack of nurturing by offering low levels of emotional support and relying too heavily
on coercive disciplinary methods (Hart, Nelson, Robinson, Olsen, & McNeilly-Choque, 1998;
Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
Parental Role Modeling
Children whose parents use relational manipulation as a tactic for gaining attention or affection
or as a strategy for asserting power and children whose parents model socially aggressive behaviors
with family or with friends are particularly vulnerable to social bullying (Brendgen, 2012).
School Factors School Climate Just as social bullying may negatively affect school climate, a positive school climate, or a climate
characterized in part by a sense of social-emotional safety and positive relationships, is likely to
discourage social bullying (Cohen, 2009).
Why Is Social Bullying Important? Given the prevalence of social bullying, it is likely that most youth will have some exposure to this type
of socially aggressive behavior (Crick, Casas, & Nelson, 2002). Although not all exposure to bullying will
result in harmful effects, children who are frequent targets of social bullying can suffer more serious and
long-term consequences, impacting their social-emotional health and adjustment (Copeland et al., 2013).
Similarly, youth who engage in social bullying and aggression are also likely to experience adjustment
issues and other consequences related to their behavior. These risks appear greatest among those
involved as both a target and a perpetrator (O’Brennan, Bradshaw, & Sawyer, 2009).
Consequences for Students Who Are Bullied Children generally consider social bullying to be mean and harmful (Crick, Bigbee, & Howes, 1996).
Research has demonstrated a relationship between social bullying victimization and a range of negative
consequences for youth, including peer rejection, externalizing problems, depressive symptoms, and
loneliness (Crick & Nelson, 2002; Ostrov, Woods, Jansen, Casas, & Crick, 2004). Studies examining
gender differences in direct and indirect aggression suggest that girls may be impacted more adversely
than boys by socially aggressive interactions because they place more value on social relationships
(Speiker et al., 2012). Accordingly, girls who encounter social bullying within close friendships may
experience heightened levels of social anxiety, social avoidance, loneliness, feelings of distress, and
behavioral problems (Crick & Nelson, 2002). Although research on the longer term consequences of
social bullying is not well established, studies have linked reports of frequent adolescent exposure to
social bullying with feelings of depression and anxiety in young adulthood (Dempsey & Storch, 2008).
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Consequences for Students Who Bully Research on social bullying has linked the use of aggression to a range of adverse consequences,
including peer rejection, conduct problems, and internalizing behaviors (Card et al., 2008). However,
social bullying can also be used as an adaptive strategy to obtain social prominence and perceived
popularity (Pellegrini & Long, 2002). But even though socially aggressive youth are often perceived to
be more popular than their peers, social status is not necessarily related to strong, quality friendships.
Specifically, research suggests that close friendships among children who engage in social bullying are
often characterized by increased conflict and jealousy and can result in feelings of loneliness (Grotpeter
& Crick, 1996).
Impacts on the Learning Environment Social bullying can also have negative consequences for the larger school environment when bullying
behavior detracts from teaching and learning and negatively impacts school climate. Notably, a recent
national survey found that more than half of all teachers (53 percent) in the study and one third of
educational support professionals (e.g., paraprofessionals) perceived social or relational forms of bullying
to be a moderate or major problem in their schools and rated it as an even greater concern than either
physical forms of bullying or cyberbullying (Bradshaw, Waasdorp, O’Brennan, & Gulemetova, in press).
Research shows that when students are exposed to high levels of social bullying, either as a target or
as a witness to the behavior, they are more likely to perceive their schools as less safe. Youth who were
frequently subjected to social bullying also held negative feelings about their own social experiences and
the social climate in their schools (Goldstein, Young, & Boyd, 2008). Other studies have found that social
bullying in the form of chronic exclusion impacts children’s classroom participation and causes students
to become increasingly disengaged from classroom activities as they progress through school (Buhs,
Ladd, & Herald, 2006).
What Can Be Done to Prevent Social Bullying? Effective school-based bullying prevention involves a social-ecological, whole-school approach that engages
students, families, and all school staff in prevention efforts and establishes consistent expectations
for positive behavior across all school contexts. (Espelage & Swearer, 2004; Ross & Horner, 2009).
Researchers generally agree that preventing bullying in schools requires the application of a wide range
of evidence-based approaches. These approaches include (a) adopting clear antibullying policies, (b)
implementing a multitiered approach that involves students of all levels of risk, (c) providing adequate
adult supervision during unstructured time, (d) training teachers to respond to bullying incidents
effectively, (e) promoting effective classroom management, (f) using positive behavior support systems,
(g) providing supports to students who have been bullied, (h) collecting data to monitor bullying and
increase accountability, (i) involving families and communities, and (j) integrating and sustaining
prevention efforts. These evidence-based approaches are discussed in greater detail below.
Adopt School Policies That Recognize and Prohibit Social Bullying Clear antibullying policies are essential elements of a successful schoolwide prevention effort (Olweus,
1993). Most school districts have established local policies to prevent or reduce bullying, often in
response to expectations in state legislation. (See Exhibit 4 for more information on social bullying and
state bullying laws.) However, for schools to appropriately identify and respond to incidents of social
bullying, school policies must recognize social bullying as a form of aggression and must contain clear
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prohibitions against these behaviors. Advocates have also argued that school policies should clearly
communicate a lack of tolerance for bullying due to race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, gender
identity, and gender expression (Kosciw et al., 2011).
Exhibit 4. Social Bullying and State Bullying Laws
Train School Personnel to Respond to Social Bullying Incidents Effectively School policies should communicate clear roles and expectations for school personnel to respond to
incidents of school bullying. However, national surveys suggest that while the majority of teachers and
other school personnel are aware of their school bullying policies, less than half had received formal
training on policy guidelines (Bradshaw et al., in press). For school personnel to respond effectively and
consistently to social bullying behaviors, they need clear guidance, support, and practice on how to
identify social bullying interactions, how to immediately intervene to resolve bullying situations, and how
to provide appropriate follow-up and support to bullying-involved youth (National Education Association,
n.d.). Resources on bullying prevention, including strategies for how to support and intervene with
students, are available from the National Center on Safe Supportive Learning Environments (NCSSLE)
(http://safesupportiveschools.ed.gov/index.php?id=01).
Implement Whole-School, Multitiered Prevention Approaches Application of whole-school strategies based on a three-tiered public health model is a comprehensive,
evidence-based approach to the prevention of bullying and other emotional and behavioral problems
(Bradshaw et al., in press; Mrazek & Haggerty, 1994; O’Connell, Boat, & Warner, 2009; Walker et al.,
1996). This model includes a universal system of support, or a set of activities that affect all students
within a defined community or school setting. Layered onto that first tier of support are selected
interventions that target a subgroup of students who are at risk—for example, those who are close
friends with students who bully other students. A tiered approach might include lessons on social-
emotional skill development for all students, thus making it a universal program. In fact, research
highlights the importance of providing class time to discuss bullying (Olweus, 1993) and the use of
lessons to foster social-emotional skills and competencies, effective communication, and strategies for
responding to bullying (Farrington & Ttofi, 2009); such strategies can also have a positive impact on
academic and other behavioral outcomes (Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger, 2011).
At the second tier, selective interventions may include social skills training for small groups of children at
risk for becoming involved in bullying. Finally, an indicated preventive intervention (third tier) may include
more intensive supports and programs for students identified as bullies or victims and their families
Policy studies analyzing the content of state antibullying legislation have focused on the extent to which legal definitions
of prohibited behavior are inclusive of acts of social or relational aggression. A recent review of legislation in 49 states and
the District of Columbia (U.S. Department of Education, 2011) found that only four state laws contain explicit references
to social bullying behaviors (e.g., social exclusion or rumor spreading) in their legal definitions of school bullying and that
29 others define bullying in a way that could encompass social bullying behaviors. This study also found that state bullying
laws and policies tended to place more emphasis on and were more explicit about disciplinary consequences for bullying
than for preventive programs and policies. Although many states require local school systems to adopt definitions of bullying
that conform to minimum state definitions, almost all allow districts to expand upon the definitions to broaden the scope of
behavior covered in local policies.
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(Espelage & Swearer, 2008; Ross & Horner, 2009). Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports
(Sugai & Horner, 2009) is one such tiered prevention model that is commonly used in schools and has
been shown to be effective at reducing bullying and other aggressive behavior problems (Bradshaw,
Waasdorp, & Leaf, 2012; Waasdorp, Bradshaw, & Leaf, 2012).
Provide Adequate Adult Supervision During Unstructured Time Studies have suggested that increases in bullying prevalence in the transition to middle school may be
related to reductions in adult supervision (Espelage, 2002). Effective supervision, especially in bullying
“hot spots” such as playgrounds, buses, and cafeterias, represents an important component of effective
school approaches. Unstructured time is a particularly important context for increased supervision
(Farrington & Ttofi, 2009; Frey et al., 2005).
Use Professional Development and Policy to Promote Effective Classroom Management Effective classroom management is also critical because well-managed classrooms are rated as having
a more favorable climate, being safer and more supportive, and having lower rates of bullying (Koth,
Bradshaw, & Leaf, 2008). Such preventive approaches provide clear and consistent expectations for
behavior in the classroom, which can also be extended schoolwide. Several classroom management
models, such as the Good Behavior Game, have proved to be effective at addressing a wide range of
behavioral problems and mental health concerns and improving academic performance in both the
short and long term (Bradshaw, Zmuda, Kellam, & Ialongo, 2009).
Introduce Positive Behavioral Interventions as an Alternative to Punitive Disciplinary Approaches There is a general consensus in the literature that zero-tolerance policies that result in automatic
suspensions are not effective at stemming bullying or addressing its consequences (American
Psychological Association, 2008). Ensuring the safety of the targeted student should remain the top
priority. However, aside from extreme situations in which the targeted student’s safety cannot be ensured,
school personnel are strongly encouraged to implement a continuum of positive behavioral supports as
an alternative to exclusionary disciplinary approaches such as suspension (Bradshaw, in press).
Provide Supports to Students Who Have Been Bullied Children who have been bullied require a systematic assessment of the potential mental health and
social effects of the bullying. It is also important to reassure children who have been the targets of
bullying that the behavior will not be tolerated by the school, that the bullying behavior is not deserved,
and that adults will work to ensure their safety. Supports should be provided to promote effective coping
and to prevent the development of behavioral or mental health concerns. In some instances, a referral to
community-based mental health services may be needed; however, school-based clinical staff (e.g., school
psychologists) may also be well positioned to provide supports to students who are targets of bullying
(Bradshaw, in press).
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Use Data to Support Monitoring and Accountability Monitoring the prevalence of bullying among students at school and off school grounds is another useful
strategy. Collecting data on bullying through anonymous student surveys can inform the supervision and
intervention process (Health Resources and Services Administration, n.d.). For example, school climate
surveys are a central needs assessment, monitoring, and planning tool for many whole-school
interventions. These data can identify potential areas for intensive training for school staff, which is an
essential element of successful bullying prevention efforts (Farrington & Ttofi, 2009). Data on bullying
and school climate more broadly are also important for monitoring progress toward the goal of reducing
bullying (Bradshaw, in press; Olweus, 1993).
Involve Families and Communities Families play a critical role in bullying prevention by providing emotional support to promote disclosure
of bullying incidents and by fostering coping skills in their children. Parents need training in how to talk
with their children about bullying (Lindstrom Johnson, Finigan, Bradshaw, Haynie, & Cheng, in press),
how to communicate their concerns about bullying to the school, and how to get actively involved in
school-based bullying prevention efforts (Waasdorp, Bradshaw, & Duong, 2011). There also are important
bullying prevention activities that can occur at the community level, such as awareness or social marketing
campaigns that encourage all youth and adults—such as doctors, police officers, and storekeepers—to
intervene when they see bullying and to become actively involved in school- and community-based
prevention activities (Health Resources and Services Administration, n.d.; Olweus, 1993).
Integrate and Sustain Prevention Efforts It is essential that schools integrate prevention efforts with their other existing programs and
supports. Research by Gottfredson and Gottfredson (2001) indicates that, on average, schools are
using about 14 different strategies or programs to prevent violence and promote a safe learning
environment. This can often be overwhelming for school staff to execute well, thereby leading to poor
implementation fidelity. Therefore, schools are encouraged to integrate their prevention efforts so
that there is a seamless system of support (Domitrovich et al., 2010) that is coordinated, monitored
for high-fidelity implementation, and includes all staff across all school contexts. Instead of adopting
a different program to combat each new problem that emerges, it is recommended that schools
develop a consistent and long-term prevention plan that addresses multiple student concerns through
a set of well-integrated programs and services (Health Resources and Services Administration, n.d.).
Such efforts would address multiple competencies and skills in order to prevent bullying and help
students cope and respond appropriately when bullying occurs. The three-tiered public health model
provides a framework for connecting bullying prevention with other programs to address bullying
within the broader set of behavioral and academic concerns.
Conclusion This In Brief highlights social bullying, a relatively undetected and unaddressed form of school bullying
behavior. Research and practice show that social bullying is relatively common, is distinct from physical
and verbal forms of bullying, is more easily concealed, is less frequently reported, is more often
overlooked by adults, and has harmful effects on both bullying and bullied youth. Understanding the
factors associated with social bullying, including knowledge of correlates and causes of bullying, will
contribute to its proper prevention, detection, and amelioration. The relatively unobtrusive and often
In Brief SOCIAL BULLYING: Correlates, Consequences, and Prevention Page 10
group-based behaviors that characterize social bullying make it more difficult to identify and address
through conventional disciplinary means. Research has shown that whole-school, preventive
approaches, such as those outlined here, are critical to address social bullying effectively. Increasing
awareness of social bullying and its pervasiveness, its associated harms, and its prevention are
important contributions to creating safe and supportive learning environments for our nation’s youth.
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Social Bullying: Correlates, Consequences, and Prevention is a product of the National Center on Safe
Supportive Learning Environments, under funding provided by the U.S. Department of Education, Office
of Safe and Healthy Students (OSHS), Contract Number ED-OSD-10-O-0093. The contents of this brief
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