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Home > Publications > Middle School Journal > Articles > January 2008 > Article 1
January 2008 • Volume 39 • Number 3 • Pages 4-12
The Under-Appreciated Role of Humiliation in the Middle School
Nancy Frey & Douglas Fisher
In his book The World Is Flat, Friedman (2005) argued that we have under-appreciated the role
that humiliation plays in terrorism. He notes that the reaction humans have when they are
humiliated is significant and often severe. If it is true, that humiliation plays a role in terrorism,
what role might this under-appreciated emotion play in middle school? If terrorists act, in part,
based on humiliation, how do middle school students act when they experience this emotion?
To answer these questions, we interviewed 10 middle school
teachers and 10 students. We asked them about times they
(or their students or peers) were humiliated and what
happened. In each case, they were surprised to be asked
about this emotion. They said things like "It just happens;
you gotta deal with it" and "You know how kids are, they
can be mean." The responses from the teachers and
students about the ways that students are humiliated
clustered into three major areas: bullying, teacher behavior,
and remedial reading. In addition, we searched the ERIC
database for documentation about the impact humiliation has on middle school students. In this
article, we will begin by discussing the findings from our interviews and surveys, then we will
describe the effects of humiliation on middle school learners.
*This We Believe Characteristics
An inviting, supportive, and safe environment
School-wide efforts and policies that foster health, wellness, and safety
Multifaceted guidance and support services
*Denotes the corresponding characteristics from NMSA's position paper, This We Believe, for this article.
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Types of humiliation
The 10 teachers and 10 students we interviewed worked or attended one of three large urban
middle schools in two southwestern states. These schools fit the profile of many schools across
America—large (more than 1,000 students), located in major metropolitan communities, with
diverse demographic profiles among students and teachers. None of the schools had a formal
anti-bullying or character education program. We sought a representative sample of teachers
based on experience, gender, and subject area. We chose students who represented different
grade levels, genders, andachievement levels. The names of students and teachers are
pseudonyms. We conducted individual interviews with each teacher and each student to ensure
privacy and promote candor in their disclosures. Based on an analysis of their responses, we
identified three themes.
Bullying
Student voices. The most common topic raised in the conversation for both teachers and
students was bullying. Many students believed that bullying was part of life, something that was
unavoidable. It need not be. "Being bullied is neither a 'part of growing up' nor a 'rite of
passage'" (Barone, 1997, p. 80). Every student participant recounted a time in which he or she
had been bullied or had witnessed it occurring with other students. Marcus, a sixth grader,
described an incident that occurred earlier that school year.
There're these older guys [eighth grade] who think they're the kings of the school. They
talk loud, swear, shove people in the halls. I see them comin' and I bounce [leave]. My
first month at this school, they walked behind me, talkin' loud about how I was a little
faggot. I tried to ignore them, but they knocked my stuff out of my hand.
Marcus's experience is perhaps the most common type associated with bullying. There was an
age and size differential between perpetrators and victim, accompanied by verbal abuse
associated with sexual orientation, and some physical contact (Nishina & Juvonen, 2005; Olweus,
1993). This is also consistent with Bjorklund and Pellegrini's (2000) dominance theory of
increased bullying directed at those entering a new social group.
Martha, a seventh grader, described a more subtle kind of bullying.
There's this girl, and she used to be our friend [named several girls] … but she's just so
weird. What happened to her? We were all friends since second grade, but when she came
back to school [entering middle school] she still dressed and talked like such a baby. It's
embarrassing to be around her. So, we stopped talking to her.
Martha described relational bullying, memorably chronicled in a number of studies (Bjoerkqvist,
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Lagerspetz, & Kaukianen, 1992; Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996; Simmons, 2002). Although Martha
did not describe herself as a bully, she exhibited prevalent forms of female aggression: relational
bullying and avoidance (Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996). The transition from elementary to middle
school appears to play a role as well. Pelligrini and Bartini's (2000) study of bullying across fifth
and sixth grade noted that the move to larger, more impersonal school environments often
interfered with the maintenance of peer affiliations.
We also sought students' perspectives on the reasons bullying exists. Their comments suggest
that they accept bullying as a given, a common part of middle school life. "Everyone gets made
fun of," remarked seventh grade student Juan. "If you can't take it … if you let anyone see it
bothers you, you just get it even worse." Martha echoed this sentiment. "It's how girls are. One
day you're friends, and the next day you're not. Better not be caught lookin' at someone else's
man. That'll get you quicker than anything." Beliefs about the normative presence of bullying,
verbal taunts, and teasing are prevalent among adolescents, who view these as de facto elements
of the secondary school experience (Shakeshaft et al., 1997).
We also asked students about their reactions to being humiliated by their peers. Most described
deep levels of shame and responses that could be categorized as either violent or avoidant.
Students told us they "snapped," "pounded his face in," "blew," or "got my bitch on" to describe
verbal or physical retaliation. In other cases, students described attempts to avoid a situation.
Similar to Marcus's attempts to "bounce" when bullies were spotted, Al, an eighth grader,
reported that he did not use certain restrooms or hallways, because he anticipated that his
tormentor would be there. Adriana, an eighth grade student, poignantly recounted the following
incident.
When I was in seventh, I made up a boyfriend to my friends. It was stupid. … Everyone
had a boyfriend and I wanted one, too. I told them I had a boyfriend at [nearby middle
school]. When Cindy found out that it wasn't true, she told everybody. They laughed at
me, left notes … told some of the boys. I told my mom I was sick, and I didn't go to school
for two weeks.
Adriana's avoidance of the situation is a common response to the humiliation resulting from
bullying. According to the American Psychological Association and the National Education
Association, 7% of eighth graders stay home from school at least once a month to avoid a
bullying situation (cited in Vail, 1999). Other middle school students, like Marcus and Al, alter
their paths in school to avoid encountering bullies (Wessler, 2003).
Teacher voices. The 10 teachers who participated in this study were conflicted about the role of
bullying in middle school. All 10 participants expressed concern over the amount of bullying in
their schools (i.e., responding positively to the queries, "Bullying occurs frequently at this school,"
and "Bullying negatively impacts the learning of students at this school"). All were aware of the
deleterious effects of bullying on both the victims and the perpetrators. Mr. Lee, a seventh and
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eighth grade mathematics instructor, noted, "We have to worry about the kid who's doing the
bullying as well as the one who's getting it. Those kids that are bullies now end up in trouble in
school and in life." In addition, 8 of the 10 instructors reported that they "always" responded to
incidents of bullying. Mr. Harper, a music teacher, said, "I had it happen last week. I was outside
my class [during passing period] and saw a group of bigger students descend on this smaller boy.
You could just see this kid brace himself for what was going to happen. It was like slow motion. …
I stepped in and made the kids leave him alone." Five other teachers offered anecdotal reports of
their personal responses to bullying incidents, although, in all cases, it was related to the threat
of physical harm perpetrated by either boys or girls.
Verbal abuse did not prompt such swift responses. "I won't put up with profanity, name-calling. If
I hear it, I stop it. I write a referral if I have to," stated Ms. Indria, a sixth grade social studies
teacher. However, when probed, all 10 teachers stated that they did not get involved in "personal
relationships, friendship stuff." Ms. Indria offered, "Girls just seem to treat each other badly. It's
a part of adolescence. … I certainly remember doing it when I was that age." Seventh grade
science teacher Ms. Anthony echoed a similar response. "I can't keep up with it. One week they're
friends; the next week they aren't. Way too much drama. I find that when I have tried to
mediate, it ends by consuming too much instructional time." Four other teachers made
statements consistent with the belief that negotiating a verbally, or even physically, abusive
landscape was a part of growing up. Physical education teacher Ms. Hartford noted,
You really have to be careful when you choose to interfere. It [teacher involvement] can
really make it worse. The kids will just pick more—"teacher's pet." If it looks like the kid is
holding his own, I don't get directly involved. I keep an eye on it.
It is also likely that Ms. Hartford and the other teachers interviewed were not cognizant of their
relationships with the aggressors. Elias and Zins (2003) found that bullies often hold high social
capital with their teachers and are perceived positively, while victims are often perceived as less
likable.
Statements like the one offered by the physical education and science teachers illuminate a
commonly held belief among middle school educators—that the ability to "take it" is a necessary
rite of adolescent passage. Computer instructor Ms. Andersen evoked her own junior high
memories to defend this position.
Face it, being able to dish it out and take it gets you ready for the real world. What's that
old commercial? "Never let 'em see you sweat." Teenagers have to learn that you don't
wear your emotions on your sleeve. People'll use it against you. I know, I went through it,
but I survived. You have to toughen up.
When asked about the role of humiliation in bullying, she replied,
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Yeah, they're good at humiliating each other. I keep an ear on what's going on. But I have
to say … a lot of times they use it to keep each other in line. In a funny way, they regulate
each other's behavior.
Ms. Anderson's beliefs are not entirely misplaced. Tapper and Bolton (2005) used wireless
recording equipment to analyze bullying interactions among 77 students. They found that direct
aggression (without physical violence) often inspired peer support for the aggressor. The reaction
of the victim is a factor in whether the bullying will continue. Perry, Williard, and Perry (1990)
determined that displays of distress by the victim increased the likelihood that bullying would
occur again. "Never let'em see you sweat" appears to be accurate.
Teacher Behavior
Student voices. Students had strong feelings about the use of humiliation by teachers. Nine of
the 10 student participants could recount times when a teacher had used sarcasm or humiliation
to embarrass a student in front of the class. In some cases it was directed at them, while in
others they had witnessed it in their classes.
We had this one teacher in seventh grade; man, she was rough. She had a nickname for
every kid in the class. Like, she called this one girl "Funeral," because she said she always
looked like she was coming from one.
This story, told by Al, is admittedly an extreme example and not typical of the incidences that
were shared by students. However, three students told of times when teachers had "busted
someone" in front of the entire class for failing a quiz or test, using insulting language. "I don't
know why they do it," said Gail, a sixth grader. "It's not like it makes a difference. Who wants to
work harder for someone who embarrasses you that way?"
Other students admitted that the use of humiliation might have a positive effect, at least in the
short term.
My [seventh grade] math teacher reads everyone's quiz grades to the whole class. I failed
one, and he said, "Spending too much time looking at girls?" It made me kinda mad … but
I made sure I didn't fail another math quiz. (Juan, eighth grade)
Veronica, an eighth grade student, said,
Ms. _______ likes to catch you doing something wrong. Like, we were reading our social
studies book out loud and I missed my turn. She goes, "Wake up, Veronica! We're all
waiting," in this really stupid way she has [imitates a sarcastic tone]. Everyone laughed as
though it never happened to them. I don't let her catch me.
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Veronica then used profanity to describe her teacher, evidence of the anger she felt toward this
adult and perhaps school in general.
When asked what they thought these teachers hoped to gain with the use of humiliation, their
insights were surprising. "They want to be cool, like it's funny," remarked sixth grade student
Marcus. Seventh grader Harlan responded similarly. "They don't treat you like little kids. My dad
talks the same way. Making fun of kids in the class is just what they do."
The use of sarcasm and humiliation by teachers has been less well documented in the literature
than the prevalence and effects of bullying. It is certainly long understood in the teaching
profession, as evidenced by Briggs's (1928) article on the prevalence of the use of sarcasm by
young secondary teachers. Martin's (1987) study of secondary students' perspectives on this
phenomenon was derived from surveys of more than 20,000 Canadian students. Students
reported that the use of sarcasm resulted in dislike for the teacher and even anger toward the
teacher. Martin also reported that some students described "anticipatory embarrassment," the
dread associated with the belief that the teacher would humiliate them again. In addition, this
created learning problems, including decreased motivation to study and complete homework,
increased cutting of classes, and thoughts of dropping out. Turner and associates (2002) studied
the classroom learning environments of 65 sixth grade mathematics classrooms to study factors
that promoted or reduced help-seeking behaviors and found that the teacher's classroom
discourse, including use of sarcasm, influenced the likelihood that students would seek academic
help when needed. Classrooms featuring more negative teacher talk, including sarcasm, were
associated with high levels of avoidance in asking for assistance.
Teacher voices. Six of the 10 teachers in the study named colleagues who regularly used
sarcasm and humiliation with students. Ms. Robertson, a seventh grade language arts teacher,
described a colleague as "us[ing] words like a knife. He just cuts kids down to size." Mr. Lee, the
math teacher, described an experience when he was a student teacher.
[The master teacher] was just vicious with students. Everything was a big joke, but kind of
mean-spirited, you know? He'd single out kids because of a quirk, like they talked funny,
or they had a big nose, or they wore clothes that were kind of different. Kids would laugh,
but I saw the cringes, too.
Five of the participating teachers discussed the fine line between humor and sarcasm. Ms.
Andersen offered,
You have to take into account that they're really very fragile, in spite of all their bluster.
We all remember what it was like. Worried all the time about sticking out. They're already
sensitive to the need for conformity. As teachers, we have to make sure that we don't
make them feel different.
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Ms. Hartford noted, "It's great to keep it light and fun, but not at someone else's expense."
Sarcasm is typically used for three purposes: to soften a criticism, especially through feigned
politeness; to mitigate verbal aggressiveness; or to create humor (Dews & Winner, 1995).
However, the use of sarcasm in social discourse assumes an equal relationship between parties.
This is never the case in the classroom, where the teacher holds the power in the relationship.
Therefore, the student cannot respond with a sarcastic reply without consequences. The use of
sarcasm with middle school students is ineffective as well, as evidenced by a study of 13-year-
olds by the Harvard Zero Project. They found that 71% of the students studied misinterpreted
sarcasm as deception. In other words, the majority had not yet reached a linguistically
sophisticated developmental level that would allow them to accurately discern the speaker's
purpose, even when it was accompanied by a gestural cue (Demorest, Meyer, Phelps, Gardner, &
Winner, 1984).
Remedial reading and mathematics
Bullying and sarcasm are age-old tools of humiliation, but a more recent (and inadvertent) tool is
that of the remedial class created for students who fail to achieve in reading and mathematics.
Commonly referred to as "double dosing," it is the practice of increasing the number of
instructional hours spent in remediation, at the expense of electives or core classes such as
science and social studies (Cavanaugh, 2006). Though well-intended, our student participants
were vocal about the negative effects on the lives of adolescents.
Student voices. "Everyone knows who the dumb kids are," explained Martha, a seventh grade
student. All you have to do is look around at who's not on the wheel [elective class rotation].
They're all in reading mastery." At Martha's school, students who score below a cut point on the
state language arts and mathematics examinations are automatically enrolled in another section
of instruction. Jessika, an eighth grader, is one of those students. "I hate it. We're all the stupid
kids. Everyone knows it." Carol, another eighth grade student, described her classmates this way:
Nobody even tries in my [remedial] reading class. It's like, if you do, you're trying to make
yourself look better than you really are. No offense, but it's "acting white." People just sleep in
class. You know, pull their [sweatshirt] hood up. If you look like you're trying, you'll catch it from
[classmates.]
Marcus and Al are also enrolled in similar classes for mathematics. When asked what others said
to them and about them in regard to their participation in these courses, we heard, "retard,"
"SPED" [special education], "loser," "tard," "spaz," and "window licker." These labels are quite
troubling for students with disabilities, because they suggest an accepted intolerance for students
in need of academic supports.
Slavin's (1993) review of the literature on remedial classes in middle school found a zero effect
size for academic gains. While it is too soon to gauge the long-term effectiveness of double-
dosing academic achievement, the voices of middle school students provide a bellwether for
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assessing the social and emotional repercussions of such practices. In a few short years, these
students will have reached an age at which they can voluntarily exit school. There is further
evidence that low-achieving students are more likely to use so-called "self-handicapping
strategies" such as giving up and refusing to study (Midgely & Urdan, 1995; Turner et al., 2002).
In particular, they are more likely to associate with other negative-thinking students. The
remediation classroom, it would seem, from Carol's and Jessika's comments, is a perfect
environment for breeding this sort of attitude toward school and learning.
Teachers' voices. We were particularly interested in the views of Mr. Lee and Ms. Robertson,
both of whom teach a section of remedial math or reading. "No one wants those classes,"
remarked Mr. Lee. "I got it because I'm new here. They stick the new teachers with these classes.
Wouldn't you think that they should be taught by people with lots of experience?" he asked. Mrs.
Robertson described her classroom learning environment. "I'm ashamed to say that I dread
fourth [period] because of the students. I feel like all the energy gets sucked out of the room,
and me. I can't seem to inspire them, and it affects the way I teach." When asked to elaborate,
she said, "I know I'm stricter, and I feel like I can't even smile or make a joke. I'm grim, and it
makes for a grim period."
Two other teachers explained that, while they saw the logic in double dosing, they worried about
the detrimental effects on their students. Mr. Espinosa, a seventh grade social studies teacher,
said,
We're organized in houses here [a cohort model]. But every time we excuse students to go
to another class, one that's different from everyone else, it chops away at the concept of a
family of students and teachers. I can see the light go right out of their eyes when they
have to pass up computer class to go for extra reading or math class.
Ms. Andersen, the computer teacher, expressed concern about the content students were
missing. "If I'm not teaching literacy and math, then what am I doing? They'll just get further
behind."
The effects of humiliation
In addition to the ways in which middle school students experience humiliation, we discussed the
impact that humiliation has on young adolescents. Both students and teachers identified a
number of outcomes from humiliation, including drug and alcohol use, attendance problems,
dropping out of school, pregnancy, and suicide. Let us examine the perspectives of teachers and
students on each of these issues.
Drug and alcohol use
Most educators recognize that experimentation with alcohol and drugs during adolescence is
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common. The Youth Risk Behavior Survey (www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm) indicated
that more than two-thirds of middle school students report ever having had a drink of alcohol and
that 26% report ever having used marijuana. However, several students commented on the
regular use of drugs and alcohol by students who feel humiliated at school. In the words of
Marcus, "I know a kid who drinks every night. He hates school and says they make him feel
stupid." One of the teachers noted that the rate of drug and alcohol use was highest for students
who were enrolled in remedial reading classes. Mooney (Mooney & Cole, 2000), a student with a
disability who subsequently graduated from an Ivy League college, discussed his use of drugs and
alcohol to "turn off the shockers" at school.
Attendance problems
Another outcome of humiliation that both students and teachers discussed was poor school
attendance. Mr. Harper, the music teacher, put it eloquently—"They vote with their feet"—
meaning that students tell us, by their physical presence in school, whether or not it is a
comfortable place to be. Again, most educators acknowledge that there are patterns of
problematic attendance, such as is typically seen in urban schools. More important, for our
purpose here, is the difference of attendance patterns within the school. It is clear from an
analysis of attendance patterns—both tardiness and absence—that students are communicating
with which teachers they feel comfortable and with which they do not. While there are many
reasons for students feeling comfortable with teachers, one reason is the climate that is created
in class. Veronica reported, "Lots of us cut class with Mr. ______ because he makes you feel bad
when you try to answer."
Dropping out
While calculating an accurate drop-out rate has been exceedingly difficult to do, it is important to
note that in many states there is no mechanism for capturing middle school drop-outs. It seems
that when the data systems were created, people assumed that middle school students either
would not or could not drop out of school. Unfortunately, that is not the reality; middle school
students are dropping out. In-grade retention (an indicator of either poor academic performance
or poor attendance) is the single strongest school-related predictor of dropping out in middle
school (Rumberger, 1995). As Ms. Indria reported, "There are students who just leave us. They
don't find school fulfilling and are ashamed of their performance, and they stop coming. No one
really knows where they go." Turner and associates' (2002) study on the relationship between
classroom climate and help-seeking offers further evidence of the role of humiliation. There is
also evidence that the overall school climate—the degree that students feel safe to learn and are
not threatened by peers or teachers—is directly related to the drop-out problem (Wehlage, 1991).
As Al indicated, "If I had to deal with the crap that Jeremy does, I'd just quit. I wouldn't come to
this place."
School institutions related to humiliation play a factor as well. According to Goldschmidt and
Wang (1999), "Two school policy and practice variables affect the middle school dropout rate
significantly: the percentage of students held back one grade, and the percentage of students
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misbehaving" (p. 728). Here we see the snowballing effects of humiliation. Students retained in
grade, attending remedial classes, surrounded by misbehavior (including bullying), with lower
rates of attendance and less inclination to seek help from sarcastic teachers appear to be at great
risk for dropping out, and humiliation plays a role in each.
Pregnancy
Another issue associated with humiliation, identified primarily by the teachers we interviewed,
was teenage pregnancy. While less common at the middle school level than at the secondary
level, teen pregnancy is still an issue with this age group. According to the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, national data suggests that between six and seven of every 1,000 middle
school girls become pregnant (Klien, 2005). While there are a number of theories about the
causes of teenage pregnancy, including too much free time, poverty, access to alcohol, and
physical maturity, Ms. Hartford had another take on the situation. She said, "In this community,
pregnancy is one of the acceptable reasons to leave school. If school is a toxic environment for
you, you can get pregnant and leave school. Nobody will question your decision."
Suicide
A final outcome of humiliation identified by the participants was suicide and suicidal thoughts.
Public health officials have noted a significant increase in youth suicide—more than 300% since
1950 (Bloch, 1999). Suicide is now the third leading cause of death for youth ages 10 to 19
(following accidents and homicides) (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000). While
the suicide rate for high school students has remained fairly stable over the past decade, the
suicide rate for middle school students (ages 10 through 14), increased more than 100% during
the decade of the 1990s (Bloch, 1999). A haunting thought was shared by Adriana, who said,
"Everybody I know has thought about suicide, but the one who did it was bothered all the time by
other kids and no one did anything." As Fisher (2005) noted, teachers have to understand the
signs and symptoms of suicide and ensure that students feel honored and respected at school.
One of the teachers suggested, "I think that they're under a great deal of pressure to perform. If
you add humiliation to that, they don't see a way out and might consider taking their own life."
Recommendations for reducing humiliation in middle school
Some of the problems members of our profession discuss about the challenges to achievement in
middle school might be explained by students' experiences with humiliation. When students
experience humiliation, as these data suggest they do, a series of negative outcomes can be
triggered. We recommend that educators make a commitment to reduce the needless
opportunities for humiliation that creep into the daily experiences of their students.
Recommendation #1: Assess the school climate
The first step to reducing humiliation is to recognize that it might, in fact, be present. Schools
routinely administer annual school climate surveys, and this can provide an excellent starting
point for analysis. For example, the California Healthy Kids Survey contains questions that can
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shed light on the issue of humiliation. The survey asks respondents to assess the extent to which
adults "treat all students fairly" and "listen to what students have to say" and contains several
queries about bullying and bully prevention programs (California Department of Education, 2005).
Recommendation #2: Observe and analyze curricular and instructional interactions
The middle school reform report entitled Breaking Ranks in the Middle (National Association of
Secondary School Principals, 2006) strongly recommends heterogeneous grouping of students in
small learning communities to improve achievement and personalize learning. This requires
schools to abandon outdated ability grouping and tracking, which result in lowered expectations
and missed opportunities for rigorous curriculum. Some schools cling to tracking and remedial
classes because they do not possess the capacity to differentiate instruction for all learners.
Building this capacity is not a matter of scattershot inservices, but rather targeted peer coaching,
professional development, and administrative accountability. A first step toward realizing this goal
is to conduct classroom observations for the purposes of data collection and analysis of needs.
The Instructional Practices Inventory developed by the Middle Level Leadership Center is a useful
tool for developing a school-wide profile of the instructional practices occurring at the school,
including the amount of teacher-led instruction, student-led discussions, and levels of
disengagement (www.mllc.org).1 Classrooms with high levels of student disengagement should be targeted for further analysis to determine contributing factors, especially teacher behaviors
and interaction styles. Teachers struggling with disengagement can participate in the Teacher
Expectations and Student Achievement (TESA) professional development program developed by
the Los Angeles County Office of Education (www.lacoe.edu/orgs/165/index.cfm). This is a five-
month experience that involves peer observations and coaching focused on 15 specific
instructional behaviors that increase positive student perceptions about learning. Other teachers
who are having difficulty with curriculum design for heterogeneously grouped students can benefit
from focused professional development and planning on differentiating instruction at the unit
level. A beginning step may include the formation of book study groups using materials such as
Differentiation in Practice for Grades 5–9 (Tomlinson & Eidson, 2003). By collecting and sharing
data to develop targeted professional development, teachers are able to move beyond "I've
heard/read this before" to take specific action. This is further reinforced through administrative
accountability and ongoing data collection to measure improvement at the curricular and
instructional levels.
Recommendation #3: Make an anti-bullying curriculum part of the school culture
Much has been written in the past decade about anti-bullying curricula, especially in the wake of
high-profile school shootings throughout the nation. Many fine programs exist, and the Olweus
Bullying Prevention Program is among the most respected
(www.clemson.edu/olweus/content.html). The multi-layered design of this program targets
school-wide, classroom, and individual interventions for both bullies and victims. However, anti-
bullying curricula are only effective if there is long-term commitment. Perhaps the most common
mistake is that after a period of enthusiastic introduction and implementation, programs such as
these fall to the wayside as other initiatives command attention. A multi-year plan that includes
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refreshers for existing staff as well as training for teachers new to the school is essential for
sustainability. The anti-bullying program should be written into the school's accountability plan,
the new teacher induction program, and as part of the curriculum for each grade level.
Conclusion
The recommendations made are all costly in terms of time, money, and resources. However, the
unintended costs of humiliation are much higher for our students. It is time to take another look
at the anti-bullying curricula being developed by groups across the country and how they can be
sustained for more than one school year. It might also be time to notice our own behaviors and to
have hard conversations with our colleagues about appropriate interactions with students—
interactions that clearly demonstrate care, honesty, and high expectations. And finally, it may be
time to reconsider the ways in which we group students and provide supplemental instructional
interventions such that groups of students do not experience school as telling them they are
stupid, incompetent, and not worthy. In doing so, we might just see increases in student
achievement as well as youth who are more engaged in their educational experience.
Editor's Note 1For a comprehensive assessment of middle school programs, procedures, and processes, readers might want to consider using the School Improvement Toolkit, available from National Middle
School Association at www.nmsa.org/ProfessionalDevelopment/
SchoolImprovementToolkit/tabid/654/Default.aspx
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Nancy Frey is an associate professor of teacher education at San Diego State University,
California.
Douglas Fisher is a professor of teacher education at San Diego State University, California. E-
mail: dfisher@mail.sdsu.edu
Copyright © 2008 by National Middle School Association
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