Soccer Fandom Case Study
Int. J. Sport Management and Marketing, Vol. 19, Nos. 5/6, 2019 313
Copyright © 2019 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.
Becoming fans abroad: a qualitative study of soccer fan socialisation
Elizabeth B. Delia* and Matthew Katz Isenberg School of Management, UMass Amherst, 121 Presidents Drive, 255C, Amherst, MA 01003, USA Email: edelia@isenberg.umass.edu Email: mkatz@isenberg.umass.edu *Corresponding author
Abstract: Although much is known about how individuals are socialised into sport fandom during their youth (via family and peer groups), little is known about individuals socialised into sport fandom as adults. Recognising globalisation and the increasing popularity of soccer as a spectator sport worldwide, in the current study we conducted focus groups with adults in the USA to understand how they became soccer fans. We found that those socialised into fandom as adults did so via exposure to the sport while travelling to places where the sport was central to the local sport culture. For these individuals, becoming a soccer fan via cultural immersion provided them a sense of belonging and uniqueness while travelling. While maintaining fandom once returning from travel is a challenge for some, the socialisation via travel finding has important implications for sport teams and leagues looking to expand their global reach.
Keywords: consumer behaviour; focus groups; soccer; socialisation.
Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Delia, E.B. and Katz, M. (2019) ‘Becoming fans abroad: a qualitative study of soccer fan socialisation’, Int. J. Sport Management and Marketing, Vol. 19, Nos. 5/6, pp.313–329.
Biographical notes: Elizabeth B. Delia is an Assistant Professor in the Mark H. McCormack Department of Sport Management at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. She obtained her PhD in Sport Management from Florida State University in 2015. Her research interests include consumer behaviour and qualitative methods.
Matthew Katz is an Assistant Professor in the Mark H. McCormack Department of Sport Management at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. He obtained his PhD in Sport Management from the University of Texas at Austin in 2014. His research interests include consumer behaviour, sport history, and social network analysis.
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1 Introduction
Much of the existing literature on sport fan socialisation emphasises the role of family and the early age at which sport fans are socialised (James, 2001; Kenyon and McPherson, 1973; Kolbe and James, 2000). Yet, there are instances where socialisation occurs later in life. This is especially true today, with globalisation making individuals increasingly likely to experiencing other cultures and subsequently, unique sport subcultures. Despite our general knowledge of socialisation into sport fandom early in life, we know much less about how socialisation into sport fandom occurs among adults. Researchers have studied adults who become fans of newly formed teams (Katz and Heere, 2016; Lock et al., 2012), yet this is fundamentally a different phenomenon than adopting a new sport via fandom (e.g., becoming a soccer fan) altogether. As a result, there has been a lack of inquiry into adults who become fans of sport and existing sport teams after childhood; in these instances, the influential factors affecting and driving the socialisation process are simply not known.
Our purpose in this study was to understand how individuals residing in the USA were socialised into soccer fandom, with a particular eye on instances of not only individuals who became fans in a traditional sense (i.e., early in life), but also those who became fans as adults. Taking a qualitative approach, we conducted focus groups with soccer fans to understand how (and at what life stages) individuals became fans of the sport, as well as how they have maintained this fandom over time.
The remainder of this paper is divided in four sections. First, we review the literature on socialisation into fandom within sport consumer behaviour. Second, we detail our qualitative approach in the current study to understand how individuals are socialised into soccer fandom, using focus groups and a concept mapping activity as methods. Third, we share the findings of the current study. Fourth, we discuss the theoretical and managerial implications of the current study on the socialisation literature, as well as limitations of the current study and suggestions for future research.
2 Literature review
2.1 Socialisation into sport fandom
Depending on their disciplinary lens, scholars may view socialisation differently, such as behaviourist (e.g., James, 2001), social learning (e.g., McPherson, 1976), or cultural (e.g., Greendorfer, 2002) perspectives. Despite differing views, most scholars have agreed that socialisation does not occur at a single point in time, but rather it should be thought of as a process (Donnelly and Young, 1988; Greendorfer, 2002; Trail and James, 2013; Wann et al., 2001). From a sport consumer behaviour perspective, an individual’s socialisation into sport entails “learning and internalising the attitudes, values, knowledge, and behaviours” [Kolbe and James, (2000), p.3] necessary to perform such a role.
Socialisation into sport fandom often begins during an individual’s childhood (Kenyon and McPherson, 1973). In conducting qualitative research with five to six and eight to nine year olds at primary schools in the Midwest region of the USA, James (2001) found that children developed preferences for sports teams early in life, and that
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children at different phases of cognitive development showed signs of being psychologically connected to a sports team. Moreover, in conducting exploratory research with National Football League (NFL) Cleveland Browns season ticket holders, Kolbe and James (2000) found that a majority of respondents reported they had become ‘true’ Browns fans during their childhood or adolescent years.
Considering individuals’ socialisation into sport and the agents [e.g., family, peers, school, community (McPherson, 1976)] that may be influential in such processes, scholars have found that family – particularly, an individual’s father – is often the most influential socialising agent (e.g., James, 2001; James et al., 2009; Kolbe and James, 2000; McPherson, 1976). For example, James (2001) found that fathers were the most influential socialising agent in a child’s selection of a favourite team, followed by older brothers. Similarly, Kolbe and James (2000) noted the father was the most influential individual in respondents’ accounts of how they became fans of the NFL Cleveland Browns.
In addition to the people that may influence an individual’s sport socialisation, non-person entities (e.g., a geographical location) may influence the sport socialisation process (Kenyon and McPherson, 1973; Wann et al., 2001). For example, Kolbe and James (2000) found that the city of Cleveland was influential in Cleveland Browns season ticket holders’ socialisation into being a fan of the team. As well, scholars have discussed the influence of media sources (e.g., news) in the sport socialisation process (Trail and James, 2013). Thus, it is evident multiple entities are often involved in individuals’ sport socialisation processes.
2.2 Socialisation into fandom with new teams
In addition to the more general research into individuals’ socialisation into sport, researchers have also studied specific instances where adults became fans of newly formed teams (Katz and Heere, 2013; Lock et al., 2012). Alongside a rise in newly formed professional leagues and teams globally, scholars have examined how fans initially develop identification and attachment with newly formed teams, resulting in three primary themes of this line of research. First, in a series of studies regarding a newly formed soccer team in Australia, Lock and colleagues (2009, 2011, 2012) noted that new fan development is largely guided by one’s attachment to the larger sport itself or some associated identity within the city; this supports the notion that sport fans often identify with multiple team-related entities, a concept known as points of attachment (Trail et al., 2003). Lock et al.’s findings were supported by Heere and Katz (2014), who found in a study of a newly formed American football team at a university, the importance of existing university or city identity in driving attachment to the new team. In these studies, then, the socialisation of fans into new sport teams was largely influenced by their existing identities with other related groups – be it city, university, or sport.
Another aggregate finding from the study of new sport teams is the time needed to develop identification with the newly formed team. Lock et al. (2012), for instance, showed individuals’ identification progressed over the course of the first season as fans exhibited both extrinsic (i.e., searching for information about the club, publicising their connection to the club with others in word-of-mouth type behaviour) and intrinsic
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(centrality in that supporting the team began to be integrated into their everyday life, and feeling a connection to others such as players and coaches) aspects of connection to the soccer club. In addition to time, new fan development and socialisation proved dynamic in two longitudinal studies, highlighting the evolving and dynamic nature of identification – at least in the context of newly formed sport teams (Katz and Heere, 2016; Lock et al., 2014).
In addition to external identities and the dynamic nature of new fan socialisation, a third theme related to new fan development is the role of socialising agents. Just as James (2001) found that fathers played a primary role as socialising agent of children, fans of newly formed sport teams proved equally influenced by particular brand evangelists. Lock et al. (2012) showed that socialisation agents, namely other attached fans and media, played a salient role in the early part of the new fan socialisation process (though their impact seemed to taper off as time elapsed). Katz and Heere (2013) noted a similar phenomenon, this time with friends and family negotiating the role of socialising agent and relationships between people provide more robust than attitudes towards the team itself. Just as Lock et al. (2012) noted a decreased dependence on these socialising agents, Katz and Heere (2015) identified a similar shift as fans developed feelings of empowerment and transitioned away from solely depending on key socialising agency for the allegiance and attachment.
While the preceding studies, in an aggregate sense, provide some insight into the socialisation process beyond childhood, it may be difficult to separate the findings from the context of newly formed teams. Lock et al. (2009) explicitly discussed the uniqueness of supporting a new team, highlighting the lack of history and success as important distinctions in the fan development process, factors that are often not present in a fan’s initial development of attachment to an existing team. Nonetheless, given the lack of research into the socialisation of new sport fans beyond the childhood years, this line of research helps build a theoretical foundation for understanding the socialisation process of fans who develop an attachment to a team later in life.
In the current study, we took a qualitative approach to understand individuals’ socialisation process as soccer fans, allowing us to engage in deep conversation with participants to understand the socialisation process. Acknowledging the socialisation-as- process perspective, the research question that guided our study was: How have individuals interviewed been socialised into soccer fandom?
3 Method
To examine the research question, we conducted focus groups with soccer fans to understand how individuals were socialised into fandom. As mentioned, despite our understanding of how individuals become sport fans earlier in life (e.g., James, 2001), there has been a relative lack of inquiry into how socialisation occurs with existing teams (i.e., not new teams) at other life stages (i.e., not during childhood). As such, we decided a qualitative approach was optimal to study the research question, as it would allow us to openly examine the relatively unexplored topic. In addition, our selection of the focus group approach itself was intentional, in an effort to use group conversation as a means to encourage individuals’ recollection of their socialisation processes.
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3.1 Focus groups
Focus groups can allow a researcher to obtain a deep understanding about a particular topic via conversation with a group of individuals, typically eight to twelve participants per group (see, e.g., Andrew et al., 2011; Inglis, 1992). Participants in a focus group typically have similar characteristics (e.g., demographic, behavioural), often to make participants feel more confident and comfortable in the research setting. Most often, focus group research is structured or semi-structured, guided by a moderator (i.e., the researcher) who uses a discussion guide prepared by the researcher(s) in advance. Because of the group setting of a focus group and the moderator’s need to facilitate the group, the moderator will often have a research colleague or assistant present in the focus group to take notes (Andrew et al., 2011). This means that the moderator’s role is essentially to facilitate interaction between and conversation among participants in the focus group.
3.1.1 Concept mapping within the focus group
In the current study, rather than using a traditional approach to the focus group guided by a discussion guide, participants engaged in a concept mapping activity at the beginning of the focus group, which served to guide conversation among the group throughout the remainder of the meeting. Concept maps are diagrams constructed by individuals to express various concepts (i.e., words or ideas) associated with a core concept (Novak and Cañas, 2011; Wheeldon, 2011). Techniques such as concept mapping “may provide a means for participants to personally construct a graphic representation of their experiences” [Wheeldon, (2011), p.510]. The idea of concept mapping is grounded in theories of associative memory modelling, whereby information in an individual’s mind is linked in such a way that thinking about one concept may trigger an individual to think of a linked concept through spreading activation (e.g., Collins and Loftus, 1975).
Considering concept mapping as a tool in qualitative research, the map itself allows the researcher to discover the lived experiences of the individual(s) interviewed and subsequently discuss them as they are shared. As such, in using concept mapping in this manner, the researcher has no set discussion guide prior to the discussion. Instead, the researcher is mindful of the purpose or research question(s), and the intent is to use concept mapping as a way for individuals to recall experiences and thoughts related to the research question. Thus, as used in the current study, concept mapping can be used as a tool to guide conversation in a group setting (i.e., focus groups), rather than using a pre- constructed discussion guide.
3.2 Procedure
To explore our research question, we conducted three separate focus groups with a total of 22 soccer fans. After receiving institutional approval, participants were recruited from undergraduate and graduate classes in a business school at a large university in the northeast USA. Participants were a mix of male (n = 16) and female (n = 6) and ranged in age from 20 to 32. Participants’ home countries represented six countries in North America, South America, Europe, and Asia. In this article, participants are referred to by pseudonym. Participant details (pseudonym, gender, home country, primary socialising agent, and life stage of socialisation) are included in Table 1.
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Table 1 Participant information
Participant Gender Home country Socialising agent Life stage of socialisation
Alex Male USA Peers Childhood
Allie Female USA Peers Adolescence
Angela Female USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Anne Female USA Peers Adolescence
Ben Male USA Family Childhood
Beth Female Italy Family Childhood
Caleb Male USA Peers Adolescence
Derrick Male USA Peers Adolescence
Eddy Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Elliot Male USA Family Childhood
Jill Female USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Jim Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
John Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Jonas Male Chile Family Childhood
Keith Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Kevin Male India Peers Adolescence
Michael Male Austria Family Childhood
Nick Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
Ricky Male USA Peers Adolescence
Sarah Female USA Peers Adolescence
Simon Male China Peers Adolescence
Zack Male USA Cultural immersion Early adulthood
In order to participate in the research, individuals had to identify themselves as soccer fans, since the purpose of the study was to understand individuals’ socialisation into soccer fandom. This was assessed prior to the focus group by asking participants, “Are you a soccer fan?” with ‘yes’ and ‘no’ as response options. If participants answered, ‘yes’ to the question, they proceeded with the research. Participants’ degree of connection to the sport was not measured [via traditional identification scale (e.g., Wann and Branscombe, 1993)], however during the focus groups it was evident identification ranged from low to high due to use of particular language and description of behaviours.
Each focus group lasted about one hour and was recorded using a digital audio recording device. The first author moderated all focus groups, and the second author was present in all focus groups to assist in probing respondents and note taking. At the beginning, participants were asked to construct a concept map about being a soccer fan. Participants were instructed to write ‘soccer’ in the centre of a piece of paper and draw lines to any thoughts that come to mind when thinking about becoming and being a soccer fan; they were given five minutes to complete the mapping activity. An example map can be seen in Figure 1.
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Figure 1 Concept mapping activity
The concept maps created by participants at the beginning of the meeting served as the discussion guide for the remainder of the focus group to understand how they became soccer fans. Specifically, each participant shared his/her map with the group, explaining each item on the map and how it related to becoming and being a soccer fan. This often led to participants engaging in organic (unstructured) conversation with each other regarding soccer fandom.
3.3 Analysis
Following the focus groups, focus group recordings were transcribed verbatim into 35 pages of single spaced text for analysis. Although qualitative data analysis software could have been used in this phase, a manual approach to coding was deemed optimal given the researchers’ experience conducting qualitative research and the relatively low number of cases to analyse. We analysed focus group transcripts and participants’ concept maps in two phases. First, we analysed each participant individually, which allowed us to understand and account for each individual’s thoughts and lived experiences that contributed to his/her soccer fandom. Second, we analysed all individuals collectively, using the constant comparison method (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) to discover themes
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across all individuals; this allowed us to understand commonalities in regard to key aspects of socialisation into soccer fandom. Specifically, both authors coded the data separately using open coding (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) to identify key themes and develop a coding frame; once coded, the coding frames were compared and any differences were discussed until agreement was reached. Subsequently, the lead researcher reviewed the transcripts and codes to ensure all themes had been accounted for. In addition, illustrative quotes representing the themes were identified.
4 Findings
In analysing the interview transcripts and concept maps, we found social influence to be most influential factor in individuals becoming soccer fans and maintaining fandom over time. Overall, socialisation into soccer fandom appears to occur via the influence of social groups. Within these groups, soccer – and the consumption of the sport – is a way of life. For some, introduction to soccer via social group occurs early in life, through family and/or the traditions and norms of the place they live. For others, the socialisation process is initiated through peer groups during childhood and adolescence, primarily via participation in the sport themselves. Still further, some individuals are socialised into soccer fandom through exposure to the sport via cultural immersion while travelling; for this group, individuals appear to recognise the social/cultural significance of soccer in the area they are visiting, and interest in soccer seemingly ensues as they endeavour to immerse themselves into the culture of the place they are visiting.
In this section, we discuss each of the previously mentioned socialisation sources (family, peers, and exposure through travel), acknowledging that while family and peers are already known based on the literature (James, 2001; Kenyon and McPherson, 1973), exposure via cultural immersion while travelling is a novel finding in the sport fan socialisation literature. Throughout, we use verbatim quotes from participants to add to the thick description (Lincoln and Guba, 1985) of the themes and contextual circumstances existing within the field examined.
4.1 Family
For some individuals, soccer has always been a part of their lives – either part of their culture, and/or a sport they inherited interest in from their family. As Beth, a native of Italy, explained:
“I went to my first soccer game when I was three, and my family is I think 93-year season ticket holders for our team… When I talk to my dad on the phone he is like, “How about our team? Did you see what they did last week?” And I am like, “Yeah dad, everything is great here, how are you?” It is just what we do in Italy – watch soccer all the time.”
Soccer was introduced to Beth early in her childhood because of its significance not only to her family but also to her country. Even as an adult, now living in the USA, soccer is a way for her to remain connected to family and her home country. Most of the thoughts she shared about soccer were connected to being an Italian soccer fan, including teams in Italy and various (FIFA) World Cup appearances over the years, and the importance of these things to her as an Italian native.
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Jonas, a native of Chile, similarly explained the importance of soccer to his home country and family; this significantly contributed to his socialisation into fandom:
“There was not too much choice of sport [as a child], it’s soccer or it’s soccer, same goes with the team selection – it’s run by the families, so your grandparents and parents, it is more like a dynastic thing… When I was very young, around two or three years old, my dad began to talk to me and tell me these stories of our favourite team and its amazing achievements in soccer and I began to fall in love with the stories and afterwards, when I realised what the stories were about, I began to fall in love with the sport.”
Today, Jonas follows soccer on a global level, partly out of general interest in the sport, but also to know how Chile and its players stand relative to other countries and their players. For Beth, Jonas, and others who have roots in parts of the world where soccer is part of the culture, socialisation into fandom is largely family-based, in line with the early studies on socialisation into sport fandom (e.g., James, 2001).
4.2 Peer groups
For other individuals who grew up in places where soccer is not the prominent sport, family and cultural influence is not always the socialising agent, but instead peers appear to have a significant influence. For these individuals, socialisation into soccer fandom occurs via interest in the sport and the friendships that the sport has afforded them. This was especially true among those who had previously competed as amateur soccer players. As Alex explained:
“My team in high school would always get together for the big games, mainly bonding stuff. In college, playing in intramurals I have been lucky enough to find a lot of my friends are interested in soccer. And I like Chelsea and my best friend likes Man City so it becomes a personal rivalry between friendships.”
Others similarly commented on their participation in soccer during adolescence, and how this played a significant role in initiating their fandom. As Derrick explained, “Well it was a sport that I had enjoyed the most playing growing up and so and also I think it was a sort of moment when I was becoming a sports fan and right when MLS started”.
Ricky similarly remarked on the influence of friends in becoming a soccer fan, but more so their participation in the sport rather than his. He explained:
“One of my friends, coincidentally, played pretty competitively; a couple friends played on the Revs academy team, and they also had season tickets that were not too expensive back in the day… I went to a majority of Revs games then, I lived 20 minutes or so from Gillette, so at least in terms of MLS, that is where my interest peaked.”
4.3 Cultural immersion via travel
In addition to the influence of family and peer groups, we found a group of individuals (who did not play soccer or were not influenced by family or friends) that have become soccer fans as adults. Interestingly, these people became fans through international travel, often during study abroad experiences during college. It should be noted that these individuals were fans of other sports prior to travelling; thus, this more broad sport fandom may have predisposed individuals to develop soccer fandom while abroad. Table 2 illustrates where these individuals travelled to, and the team they began
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supporting while travelling. John’s explanation of his socialisation into soccer explains this phenomenon:
“I first found soccer last year when I decided to go to Turin, Italy for study abroad. I started following Juventus and they were doing really well so I was watching the Italian league and Champions League because they had a great run, so I watched them a lot.”
Ben shared a similar experience, explaining, “I went to Florence last semester, so I started following Fiorentina a little bit. I went to the game and it was my first real experience – first real soccer experience – which was amazing”. Ben went on to recall the passionate fans he interacted with while in Italy, and how he learned team supporter songs from them.
Table 2 Soccer fandom among those socialised via cultural immersion
Participant Country visited Team followed during travel
Angela England Chelsea FC
Eddy Italy A.S. Roma
Jill England Chelsea FC
Jim England Liverpool FC
John Italy Juventus FC
Keith Italy A.S. Roma
Nick England Liverpool FC
Zack Scotland Celtic FC
The experiences of John, Ben, and others illustrate how mere exposure to soccer through travel makes them more aware of the sport, perhaps initiating their interest in the sport as fans. Beyond exposure, however, it appears that a desire to belong and a thrill of uniqueness are driving factors behind how these individuals become fans of the sport while abroad.
4.3.1 Sense of belongingness
Within the study of sport consumer behaviour, it is widely recognised that feeling a sense of belongingness is a significant factor in terms of motives and identification with sport teams (e.g., Sloan, 1989; Wann, 2006). In analysing participants’ comments in regard to becoming soccer fans through study abroad experiences, it was evident that becoming a fan of a team while abroad provides these individuals with a sense of belonging. As Zack explained:
“When I went abroad I studied at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland and I became a Celtic Football Club fan based on the communities of students that would get together on the weekend, it was just something to do with them.”
Jill, who studied abroad in England, similarly commented on how following soccer while abroad allowed her to interact with sport fans in the area, and made her feel part of a group of fans while abroad. In particular, she recalled watching a Champions League final game:
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“I got a real taste of the European flare when I was abroad and going to pubs and watching the games, it was really exciting. I remember it being packed. I remember needing to get there hours before the game to get a seat, and then not moving.”
Jim, who also spent time in England, commented on how experiencing games among local fans allowed him to feel part of a group as a result.
“It was really cool – the singing – the way they treat one another, as long as you’re wearing the right coloured shirt, is very welcoming and the idea that you are one in the community of supporters. And your happiness for the week depends on the performance of this game, and there is something depressing but wonderful about that. It’s kind of what they have that’s bigger than themselves, something to be a part of.”
In addition to the sense of belonging felt by these individuals, the sense of group membership they were able to feel was a result of immersing themselves into the local culture. Had these individuals not endeavoured to learn supporter songs, dress in similar clothing, and/or interact with passionate fans, they may not have realised this sense of belonging – or, perhaps not to such an extent. This supports Donnelly and Young’s (1988) ideas of the socialisation process in sport subcultures, a point discussed further in the discussion.
4.3.2 Thrill of uniqueness
In addition to the notion of individuals feeling a sense of belongingness through soccer fandom while travelling abroad, we found that a thrill of uniqueness also drew them into the sport. That is, following soccer and becoming a fan while travelling seems to be appealing to individuals partly because it is different than sporting cultures they have been exposed to at home. Eddy’s experience travelling to Rome and attending A.S. Roma games is illustrative of this:
“I went to Rome, and the soccer over there, just going to games – it’s more of a lifestyle over there than a sport. All game long you have people lighting candles, throwing them onto the field, sometimes they have to stop the game. They have people putting out the fires. It’s crazy. I couldn’t tell what people were saying because they were speaking Italian and I don’t speak Italian. But you start, even just watching the crowd because it’s a crazy atmosphere, so much different than the NFL. It’s a great spectacle, and it’s more than just a game.”
Jim commented similarly on his experience travelling in England, noting the unique rituals of fans he observed:
“The culture was different. We went to 5 or 6 games while we were there, and it’s not like the Super Bowl where you drink as much as you can and everyone is up at intervals getting stuff. You all get your 1 pint, and then the game comes on and you sing for 45 minutes. Eventually you just learn the words because it’s the same 9 words and they’re singing them over and over again. Then it’s half time and everyone goes and refreshes their pint. So an hour and a half goes by and you drink 2 beers. But it’s – it’s so much different than everyone yelling and swearing. You’re singing and watching. It’s cool, it’s very different.”
The experiences shared by those who became interested in soccer while travelling abroad illustrate that it is not just a sense of belongingness that drove their socialisation while travelling – it is that this group they become part of (i.e., fans of a soccer team) is
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different than what they have experienced before as sport fans. While things like camaraderie and vicarious achievement might be found within fan groups across cultures and sports, it is often the unique traditions and rituals that fans enjoy and recall most. Indeed, it is possible that learning these traditions and rituals while travelling – and being able to tell others about them when they return home – may make these foreigners feel adequate as group members, even though they are not from the area and become distant fans once they return home.
In summary, for individuals who became soccer fans through travelling abroad, it seems that visiting a foreign location and being able to take part in cultural experiences such as attending a soccer game has led them to become and remain fans once they return home. This is a unique finding in the study of sport socialisation. Scholars have discussed place identity as a socialising agent (e.g., Heere and Katz, 2014), but more so in the context of one’s home, rather than a place one has visited.
4.3.3 Maintaining fandom after travelling
For individuals who have been socialised into soccer fandom while travelling outside the USA, we found that maintaining fandom can be a challenge once they return to the USA. While many individuals explained that they continue to follow the foreign team via television, internet, and social media, being a distant (or pseudo-displaced) fan does not allow them to experience the spectacle they witnessed while travelling. As Zack, who studied abroad in Scotland, explained:
“I went to a Scottish Premier League game and I also went to a World Cup qualifier game in Glasgow, so I got kind of hooked over there, but when I came back a lot of that sort of fell. I would say I casually watch the EPL now, when I can.”
Eddy, who spent time in Rome, commented similarly about watching less once returning to the USA, and even explained the difficulty in finding broadcasts. He said, “Roma unfortunately they do not really broadcast that much and I don’t really trust the illegal streams on my computer so I um try to keep up with highlights with them”.
For Zack, Eddy, and others who were socialised into soccer fandom while travelling abroad, maintaining fandom is different from those fans that were socialised more traditionally (via family or peers); the latter groups typically still have a direct connection to teams through their connections with others. For those who were socialised while travelling, the socialising agent – the culture they were immersed in – is more distant. In addition, since these individuals were already fans of other sports before travelling, other team-related identities likely became salient upon returning home. The challenge of maintaining fandom experienced by those socialised via travel, and the managerial implications of such is discussed in greater detail in the following section.
5 Discussion
Our purpose in this article was to understand how individuals were socialised into soccer fandom. Using a qualitative approach of focus groups guided by a concept mapping activity, we were able to obtain a deep understanding of the ways in which individuals became soccer fans. In the remainder of this article, we discuss our findings in regard to
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their theoretical and practical significance, we well as limitations of the study and suggestions for future research.
5.1 Theoretical implications
In the current study, we found that while some individuals were socialised into soccer fandom during childhood or adolescence [supporting findings of seminal socialisation research (e.g., James, 2001)], others who were socialised into fandom at a later age were able to do so via travel and exposure to another culture.
5.1.1 Socialisation through cultural immersion via travel
In the current study, we were able to support and extend the limited knowledge on sport fan socialisation. While socialisation certainly can be the result of parental, familial, or peer group influence during childhood (e.g., James, 2001), exposure to sport through travel also appears to be a significant socialising agent. In talking to several respondents, we learned that individuals often became soccer fans as a result of travelling to a particular place and immersing themselves the culture of that area. These individuals became soccer fans while abroad in part because soccer is the most popular sport in the area they travelled to – part of the local culture – and as such, becoming fans of a local team provided them a sense of belonging with others in the area. In addition, we found it was not just the ability to feel part of a group that lured individuals into becoming soccer fans while travelling, but also the fact that the traditions and rituals of the fans they witnessed were quite unique relative to the sport fan culture they were familiar with.
A sense of belongingness and uniqueness as attractors to the sport of soccer while travelling abroad are logical given the foundations of social identity theory. According to social identity theory, individuals derive a sense of self from the perceived awareness, value, and emotional significance of belonging to a group (Tajfel and Turner, 1979). The social groups an individual belongs to enhance one’s self-image through the process of classifying oneself with fellow group members and differentiating oneself from non-group members. Applying this line of thought to the current study, the sense of belongingness and uniqueness individuals obtained by supporting local soccer teams while travelling contributed to their overall sense of self in that it allowed them to feel part of the local culture while abroad, and concurrently provided them a sense of distinction from their peers back home.
The idea of belongingness as a socialisation motive as found in the current study relates to those scholars who have studied adults who become fans of new sport teams (e.g., Katz and Heere, 2013; Lock et al., 2012). Specifically, those researchers found that developing fandom with a new team was influenced by local (e.g., city, university) place identity. It seems something similar occurred with the individuals interviewed in the current study, particularly with those who were socialised into fandom when travelling. Thus, it is evident that – at least in cultures where sport is valued – sport and place identity influence each other, providing individuals with a greater sense of belonging while experiencing another culture.
In discussing the sense of belonging realised by these individuals while travelling, we must emphasise that socialisation was able to occur because these individuals immersed themselves in the sport subculture, learning and adopting group norms and behaviours. As Donnelly and Young (1988) wrote, “Socialisation is an initially active but ongoing
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stage wherein members undergo training in the characteristics of the subculture” (p.225). As individuals’ sense of belonging with a group develops, it is only confirmed by behaving in ways that conform to those of others in the group. In the current study, participants realised this sense of group membership by observing and interacting with passionate fans to learn the traditions of the team (e.g., supporter songs, ways of dressing).
5.2 Managerial implications
Given that the sport of soccer is widely popular globally, and is growing in countries such as the USA, teams and leagues should recognise and leverage the fact that many individuals are becoming fans of the sport after travelling internationally. In the current study, we found that while individuals are able to immerse themselves into the traditions of a foreign soccer team while travelling, maintaining the same level of involvement is difficult once they return home. Once home, they cannot attend games and team-related events; they can only follow the team virtually. Of course, some teams might periodically visit the individual’s home country for an exhibition game, but such opportunities are very infrequent compared to the number of games one could attend while abroad in the team’s home location. Thus, these individuals become distant or pseudo-displaced fans once they return from their travels.
Acknowledging the potential benefits of the distant or pseudo-displaced fan for marketing purposes, teams should strive to keep these fans engaged with team-related activities once they return home. Teams could monitor tourist attendees (perhaps working with local universities for study abroad students) and create special marketing programs for them (in addition to any existing overseas or virtual fan clubs), aimed at maintaining involvement from a distance. This could entail focused social media content, including hosting social media live chats and/or creating virtual watch parties for distant fans; social media contests could be created among these groups with a chance to win a trip to watch the team play.
Away from social media, foreign teams could attempt to gather information from first-time attendees during games. These attendees could be encouraged to visit designated locations within a stadium, where they would fill out an information form to receive a special gift. By collecting information from these individuals, teams could ensure they are aware of any supporter clubs that might exist near their homes; while individuals can often seek out this information through team websites, teams’ proactiveness could ensure more individuals remain connected to the team via supporter cubs. In addition, teams could create brand ambassador programs unique to distant fans, with the goal of promoting the team, league, and/or sport to foreign markets. These brand ambassadors could receive team merchandise and virtual meet and greets with team players, further incentivising them to remain committed to the team.
In addition to addressing the challenges of maintaining fandom, it is evident from the current study that individuals desire to experience unique sport cultures when travelling. Rather than tourists seeking out these opportunities themselves, foreign leagues and teams should communicate with travel companies and universities hosting study abroad programs to ensure individuals travelling to a foreign city or country are aware of the sport spectating opportunities available to them. Preparing unique sales promotions for these groups of individuals might incentivise them to attend an event, which could initiate the socialisation process.
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5.3 Limitations and suggestions for future research
While the current study allowed us to contribute to the fan socialisation literature, four limitations must be noted. First, the current study was cross-sectional and thus, did not allow us to understand the process of socialisation over time. In the future, researchers should consider conducting longitudinal research on socialisation to understand the whole process involved with becoming a fan of a team and maintaining that fandom over time. Second, the current study was conducted with individuals primarily in their 20s and 30s. While interviewing participants of these ages allowed us to uncover how some individuals are socialised into soccer fandom as adults, interviewing adults of a wider age range might reveal additional insight into socialisation during adulthood. Third, we conducted research with individuals currently living in the USA and thus, the findings on socialisation via travel are limited to exposure to certain cultures and comparisons to the USA. In the future, researchers should consider conducting similar research with a more global audience, to understand how different cultures and geographic borders may influence socialisation. Fourth, participants in the current study included those who were socialised into fandom early in life, likely a result of the cultural significance of soccer where they were from. To extend the findings in the current study regarding socialisation later in life via cultural immersion while travelling, researchers should endeavour to conduct similar research with only individuals who are socialised in this way.
6 Conclusions
While much is known about how individuals are socialised into sport fandom during their youth (via family and peer groups), little is known about individuals socialised into sport fandom as adults. In the current study, we conducted focus groups with adult soccer fans and found that those socialised into fandom as adults did so via exposure to the sport while travelling to places where the sport was central to the local sport culture. For these individuals, immersing themselves into the local sport culture allowed them to derive a sense of belonging and uniqueness while travelling. While maintaining fandom once returning from travel is a challenge for some, the socialisation via cultural immersion finding has important implications for sport teams and leagues looking to expand their global reach.
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