week 3 assignment 2
2
The Relationship Between Spiritual Intelligence and Psychological Well-Being in Refugees
Name
Date
The Relationship Between Spiritual Intelligence and Psychological Well-Being in Refugees
Refugees come from many countries and represent various ethnic groups but share a common bond in the premigration, migration, and postmigration stressors they have experienced (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Rohlof et al., 2014; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1999; Young & Chan, 2015). The trauma refugees experience prior to leaving their country of origin, during flight, and during extended stays in refugee camps often lead to psychological distresses, such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety, which can impact them long after resettlement (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Despite these adverse circumstances, many refugees are able to bounce back, regain psychological wellness, and live productive lives (Calhoun & Tedeschi, 2014; Ssenyonga et al., 2013). This study seeks to understand the role of spiritual intelligence in this process. Previous studies have suggested that spiritual intelligence may promote adaptive functioning, positive coping strategies, improved quality of life, and general happiness (King, 2008; King & DeCicco, 2009;)
Thus, the aim of this study was to explore the relationship between spiritual intelligence and psychological well-being in refugees who have been resettled in the United States. In addition, length of stay in the United States was investigated to see whether it moderates the relationship between the two main variables. Participants were assessed using the Spiritual Intelligence Self-Report Inventory (SISRI-24; King, 2008), the Scale of Psychological Well-Being (SPWB; Ryff, 1989), and a demographic questionnaire. Results from this study might prove beneficial to mental health professionals and social workers in understanding how refugees use personal resources to achieve psychological well-being.
Background
For thousands of years, people have been forced to flee their homelands due to war and political violence and seek refuge in other countries. According to the most recent figures, an estimated 65.6 million people are uprooted by war and arm conflict worldwide, approximately 24.5 million of which are refugees [United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2018]. A refugee is defined as a person who has been forced to flee his or her country due to “a well-founded fear of persecution” based on “race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group” (UNHCR, 2018). Thus, unlike other immigrant populations, refugees cannot return or be forced to return to their homeland. Refugees come from almost every continent. Today two-thirds of uprooted populations come primarily from five countries: Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Myanmar (Burma), and Somalia.
Since shortly after World War II, the United States has been one of many countries to provide a safe haven for refugees (United Nation Refugee Agency, 2016). Since the Refugee Act of 1980, the United States has resettled more than 3 million refugees from Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (UNHCR, 2018). Historically, the largest groups of refugees to enter the United States came from Vietnam, Russia, Iraq, Bosnia, Laos, Burma, Somalia, Iran, Cuba, and Cambodia (Dyssegaard & Mathema, 2016).
The number of refugees admitted into the United States each year changes according to global demands and U.S priorities. For instance, during the years of 1990-1995, approximately 112,000 refugees from the former Soviet Union were resettled in the United States. Since then, the yearly allotment has leveled to approximately 70,000 refugees. Despite these numbers, less than one percent of the world’s refugee population is permanently resettled (UNHCR, 2018).
Since refugees come from different backgrounds and regions, their group and individual experiences are unique. However, studies show that they share some common characteristics (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Rohlof et al., 2014; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1999; Young & Chan, 2015). For instance, refugees tend to gain self-sufficiency relatively quickly, which is the overarching goal of federal resettlement policies (Capp et al., 2015). Furthermore, like other immigrant groups, refugees come to the United States with strong traditions, cultural values, and personal resources which is indicative of their resilience and supports their adjustment (Capp et al., 2015; Kirmayer et al., 2011).
Trauma and Refugees
Although being resettled in a host country is a fortunate event for refugees, rebuilding their lives typically includes many challenges. Refugees of all ethnicities experience a host of premigration, migration, and postmigration stressors that threaten their physical, mental, and social health. Hence, refugees are considered to be the most vulnerable of immigrant populations for a myriad of psychological factors (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Rohlof et al., 2014; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1999). A meta-analytical study of 840 articles, including ten comprehensive studies and 5 meta-analyses, revealed that refugees experience a higher rate of trauma-related symptoms than the general population (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Furthermore, refugees present ten times the rate of PTSD, elevated levels of depression, and higher rates of chronic pain and psychosomatic syndrome (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Rohlof et al., 2014; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1999).
Life in the United States often comes with many additional challenges for refugees. Prior to arrival, they usually have experienced numerous stressors, including religious and political persecution, war, famine, loss of home, death of loved ones, and extensive stays in substandard conditions at refugee camps (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Their difficulties often continue after resettlement, as they seek to adjust to a new country with an unfamiliar language, culture, social, and economic system ((Bentley et al., 2012; Kirmayer et al., 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). In addition, refugees sometimes encounter prejudice and discrimination from the native community (Hein, 1995). In the United States this tends to be true of refugees who are visually, culturally, and linguistically different, such as individuals from African or Muslim countries (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Furthermore, refugees originating from poor backgrounds face additional acculturation challenges (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). For these individuals, environmental mastery, employment mismatch, and technological inadequacies make it more difficult for them to achieve their goals. Thus, adjusting to an urban environment, such as major cities in the United States, can create culture shock for refugees. Furthermore, difficulty navigating the health, education, social service, and housing systems (Kirmayer et al., 2011; Young & Chan, 2015) limits access to vital resources, which can result in adverse consequences for refugees. Studies show refugees are more vulnerable to poor health habits, increased morbidity, and decreased life expectancy (Williams & Thompson, 2011).
The trauma refugees experience impacts more than their mental health, it disrupts their lives on a psychosocial level as well. Evidence shows that refugees’ trauma is usually interrelated and cumulative, affecting their sense of identity, feelings of empowerment, and their ability to find meaning in life (Schweitzer et al., 2006). Moreover, the extent of exposure to trauma is positively related to the levels of distress in refugees. Steel et al. (1999) found that refugees who reported exposure to one or more categories of traumatic experiences doubled their risk for mental health issues. Additionally, for those who reported three or more categories of trauma, the risk of psychological distress increased eight-fold.
Research also indicates that psychological symptoms generally decrease with time (Goodkind, 2006). However, symptoms can persist in individuals who have experienced more trauma. Thus, refugees who have been resettled for a long time are more likely to report feelings of well-being. In contrast, several studies found that trauma in refugee populations sometimes have long-term, secondary effects (Murray et al., 2010; Steel et al., 1999). Hence, an individual who seems to be functioning well after resettlement may suddenly regress and develop symptoms of post-traumatic distress while facing the challenges of resettlement.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework that guided this research was King’s (2008) theory of spiritual intelligence. Researchers propose that the construct of spirituality meets the criteria to be considered an intelligence. King and DeCicco (2009) describe spiritual intelligence as “a set of mental capacities which contribute to the awareness, integration, and adaptive application of the nonmaterial and transcendent aspects of one’s existence” (p. 56). King and DeCicco’s theorize that spiritual intelligence is comprised of four key components: Critical Existential Thinking (the ability to critically contemplate the nature of one’s existence); Personal Meaning Production (the ability to construct meaning and purpose in all physical and mental experiences, including identifying and mastering a purpose for one’s existence); Transcendental Awareness (the ability to recognize and find the interconnections between non-material aspects of the self, of others, and of the universe); and Conscious State Expansion (the ability to achieve heightened states of awareness of one’s environmental and cognitive experiences). Proposed outcomes of spiritual intelligence include more profound existential processing, greater production of meaning, enhanced awareness of spiritual self, and improved mastery of spiritual states (King, 2008).
The construct of spiritual intelligence is generally described as being distinct from but related to spirituality. Emmons (2002) theorized that people inherently possess skills and abilities that are spiritual and related to intelligence, and that differences in these skills distinguish one person from another. Moreover, possessing spiritual intelligence does not require one to be associated with a particular religious or spiritual identity (King, 2008). Although distinct from spiritual and religious beliefs and practices, it is asserted that spiritual intelligence is enhanced by spiritual experiences (King, 2008; Noble, 2000; Vaughn, 2002). Furthermore, having a higher degree of spiritual intelligence allows for more spiritual experiences. Thus, the development of spiritual intelligence operates in a feedback loop (King, 2008).
Substantial data have demonstrated the adaptive nature of spirituality in improving the outcomes for individuals in a myriad of adverse life events, including cancer (e.g., Visser et al., 2010) and substance abuse (e.g., Blakey, 2016). This has also been found to be true for ethnic and immigrant communities, including refugees, who are coping with adjusting after change and loss (Benson et al., 2011; (Bursztein et al., 2017; Clarke, 2009; Kamya, 2000). Spiritual intelligence is also considered to promote adaptive problem-solving. King and DeCicco (2009) state that spiritual intelligence may prove to be highly adaptive during times of great adversity, including moments of existential crises when life seems meaningless due to trauma, loss, isolation, or death. In the case of refugees, spiritual intelligence may prove useful as a coping mechanism for dealing with trauma after resettlement. For instance, when faced with life challenges, existential contemplation, constructing new meaning, and increased awareness of one’s transcendent self may aid in finding meaning and making sense of past and present adversities.
Rationale (gap)
Refugees’ experiences expose them to an array of stressors that threaten their psychological well-being. Studies show that the adverse effects of trauma can persist many years after resettlement, subsequently, hindering successful adjustment to a new life and impacting the ability to achieve psychological wellness (Goodkind, 2006; Kirmayer et al, 2011; Young & Chan, 2015). Poor adjustment has been found to intensify psychological problems in refugees, leading to high rates of suicide, behavioral problems, substance abuse, and psychological pathologies.
Aiding people with such varied and complex levels of trauma, require a multi-faceted treatment program (Williams & Thompson, 2011). Notwithstanding, current refugee research tends to focus on deficit experiences and attendant clinical symptoms (Williams & Thompson, 2011) rather than on personal strengths that facilitate adjustment. Additionally, studies found a lack of culturally appropriate psychological services for socially marginalized groups, such as refugees (Goodkind, 2006; Murray et al, 2010). Hence, there is a need for research that investigates strength-based approaches to the overall well-being in refugees.
Although empirical data have found links between psychological well-being and spiritual intelligence, as of date, no such research has examined these variables in refugee populations. It is argued that the adaptive nature of spiritual intelligence may prove to be useful in helping refugees to overcome trauma and improve their psychological well-being.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
This study’s primary purpose was to explore if refugees’ use of spiritual acuity is related to their ability to cope with past and present trauma and achieve psychological well-being. The primary research question and hypothesis which guides this study are:
RQ. Is there a relationship between spiritual intelligence (SI) and psychological well-being (PWB) among refugees living in the United States?
H0: There is not a statistically significant relationship between spiritual intelligence
and psychological well-being in refugees in the United States.
HA: There is a statistically significant relationship between spiritual intelligence and psychological well-being in refugees in the United States.
Study Design
This quantitative correlational study is aimed at identifying the relationship between spiritual intelligence and psychological well-being in refugees resettled in the United States. The Spiritual Intelligence Self-Report Inventory (SISRI-24; King, 2008), and the Scale of Psychological Well-Being (SPWB: Ryff,1989) will be administered in an online format to investigate this relationship.
Significance of the Study
Understanding how spiritual intelligence influences psychological well-being in refugees is crucial for developing culturally informed interventions and services to improve their quality of life. Research shows that the current method of providing healthcare to refugees and other immigrants is limited (Goodkind, 2006). Language barriers, different cultural beliefs, fear of stigma, hesitancy to seek psychological care outside their social networks, and poverty hinders access to these vital services (Goodkind, 2006).
This study has the potential of providing information that will help mental health professionals, social workers, and refugee service workers better understand how refugees’ personal strengths and spiritual resources may assist them during the acculturation period, and beyond. Consequently, these professionals will have the knowledge to construct more appropriate interventions and services for multicultural populations. Furthermore, the intention of this study was to contribute to the existing literature on refugees’ resilience.
References
Here you would list your references