week 1 discussion 1
Collaboration with Families and Communities
Francis Wardle, Ph.D.
Red Rocks Community College and University of Phoenix
Francis Wardle
Collaboration with Families and Communities
Bridgepoint Education, Inc.
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Chapter 1 Family-Centered Early Care and Education 1
Chapter 2 Attachment: Programs and Families Working Together 25
Chapter 3 Developing Autonomy 51
Chapter 4 Supporting Initiative in Children 79
Chapter 5 The Family’s Culture 107
Chapter 6 Approaches to Family-Program Collaboration 139
Chapter 7 Discipline and Guidance 173
Chapter 8 Problem Solving 211
Chapter 9 Feelings and Self-Esteem 239
Chapter 10 Stress and Family Resilience 273
Glossary 305
References 318
Brief Contents
Contents
About the Author xviii
Acknowledgments xix
Chapter 1 Family-Centered Early Care and Education 1
Introduction 2
1.1 Why a Family-Centered Approach 3
1.2 Contexts and Stages 5
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory 6
Microsystem 7
Mesosystem 8
Exosystem 8
Macrosystem 9
Chronosystem 10
Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory 10
Trust Versus Mistrust (Birth to 1 Year Old) 12
Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (1 to 3 Years Old) 13
Initiative Versus Guilt (3 to 6 Years Old) 13
1.3 Threads That Run Throughout the Book 14
Collaboration 14
Diversity 14
Exceptional Children 15
Developmental Issues 16
Gender Differences 16
Communication 18
Research 18
1.4 Use of Community Resources 19
Program-Specific Resources 20
Systematic Use of Community Resources 20
Chapter Summary 22
Key Terms 22
Contents
Chapter 2 Attachment: Programs and Families Working Together 25
Introduction 26
2.1 Attachment Theory 26
Types of Attachment 27
The Role of the Mother (and Other Caregivers) 27
The Effects of Early Attachment 28
The Child’s Temperament and Attachment 29
2.2 The Parent’s and Teacher’s Roles in Each of Erikson’s Stages 32
Trust Versus Mistrust 32
Autonomy Versus Shame/Doubt 32
Initiative Versus Guilt 32
2.3 Attachment and Cultural Diversity 33
2.4 Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs 36
Types of Early Care and Education Programs 36
Curricula 38
Program Components That Support Secure Attachment 39
The Role of Professional Caregivers 42
Collaboration Between the Program and the Family 42
2.5 Use of Community Resources to Support Attachment 45
Resources for Families 45
Early Care and Education Staff Development and Training 46
Chapter Summary 47
Key Terms 48
Chapter 3 Developing Autonomy 51
Introduction 52
3.1 Developing Autonomy 52
Developing Shame and Doubt 54
Support from Caregivers 54
Supporting Language Development 55
Contents
3.2 Discipline and Autonomy 57
3.3 Temperament and Coping with Feelings 60
Coping with Feelings 62
Survival Purpose of Emotions 63
Children’s Emotional Development 63
Identifying the Emotions of Others 64
Regulating Emotions 64
Emotional Intelligence 65
3.4 Piaget’s Sensorimotor Stage and Preoperational Stage 65
Sensorimotor Stage 65
Preoperational Stage 67
Stranger Anxiety and Separation Anxiety 67
Stranger Anxiety 68
Separation Anxiety 68
Responding to Stranger and Separation Anxiety 69
3.5 Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program 70
Training and Supporting Caregivers 71
Supporting Autonomy and the Regulation of Feelings in the Center 72
Communicating with Parents about Autonomy and Emotions 72
3.6 Resources for Families and Programs Working with Young Children and Their Families 74
National and International Resources 74
Local Resources 75
Chapter Summary 76
Key Terms 77
Chapter 4 Supporting Initiative in Children 79
Introduction 80
4.1 Supporting the Child’s Development of Initiative 81
Characteristics of Children Who Have Developed Initiative 83
Contents
4.2 Initiative and Play 84
Characteristics of Play 85
Piaget’s Cognitive Play Stages 86
Social Play Stages 87
The Play Matrix 88
Fantasy Play and Initiative 88
4.3 Initiative and Aggression 89
Adults Helping Children with Aggression 90
Exposure to TV and Other Media Teaches Aggression 91
4.4 Brain-Based Learning and Initiative 92
Brain-Based Learning and the Media 94
4.5 Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment 94
Curricular Approaches That Empower Children to Develop Initiative 95
Provide Indoor Environments That Support Initiative 96
Provide Outdoor Environments That Support Initiative 96
Overall Design of the Playground 96
4.6 Use of the Community to Support Initiative 99
Museums 99
Learning About Nature 100
City Parks and Playgrounds 101
Libraries and Bookstores 101
Conclusion 102
Chapter Summary 102
Key Terms 104
Chapter 5 The Family’s Culture 107
Introduction 108
5.1 The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism 108
Cultural Pluralism 109
Cultural Pluralism and Early Care and Education Programs 110
Contents
5.2 Culture 111
Cultural Contexts of Individuals 112
5.3 Various Cultural Contexts of Children 112
Immigrant Status 113
Income Status 113
Religious Status 114
Race and Ethnicity 115
Language 115
Gender 116
Family Structure 117
5.4 Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program 118
Start with the Child 118
Let the Child and the Child’s Family Inform You 119
View the Whole Child 119
Avoid Imposing Your Views 120
5.5 Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture 122
Independence 122
Interdependence 123
From Cultural Dichotomies to Cultural Complexities 124
Sleeping Arrangements 124
Contexts of Early Care and Education Programs 125
5.6 Conflicts Between Parents’ Values and Program Practices 126
Dialoguing 127
The RERUN Problem-Solving Process 127
5.7 The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model 128
Race/Ethnicity 130
Culture 130
Gender 131
Ability/Disability 131
Community 131
Contents
Family 132
Socioeconomic Status 132
Chapter Summary 134
Key Terms 135
Chapter 6 Approaches to Family-Program Collaboration 139
Introduction 140
6.1 Theoretical Models and Research 140
Policies and Programs That Increase Partnerships Between Families and Early Care and Education Programs 141
Theoretical Models 143
6.2 Family Systems Theory 143
Boundaries 144
Roles 145
Rules 145
Hierarchy 146
Climate 146
Equilibrium 147
6.3 Project Head Start 147
Head Start’s Approach to Parent Partnerships 148
Creating Community Partnerships 149
Kindergarten Transition 149
Parental Input into Plans 150
6.4 Ecological Systems Theory Approach 151
Basic Family Functions 152
Quality Early Care and Education 154
6.5 Frameworks for School, Family, and Community Partnerships 155
Joyce Epstein’s Framework 156
6.6 National Parent Teacher Association’s National Standards 158
Contents
6.7 The Challenge of Partnerships with Families 161
Cross-Cultural Communication Skills 161
Six Areas of Nonverbal Communication 162
Family Strengths and Challenges 163
Getting Parents Involved 163
Specific Challenges in Working with Diverse Families 164
Three Specific Activities to Use with Low-income Families 165
Building Respectful Relationships 165
Engaging Families in Supporting Learning at Home 166
Creating Cultural Memoirs 166
6.8 Working with Fathers 167
Chapter Summary 168
Key Terms 170
Chapter 7 Discipline and Guidance 173
Introduction 174
7.1 Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation 175
Brain Development 175
Achieving Self-Control and Self-Regulation 175
Executive Functioning 176
Effortful Control Skills 176
Emotional Regulation 176
Why Young Children Struggle to Behave Appropriately 177
7.2 Adult Expectations of Young Children 178
Health and Safety 178
Learning 179
Social and Cultural Expectations 180
Adult Convenience and Practicality 181
7.3 Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children 183
Rewards/Reinforcements 183
Extrinsic Reinforcement 184
Intrinsic Reinforcements 184
Contents
Negative Reinforcement 184
Punishment 185
Problems with the Use of Punishment to Modify Children’s Behavior 185
Natural and Logical Consequences 186
Natural Consequences 186
Logical Consequences 186
Unrelated Consequences 187
Response Cost 187
Verbal Reprimands 187
Time Out 187
Modeling 188
7.4 Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance 192
The Program’s Approach to Discipline and Guidance 193
Consistency, Developmental Delays, and Diversity 193
7.5 Moral Reasoning 194
Stage 0: Egocentric Reasoning (Preschool, ages 3–4) 196
Stage 1: Unquestioning Obedience (Kindergarten, ages 5–6) 196
7.6 Exceptional Children 197
Causes 198
Identifying and Serving Children with Developmental Delays 198
Approaches to Working with Children with Developmental Delays 199
Use of Community Resources 200
Learning in an Inclusive Community 200
Gifted and Talented Children 201
Characteristics and Behaviors of Gifted and Talented Children 202
Meeting the Needs of Gifted and Talented Preschoolers 202
Focus on the Whole Child 204
Affective Needs of Gifted/Talented Preschoolers 204
Twice Exceptional Young Children 205
Chapter Summary 206
Key Terms 207
Contents
Chapter 8 Problem Solving 211
Introduction 212
8.1 Problem Solving with Adults 212
Feelings 213
Cultural Aspects to Feelings 214
8.2 Parenting Styles 214
Authoritarian Parenting Style 215
Permissive Parenting Style 216
Authoritative Parenting Style 217
Uninvolved/Neglectful Parenting Style 217
Cultural Variations in Parenting Styles 217
Temperament and Parenting Styles 218
8.3 Working with Families to Problem Solve 219
Positive Relationships Between Families and the Program 220
Causes of Conflict 221
Quality Indicators 222
8.4 Effective Relationships Between Program Staff 222
The Director Sets the Tone for Problem Solving 224
Making Decisions within the Program 226
Improving Program Quality 228
8.5 Children and Problem Solving 228
Feelings 229
Young Children and Reasoning 230
Encouraging Problem Solving in Children 231
Use of the RERUN Process with Children 234
Chapter Summary 235
Key Terms 236
Contents
Chapter 9 Feelings and Self-Esteem 239
Introduction 240
9.1 Building a Positive Self-Image 240
Brain Development 242
Developing Positive Self-Esteem 243
Love and Acceptance 243
Power and Control 246
Moral Value 247
Competence 248
9.2 Self-Efficacy 249
The Impact of Self-Efficacy on Children’s Behavior and Learning 250
Self-Efficacy and Gender 251
Self-Efficacy in Adults 252
Developing High Self-Efficacy 252
Previous Successes and Failures 252
Messages From Others 253
Successes and Failures of Others 253
Successes and Failures of a Group 253
Self-Efficacy and Working with Young Children 254
9.3 Social Competence 257
Components of Social Competence 257
Connection Between Social Competence, Self-Esteem, and Self-Efficacy 258
Principles and Practices That Enhance Social Competence 259
Respect Children’s Feelings 259
Social Competence is Culturally Defined 260
Social Behaviors Develop in Cycles 260
Direct Communication Increases Adult Effectiveness 261
Relationships Should Focus on Content 261
Optimal Teacher Intervention is Required 261
Adult Expectations Are Powerful 262
Teachers’ Interactions Model Social Competence 262
Fostering Social Knowledge and Understanding, Strengthening Interactive
Contents
Skills, and Social Skills Training 262
Fostering Social Knowledge and Understanding 262
Strengthening Interactive Skills 263
Providing Social Skills Training 265
9.4 Affirmations 265
Children’s Responses to Attention 267
Providing Positive Affirmations 269
Chapter Summary 269
Key Terms 270
Chapter 10 Stress and Family Resilience 273
10.1 Family Stress and Resiliency 274
Family Structures 274
Family Functions 275
Traits of Resilient Families 277
The Circumplex Model of Family Adaptability and Cohesion 278
Family Cohesion 278
Family Flexibility 278
Family Communication 279
Combining Cohesion, Flexibility, and Communication 279
Independence and Interdependence 280
Boundaries 280
Self-Esteem 280
Communication 280
Protection and Connection 281
Rules 281
10.2 Resilient Children and Children Who Struggle 281
Developing Resilient Children 282
Support Children and Families 283
Teach Children Self-Efficacy 283
Teach Problem Solving 283
Give Children Responsibilities 283
Contents
Provide Positive Role Models 284
Be Super-Sensitive to the Child Who Struggles 284
Children Who Struggle 284
10.3 Six Family Scenarios 287
Aasiya’s Family 287
What the Program and Family Can Do 288
Maia’s Family 288
What the Program and Family Can Do 289
Ephram’s Family 289
What the Program and Family Can Do 290
Jesus’ Family 290
What the Program and Family Can Do 291
Ester’s Family 291
What the Program and Family Can Do 292
Sarah’s Family 292
What the Program and Family Can Do 293
Common Issues for All Families 293
10.4 How Early Care and Education Programs Address Family Stress 293
Targeted Programs 294
Direct Services 295
Accessing Services within a Network 295
Resource Referral 295
Transition to K-12 Schools 295
Advocacy 296
10.5 Quality Efforts Designed to Make Sure Programs Support Families 296
Environment Rating Scales 297
Program Accreditation 298
Standards of Accreditation 299
NAEYC Accreditation Indicators 299
Accreditation Procedure 300
Contents Chapter
Program-Specific Evaluations 300
Performance Standards 300
PRISM Evaluation System 301
Families and Program Quality 301
Chapter Summary 302
Key Terms 303
Glossary 305
References 318
About the Author Chapter
Dr. Francis Wardle
Dr. Francis Wardle received his Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction/Human Development from the University of Kansas and currently teaches for Red Rocks Community College and the University of Phoenix in the School of Advanced Studies. Dr. Wardle writes for a variety of national and international publications and has served as a Head Start volunteer, educa- tion manager, director, and federal program reviewer. He was the national director of train- ing and resource development for Children’s World Learning Centers.
Dr. Wardle first became involved with young children when he worked at a local kin- dergarten for his high school community service. Since then, he has designed and built playgrounds for early childhood programs in the United States and Brazil, consulted on playground design and safety for Head Start programs across the nation, helped design and manufacture wooden toys, and taught young children in Taos, New Mexico; Kansas City, Missouri; Farmington, Pennsylvania; and Denver, Colorado.
As a member of Partners of the Americas, Dr. Wardle has visited Brazil on numerous occasions since 1997 to study its early care and education system, learn about its unique approach to race and multiracial identity, and present at local conferences and universities.
Dr. Wardle also enjoys hiking, gardening, photography, travel, and spending time with his two grandchildren.
About the Author
Acknowledgments Chapter
I would like to acknowledge the people who made significant contributions to the devel- opment of this text. A special thanks to Anna Lustig, sponsoring editor, Jude Berman and Rebecca Paynter, development editors, Jessica Sarra, assistant editor, Lauren LePera, editorial assistant, Emma Hammack, editorial team assistant, and Nicole Flewellen, editorial intern.
I would also like to thank the following peer reviewers for their feedback and helpful guidance:
Jessica Acton, Ashford University
Patti Brock, Ashford University
Mary Jane Eisenhauer, Purdue University-North Central
Jaesook L. Gilbert, Northern Kentucky University
Julie Hacker, Ashford University
Sandraluz Lara-Cinisomo, University of North Carolina-Charlotte
Brandy O’Leary, Ashford University
Julie A. Poehlmann, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Melanie Rodriguez, Ashford University
Ann Zucker, Ashford University
My students in various child development classes at Red Rocks Community College also deserve special thanks, as they were required to listen to all of the new information I discov- ered in doing my research for this book and consider the new ideas this information stimu- lated in me. I am sure they sometimes wished that we would just stick to the text!
Finally, I would like to acknowledge my wife, Ruth, for putting up with me while I always seemed to have my head in a book or my fingers on the keyboard, and a special thanks to my children and darling grandchildren, who provide the inspiration for all of my writing.
Acknowledgments
In memory of Daria (Dasha) Marie Pohl, a spirited, joyful and happy young lady who was taken from us too soon. Dasha lived her life to the fullest, and her love for everyone she knew was boundless. The lives of her friends and family will be for- ever changed for having known her.
Dedication
Family-Centered Early Care and Education
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Define family-centered early care and education.
▸▸ Examine Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
▸▸ Explain the first three stages of Erikson’s psychosocial theory.
▸▸ Recognize the value of a family-centered program for families, children, and teachers.
▸▸ Discuss how early care and education programs can become resource centers for families and the community.
▸▸ Identify ways programs can advocate for the families they serve.
▸▸ Explain the importance of two-way communication between families and the early childhood program.
1
©iStockphoto/Thinkstock
Introduction Chapter 1
Introduction Family-centered early care and education is a holistic approach to working with children and their families. In traditional approaches to K-12 education, the focus has been on the child and ways to teach young children. Future teachers and caregivers learn about child develop- ment, how children learn, and the health and safety of the child. More recently, the focus in early childhood has shifted to include the family and the child within the family. A family- centered approach to early care and education fully articulates this view by locating the study of the young child within the context of the family, community, and early care and education program. This contextual view dominates this book. Contexts in which children grow and develop include the family’s structure, culture, race and ethnicity, immigration status, lan- guage, and socioeconomic level. Further contexts include the community and the early care and education program used by the family. Thus, the program becomes far more than simply a place where the child is cared for during the day; it becomes the connection between the child, family, and community.
Throughout this book, we discuss ways the family, early childhood program, and community can work collaboratively to maximize the child’s development and learning. We discuss how successful families meet the needs of their children and how quality early childhood programs can both support children’s development and help families understand their children’s unique needs. Finally, we explore the community resources available to support children and their families as the child develops, learns, and grows.
To help the student understand the critical nature of the relationships between the child, family, community, and early care and education program, several developmental theories are used as an overall framework, including Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory. Other theories, such as those developed by Maslow, Piaget, Vygotsky, Gardner, Montessori, and Rogers, are used throughout the text to provide addi- tional theoretical analysis and insight.
The family-centered approach was developed out of models for parent education and par- ent involvement, which are still prevalent in mainstream early care and education programs. In these programs, parent education serves to assist parents in raising and educating their chil- dren. Teachers are the experts, and parents are expected to learn from these experts. Parent involvement is an approach that uses parents to help implement the program’s philosophy and to help teachers implement activities in the classroom—volunteering in the classroom and on field trips, collecting resources, arranging for classroom visitors, and so on (Keyser, 2006). In both parent education and parent involvement models, parents have no direct input into running the program.
Although components of parent education and parent involvement are present in a family- centered approach to early care and education, the latter is characterized by five principles, used by parents, teachers, and other program staff alike:
• Recognizing and respecting one another’s knowledge and expertise
• Sharing information through two-way communication
• Sharing power and decision-making
• Acknowledging and respecting diversity
• Creating networks of support (Keyser, 2006, p. 13)
Why a Family-Centered Approach Chapter 1
A family-centered approach recognizes that all chil- dren develop, grow, and learn within the context of a family, and therefore early childhood programs must serve whole families. In practical terms, early child- hood programs develop partnerships with families to share power and expertise. Collaboration is the key. Furthermore, parents and families provide a unique environment in which the child develops and learns. Early care and education programs must develop strong partnerships in which these unique elements are respected and cultural continuity is developed between the program and family. Cultural continuity is the consistency between behaviors, expectations, and discipline practiced at home and those prac- ticed in the early care and education program. Both parents and early childhood programs bring to this partnership their own set of special strengths, skills, and perspectives. As a result of this equal partner- ship, early childhood programs, children, and fami- lies grow, learn, and ultimately benefit.
1.1 Why a Family-Centered Approach Traditionally, schools throughout the world have been institutions in which teachers, social workers, and educational specialists are considered the sole source of knowledge, informa- tion, and expertise, and parents are expected to support and implement the advice of these experts. Until recently, in contrast with schools, early childhood care and education programs followed a parent-oriented approach in which parents assumed a more active role. Families got together to care for each other’s children; sometimes the older women in a community cared for the young children, and mothers rotated care in mother’s-day-out programs. One example of high-quality family-oriented child care in the United States can be found in the Kaiser Shipyards during WWII, where mothers worked in factories building ships. These pro- grams provided family medical care and even meals for mothers to take home after their shift in the factory (Hurwitz, 1998). However, over the years, many early childhood programs became more like schools, expecting parents to listen passively to their advice and to help implement their programs (Keyser, 2006).
The development of a family-centered early care and education approach can be traced to the federal early childhood program Head Start. Formed in 1965 as part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty, Head Start was developed as a comprehensive pro- gram for low-income families with preschool-age children, with a focus on parent involve- ment and community collaboration (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2012). The architects of Head Start recognized the need to work in an equal partnership with families of low-income children (Greenberg, 1969). To this end, the program was designed with very specific roles and responsibilities for parents. Program Performance Standards outline overall standards to be met in each component area. These are critical quality indicators used to ensure the program meets the unique needs of the communities
© Hemera/Thinkstock
▲ In the past, society has considered educators the sole figures responsible for children’s learning. That notion is shifting, however, to include parents and families more in their children’s education.
Why a Family-Centered Approach Chapter 1
and families the program serves. Component areas that must meet these performance standards include specific requirements for parent activities, such as opportunities for par- ents to follow a career path to become teachers in the local program. Additionally, all local Head Start programs have a governing body, known as a policy council, which must include parents. This body has direct responsibilities in a variety of areas, including approval of hir- ing and firing of all staff, budget and program component approval, and overall program evaluation (HHS, 2012).
The design of local Head Start programs led more and more early childhood programs to con- sider a shared approach to power and control. Other early childhood models (such as Waldorf, Montessori, Reggio Emilia, and local community-based programs) practice different degrees of the family-centered approach, depending on their unique philosophy, history, and owner- ship. With a family-centered approach, children, families, and professionals gain:
• Enriched communication
• Shared power and decision making
• Supportive relationships
• A network of mutual support
• Consistent behavioral expectations for the child
• Cultural continuity between the home and the program
The increased diversity of families served by early childhood programs also requires an approach that is collaborative and open. Families from around the world, and from diverse cultural, linguistic, racial, and ethnic groups within the United States, attend many of these programs. They bring different views regarding discipline, child-rearing approaches, food, gender identity, play, educational expectations, and so on. A family-centered approach enables programs to learn from par- ents about the various ways they raise their children, and it helps the program share differ- ent ideas with families. Furthermore, through collaboration, continuity of care can be pro- vided between the program and the family. Children are more secure, have more positive identities, and are less confused when there is consistency between what is expected and taught at home, and what is expected and taught in the early care and education pro- gram (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). As we will dis-
cuss throughout the book, providing continuity of care between the home and the program is particularly challenging when cultural differences are the greatest (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2010). (For more on this, see Spotlight: Family-Early Childhood Program-Community Partnerships.)
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
▲ Family-centered programs ensure continuity between a child’s education both at school and at home. This consis- tency between the two environments helps to eliminate confusion for the child.
Contexts and Stages Chapter 1
1.2 Contexts and Stages Many theories have been advanced over the years to explain children’s learning, development, emotional growth, and social interactions. Two theories are used throughout this book to help us understand the importance of examining the critical relationships between the child, family, community, and early care and education program. Theoretical frameworks help us “see the big picture” and provide us with a conceptual framework that guides our under- standing of growth and development. Rather than simply describing individual behaviors and milestones—such as a child learning to talk, or a child’s fear of monsters—theories place growth, development, and learning within a much larger perspective. Theoretical frameworks then help us study this plan or framework while keeping our focus on the big picture: the relationship of the family, community, and early childhood program to the growth, develop- ment, and learning of the child.
S P O T L I G H T:
Family-Early Childhood Program- Community Partnerships
Joyce Epstein, professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins University and director of the Center on School, Family, and Community Partnerships, has developed a framework of six types of involve- ment to guide the development of parent partnerships in family-centered early childhood programs (2009). This framework is further discussed in Chapter 6. The six types of involvement are:
1. Parenting. Offer families assistance with parenting and child-rearing skills, in understand- ing child development, and in setting home conditions that support children as students. Early childhood directors and managers should also assist teachers and caregivers in understanding families.
2. Communicating. Keep families up-to-date on early childhood programs and individual stu- dents’ progress through effective program-to-home and home-to-school communications.
3. Volunteering. Support children and early childhood programs, improve outreach, training, and schedules to involve families as volunteers and improve family attendance at events at the pro- gram and in other accessible community locations.
4. Learning and Development at Home. Offer suggestions and techniques to involve families in parenting and learning activities with their children at home and in the community.
5. Decision Making. Include families as participants in program decisions, governance, parent advisory groups, and advocacy through policy councils, governing boards, committees, and other parent organizations.
6. Collaborating with the Community. Coordinate resources and services for families, children, and the early childhood program with businesses, agencies, and other groups. Also provide ser- vices to the community. For example, children might entertain senior citizens, plant flowers to beautify a park, or donate vegetables from their garden to a homeless shelter.
In achieving child development and learning outcomes, children do better whenever teachers, fami- lies, and the community all work together.
Contexts and Stages Chapter 1
Both the Bronfenbrenner ecological systems theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory are comprehensive and widely applied (McAdams & Pals, 2006). Bronfenbrenner (1979) describes the various overlapping and interacting environments that affect a child’s growth and devel- opment, including the family, community, and early childhood program. It also describes the relationship between these contexts and how they need to align to meet the needs of the child most effectively.
Erikson’s (1963, 1980) psychosocial theory is a stage theory, beginning at birth. It describes each stage and the major psychosocial tasks to be achieved at each stage. The theory is used as one of the frameworks of this book because it focuses on the child’s interactions with significant adults and the surrounding culture and describes the processes needed for young children to develop a social and psychological foundation for a secure sense of self. This in turn provides the child with the foundation to learn, grow, and succeed in school.
A variety of other well-known developmental, behavioral, and learning theories are embed- ded at various points in this book. These include the first two stages of Piaget’s developmen- tal theory, Vygotsky’s theory describing the influence of language and social interaction on learning, and the application of Skinner’s theory of operant conditioning on discipline meth- ods and behavior. Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Gardner’s eight intelligences, and various other theoretical perspectives on culture and learning are studied as well. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory provide the overall framework for the text. Let’s look at each of these theoretical frameworks in greater detail.
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory
Urie Bronfenbrenner was one of the architects of Head Start, and he deeply understood the power of various contextual influences on the development and education of young chil- dren. An immigrant to the United States from Russia, Bronfenbrenner developed a theoretical system in which the child is placed in the center, surrounded by concentric rings. He called
this an ecological systems theory or bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).
As humans develop, they must continually adapt to change on both a personal and a social level. Human ecology involves the biological, social, psychological, and cultural contexts in which a developing child interacts and grows over time. Children are socialized and sup- ported by their families, schools, and communities. These agents nurture children’s development as they progress toward adulthood. However, the relationship between the child and these contexts is reciprocal and dynamic—the child affects the contexts as much as they affect the child, and these reciprocal, dynamic relationships become more complex over time (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). The concentric rings in the model display the critical ecological con- texts in which the child grows, develops, and learns. These con- texts, from the family and early childhood program, to the media and the nation in which the child lives, have a profound impact on the child’s development.
The level of impact that each of these contexts has on the child depends on what Bronfenbrenner and Ceci (1994) call proximal processes. Proximal processes are the interactions between the
© ASSOCIATED PRESS/AP Images
▲ Bronfenbrenner, pictured here, developed a framework that claimed that as children developed into adulthood, they were sup- ported by their families, schools, and communities.
Contexts and Stages Chapter 1
child and the environment, by which the child’s potential (determined through genetics) is actualized through various effective psychological functions. The bioecological model sug- gests that if these proximal processes are weak, the child’s potential will remain relatively unrealized, while they will become more actualized when these proximal processes increase. According to Bronfenbrenner and Ceci, factors that determine the effectiveness of the proxi- mal process are, “the proximal processes, their stability over time, the environmental contexts in which they take place, the characteristics of the person’s involvement, and the nature of the developmental outcomes under consideration” (1994, p. 569). Central to this concept is the view that a child’s potential is a result of the child’s genetic inheritance interacting with environmental experiences to determine developmental outcomes, because genetics do not automatically produce finished traits. And central to this interaction is the influence of the child on the environment and on the nature of the experience and the strength of the proxi- mal process. We call this two-way interaction a bidirectional interaction.
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998) theory breaks these contex- tual influences into four overall structures, or systems, all of which are surrounded by an over- riding fifth structure or concept, the chronosystem: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem (see Figure 1.1).
A brief description is provided for each of these structures. Throughout the rest of the text, this model is used to help us analyze and understand the critical interrelationships between the child, family, community, and early childhood program, and how each of these factors not only affect each other, but also must ultimately work together to maximize the full potential of the child (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).
Microsystem
The activities and relationships a child has with significant others in small settings, such as the family, early childhood program, peer group, and the child’s immediate community, make
T
he individual
Age Sex
Health
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Family School
Neighborhood Health
services
Religious and group affiliations
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Exosystem Social w
elfa
re
services
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ol fu nding
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ass media
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ie ta
l b el
ie fs
C ultural context
Attitu des and ideologies of the culture
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Chronosystem Historical events that have a comprehensive effect on the other systems
Figure 1.1: Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory of Development
According to Bronfenbrenner, a child’s growth, development, and learning occur within and are greatly influenced by sev- eral ecological contexts.
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up what is called the microsystem. The microsystem includes all of the critical components analyzed in this text—the child, family, community, and early childhood program. These com- ponents have a direct impact on the child, as the child does on them. For example, all of the elements of a family, including parents, other siblings, and extended family members, affect the child. If a child has a father who takes his child to a local train museum, visits miniature train displays, and as he gets older takes him on a ride on an historic steam train, chances are that the child will learn to love trains and certainly will know more about trains than most other young children will. (See Personal Stories: Developing Self-Esteem for another example.)
P E R S O N A L S T O R I E S :
Developing Self-Esteem
I have a 4-year-old granddaughter, Elly. While her immediate family of father, mother, and baby brother have a direct impact on her life, so do my wife and I. Her family visits us every Sunday for brunch, and on these days she often helps me harvest my beans, tomatoes, carrots, and corn. On one such Sunday, as we sowed carrot seeds together in the garden, she said to me, “Grandpa, how can you do all this work by yourself?” By her tone and expression, I understood that what she really meant was, “How can you do everything without my help?!” In gardening with her grand- father, Elly learned about growing and harvesting plants, and she developed a close and secure relationship with me. She also gained a sense of importance and positive self-esteem, because she helped plant the seeds, care for the plants, and harvest them. The activities a young child engages in beyond the child’s immediate family can have a profound impact on the child’s development and self-image.
Mesosystem
The linkages and interrelationships between two or more of the microsystems, such as the family and early childhood program, early childhood program and community, or the family and the child’s peers, is called the mesosystem. The stronger, more supportive, and more frequent these linkages, the greater their positive impact on the growth and development of the child. Good early childhood-family relationships are an example of this concept, as are good relationships between the child’s immediate family and extended family. For example, if an immigrant child from Somalia attends a child care center where some of the teachers are also Somali, a close relationship between his culture, religion, and language can provide the child with a sense of comfort and security.
In fact, the mesosystem’s structure of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory is at the heart of a family-centered early childhood program. It recognizes that, while the family is central to the development and learning of the child, and a quality early childhood program is essential for preparing the child for a successful school experience, the linkages between the family and early childhood program enhance and affect both of these important outcomes.
Exosystem
Contexts that a child does not have direct, physical contact with, but that nonetheless have a profound impact on the child, are known as the exosystem. Exosystems include the par- ents’ work environments; city and community governing boards; local school district boards of education; disability councils; community health care centers; Women, Infants and Children
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(WIC) offices; Indian centers; and federal/state governing boards of various agencies, such as child care licensing offices and early childhood certification programs. The impact of the exosystem on the child is dependent upon the way the exosystem directly influences each of the microsystems (i.e., early childhood programs, family, and community). For example, if the community in which a family lives (exosystem) decides to sponsor a local Head Start program (microsystem), this will have a positive result on the family’s 4-year-old child, along with the whole family. A city- or school-sponsored preschool for low-income children would have a similar effect, as would quality employee child care where one of the parents works and affordable health insurance for the family.
A powerful component of the exosystem is the media. The media (and particularly television) surrounds most young children. Not only do young children see sex and violence beyond their developmental age, but they are also exposed to commercials to buy unhealthy food and items they do not need. The media is a very strong influence on young children, affecting their cognitive, linguistic, and social development (Elkind, 2007; Wright et al., 2001). While parents can control what their children watch on TV, many do not; further, many young children have TVs in their own rooms. The actual content of TV programs, including children’s programs, is out of the parents’ control. On average, young American children spend 3 to 5 hours a day watching TV, often with little parental monitoring. And young children from low socioeconomic backgrounds spend even more time watching TV than do children from better-educated and higher-income families (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2005; Roberts & Froeh, 2004).
Macrosystem
A society and the subcultures within that society—the values, belief systems, lifestyles, and patterns of social interaction and family styles—are called the macrosys- tem. Examples in the United States include the overall U.S. culture and U.S. national identity, racial and ethnic group, religious affiliation, geographic location—rural, urban, or suburban—and low, middle-, or upper-income socioeconomic status. These are the overall contexts that affect a person’s worldview and perspective. For exam- ple, a child who grows up in São Paulo, Brazil, a huge city in a country that is deeply embedded geographically, economically, religiously, and culturally within South America, has a very different experience than a young child raised in New York City does. The influences of these factors are transmitted unconsciously, and they affect per- sonal space, time, interpersonal relationships, how we raise children, and our expectations of our children (Hall, 1976, 1983). All aspects of a child’s life and social experiences are affected one way or another by the macrosystem.
Many of these macrosystems’ cultural patterns affect communication. Differences in com- munication can result in conflict between people from different cultural, national, religious, racial, and ethnic backgrounds. This, in turn, can become a deterrent to collaboration between parents, teachers, and program administrators, particularly in a program run primarily by a
© Photodisc/Thinkstock
▲ Young American children watch, on aver- age, 3 to 5 hours of television per day. Even content created specifically for young chil- dren can negatively affect their development.
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white, middle-class staff that serves par- ents who are low income and/or non-white (Neugebauer, 2008). Finally, because the early childhood field is an overwhelmingly female culture (97% of teachers and care- givers are women), fathers and men in extended families often struggle to work collaboratively with their children’s early childhood programs (Wardle, 2007).
Chronosystem
A change in the individual child due to the passage of time (i.e., development) and changes in all of the other structures also due to the passage of time is called the chronosystem. An example of the chro- nosystem is the tremendous influence of brain development on the language acqui-
sition and emotional regulation of the individual child (Schiller, 2010). Many developmental changes have a profound impact on a child’s growth and learning, such as toilet training, learning to speak, and being able to walk. For example, once a child has learned to talk, the child’s interest in labeling objects, reading simple words, and asking many questions greatly expands. Reciprocally, all of these developmental changes affect the various contexts in which children live and develop. For example, safety concerns become much more critical once a child has learned to walk because the child can now find the electrical outlets, walk to the entrance of the steps, and discover the sharp knives in the dishwasher. An example of change due to the passage of time is the fact that while parents’ primary concern about their child’s welfare a century ago might have been death due to a childhood illness, modern-day concerns about the child’s safety are more likely to relate to accidents, such as drowning or car accidents.
Significant historical events are another example of the chronosystem, and they can have both positive and negative influences on the lives of young children. The creation of Head Start in 1965 had a positive impact on thousands of low-income children throughout the United States. Many believe the federal law No Child Left Behind, directly affecting K-12 education, had a negative impact on young children as inappropriate academic outcomes were pushed down into the early childhood curriculum (Kagan, Carroll, Comer, & Scott-Little, 2006).
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory will be used to frame many of our discussions as we examine and analyze the interrelatedness of the critical contexts that affect the care and development of children, infants to age 5 years old.
Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory
The second framework is a lifespan theory of eight stages that was developed by Erik Erikson (1963, 1980), a psychologist who grew up in Europe and then worked in the United States after World War II. The first three stages cover the ages of infancy to 6 years old. Erikson’s stages describe the tasks children—and later adults—should achieve at a certain age and the behaviors and emotions they will experience if these tasks are not achieved: He called this a
©Stockbyte/Thinkstock
▲ Differences in cultural and ethnic backgrounds can be a deterrent to effective communication and collaboration between families and educators.
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psychosocial theory. According to Erikson, a child will achieve each of the required milestones if the child lives and grows in a supportive, responsive, caring environment. Throughout this text, we will discuss how to maximize the opportunities for children to progress through each of Erikson’s stages successfully. One way to address both the social and physical environment needed to achieve each stage is to focus on the collaboration and partnership between the family and early care and education program—to create and foster a consistent, supportive environment.
Erikson grew up between the two great wars in northern Europe. He became a disciple of Freud and later was analyzed by Freud’s daughter, Anna Freud. In 1933, Erikson came to the United States and taught at several prominent universities. He developed an eight-stage lifespan theory of psychosocial development: trust versus mistrust (age birth to 1 year old), autonomy versus shame and doubt (2 to 3 years old), initiative versus guilt (3 to 5 or 6 years old), industry versus inferiority (6 to 10 years old), identity versus role confusion (10 to 20 years old), intimacy versus isolation (early adulthood), generativity versus stag- nation (middle adulthood), and integrity versus despair (late adulthood) (Erikson, 1963, 1980).
For each stage, he described what he called a developmen- tal crisis. For example, the first stage is trust versus mis- trust. Trust is what the infant should develop; mistrust is the result of not achieving the goal (Erikson, 1963, 1980). The third stage, initiative versus guilt, is characterized by the child undertaking and planning challenging activities and being very much on the move (Erikson, 1963). However, chil- dren at this age must also learn to control their impulses and consider the wishes and feelings of others. For each stage, the secret is to balance support of the child’s natural intu- ition with the need for the child to learn how to behave in a responsible manner. According to Erikson, over-regulation and too much adult control at this stage would result in guilt. Erikson believed that resolution of these stages would even- tually lead to a healthy adult; lack of resolution would cause problems later in life. While he presented each stage as dramatic polar opposites, he believed that resolution of each stage fell somewhere in between these opposites.
In Erikson’s theory (1963), resolution of each stage is dependent upon the interactions between the individual (in our case, the child) and the social environment of the family, com- munity, culture, and early childhood program. But this resolution is not as simple as it origi- nally appears, because there is often tension between what a child needs and wants, and the social responses to those needs and wants. For example, the crisis to be met at the age 1- to 3-year-old stage is autonomy, or a sense of independent self, yet we are all aware that it is impossible (and unethical) to give a 2-year-old full autonomy.
While Erikson’s theory describes the progress of children through each of these psychosocial stages as they are affected by their social environment, later research has added another interesting element to our understanding of this progress. In 1977, Thomas and Chess con- ducted an experiment that showed that many very young children already exhibit one of three distinct personality types. The study also showed that a young child’s personality has
© Ted Streshinsky/Corbis
▲ Erikson argued that for a child to develop into a well-adjusted adult, reso- lution at the end of each of his eight developmental stages was necessary.
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a profound impact on the child’s social environment. This two-way interaction, from adult to child, and child to adult, is the same bidirectional force we discussed earlier in describing Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. For example, a child who is in Erikson’s second stage (autonomy versus shame/doubt) is continually trying to achieve his independence, which often causes safety issues and can frustrate a parent or caregiver. In turn, the parent or care- giver may overly restrict or punish the child.
Trust Versus Mistrust (Birth to 1 Year Old)
Infants need to know their basic needs will be met. When hungry, they need to know they will be fed. When they need intellectual stimulation, they need to know it will be provided, and when they need to be nurtured and soothed, they need to know this too will be provided. The notion of picking up a crying baby comes from this concept. A child cries to communicate a need, whether it is hunger, boredom, or wanting attention, and thus from an Erikson point of view, the parent or caregiver should try to meet the infant’s need. Erikson believed that when a child’s basic needs are met, the child will develop an overall trust in the world around him or her. Trust is the generalized feeling the infant develops about the world being a secure place (Erikson, 1963). In this huge world filled with billions of people, each infant is important, sig- nificant, and unique (Erikson, 1963, 1980). Conversely, a child whose basic needs are not met responsively and appropriately learns mistrust—the world really does not care, and to other people the child is unimportant and insignificant.
A lasting emotional relationship that begins to develop in infancy and serves to tie the infant to one or more people in the child’s life is called attach- ment. Attachment, as later described by Bowlby (1969, 1973) and Ainsworth (1973), while not strictly a part of Erikson’s theory, develops during Erikson’s first stage and can be seen as a component of trust. A newborn infant begins to develop a “strong emo- tional bond with a caring adult who is part of the child’s everyday life—the child attachment figure. It is usually an affectionate or loving bond; the attach- ment of a child to his mother comes immediately to mind” (Honig, 2002, p. 2). It is a two-way process— adults attach to the infant, and the infant attaches to adults. Infants and children develop this attach- ment through a “dance” between them and their parents—a sensitive, responsive give-and-take of facial expressions, emotions, and physical touch.
Babies become attached when important people in their lives are sensitive and responsive. Not only do psychologists consider attachment vital to the healthy development of the child, but research has
shown the profound positive correlation of secure attachment during the early years of life and later social competence (Coleman, 2003). Children who are secure are also less likely to have problems with cognitive development than are insecure children (Wong, Wiest, & Cusick, 2002). Furthermore, recent research in neuroscience has provided considerable evidence that
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
▲ During Erikson’s first stage, an infant forms an attachment to its adult caregiver and, simultane- ously, the caregiver forms an attachment to the infant.
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positive emotional experiences help to develop the brain. According to Caine and Caine (2006), positive emotions, including the development of a trusting relationship between a child and adult, enhance learning, while negative experiences, such as stress, inhibit brain development and learning.
Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (1 to 3 Years Old)
Erikson described autonomy versus shame and doubt as the second stage of develop- ment. Youngsters develop autonomy around the age of 2. In fact, children at this stage (some- times referred to as “the terrible twos”) are well known for demonstrating, sometimes in no uncertain terms, that they now can do things independently of their mother or caregiver. They love to push the limits and find out what they can do independently. The predominant use of the words “no” and “mine” at this age is not really the child being oppositional, but is rather a positive affirmation of the child’s newfound independence.
But, as anyone who has raised a toddler or worked with this age group knows, it is unsafe to let a toddler have autonomy. They fall down a lot (due to a large head and poor brain development), wash their hands in water that is too hot, try to grab pots off the stove, and otherwise create havoc. What to do? If parents or providers do not allow for autonomy, chil- dren will develop a sense of shame and doubt—because their inner desire is to express this newfound autonomy, but their social world continues to deny this desire. The key to avoiding the development of shame and doubt is to provide continual supervision and diligent care of toddlers, while at the same time providing them choices, activities, and a deep sense of independence. Giving toddlers acceptable choices (the toys to play with or food to eat) and allowing as much independence as possible can achieve this. Caregivers and parents working with children at this age should not get upset with little things, such as when a child puts a sweater on backwards or puts his/her shoes on the wrong feet. Praise the child for this inde- pendent accomplishment while also gently guiding the child to correct mistakes and to learn socially appropriate behaviors and interactions. It takes work and patience on the part of the adult, but these will provide the child with the foundation to move on to the next stage (Erikson, 1963).
Initiative Versus Guilt (3 to 6 Years Old)
This stage is an extension of the autonomy stage, as the child becomes increasingly indepen- dent. Erikson called this stage initiative versus guilt. Children at this age initiate, or experi- ment with and try out, all sorts of new things, including new language—both vocabulary and grammar. Some even love to invent their own words. This is one of the reasons teaching a second language is best begun at this age.
Because children 3 to 6 years old lack experience and have not developed emotional regula- tion, their desire for initiative often leads to disaster. They love to jump into water puddles, pull the dog’s tail, and approach complete strangers. The social response they receive to this natural disposition will determine whether children maintain their sense of initiative or feel guilty. If a child repeatedly is made to feel bad about his or her mistakes, that child will develop a sense of guilt that becomes part of his or her approach to life. Six-year-olds raised in tolerant and accepting environments are more likely to complete this stage successfully than are children raised in stricter and less-accepting settings. But again, a balance between the child’s desire for initiative and the need for safety and order needs to be found.
Threads That Run Throughout the Book Chapter 1
1.3 Threads That Run Throughout the Book Throughout this book, we discuss ways the early childhood program, community, and family can work collaboratively to enhance the probability that children will achieve the first three of Erikson’s eight stages. We discuss how successful families meet the needs of their children, and how quality early childhood programs can both support children’s development and help families understand their children’s unique psychosocial needs. Finally, we explore the com- munity resources available to support children as they progress through each of these stages.
The 10 chapters in this book cover a range of topics related to family-centered early care and education. While Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and the first three stages of Erikson’s psychosocial theory frame the discussions in this book, other essential concepts are embedded throughout the text. These concepts include collaboration, diversity, excep- tional children, developmental issues, gender differences, and communication. Along with Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory, these concepts provide the overall focus for this book.
Collaboration
In Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the mesosystem consists of links between the various microsystems that directly affect the child. This could be the family and community, family and early care and education program, and so on. The impact of the mesosystem on
the child depends on the number and quality of these con- nections; the more there are and the better their quality, the more positive an impact they will have on the child’s growth and development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995). Thus, the more collaboration there is between the family and the early care and education program, the better it is for the child. Family-centered early care and education programs center on reciprocal collaboration between the program and family. We will discuss a variety of ways pro- grams and families can work together, as well as directly address barriers to collaboration.
True collaboration requires respect on the part of both the program and the families it serves. It also requires the ability to resolve conflicts, along with a sincere desire to strive continually for ways to improve the development and learning of each child. Collaboration takes on added complexity when families have unique stressors, such as a child with a developmental delay, a parent who is in jail, or issues such as drugs and domestic violence.
Diversity
Throughout the book, we explore the rich diversity of the families that use early childhood programs. This diversity includes religious beliefs, national origin, fami- lies who speak a language other than English, race and ethnic diversity, family structures, and culture. Examining
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ It is important for early childhood educa- tion programs to acknowledge and nurture each child and family’s unique racial, ethnic, and cultural identities.
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diversity fits conveniently within Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical perspective. Families, communi- ties, peers, early care and education programs, school groups, and other components of a child’s microsystem reflect a vast diversity of race, ethnicity, culture, language, and religion. Neighborhoods often reflect a certain racial or ethnic group; many early childhood programs mirror the culture of their community or sponsoring agency, especially if they are a religious program or supported by a larger organization, such as a local Jewish community center. It is important to discuss the different ways the first three stages of Erikson’s psychosocial theory can be achieved and to examine the complexities of cultural patterns and behaviors involved in children’s experiences during each of these stages (Raeff, 2010). As a result of family diversity, early childhood programs are challenged to work effectively and supportively with all of their families, which requires training, carefully developed program policies, and the understand- ing and acceptance of differences. This is particularly challenging when the program staff are different from the families they serve (HHS, 2010). (See Spotlight: Four Areas of Culture for a more detailed discussion of this topic.)
We also explore how children’s complex racial, ethnic, cultural, and national identities can be nurtured and supported within the early care and education setting, as well as ways the individual family’s customs, traditions, and values can be acknowledged.
Exceptional Children
Exceptional children add an additional array of issues and challenges to a family and early care and education program. These children may have one or more developmental delays, or they may be gifted. Some exceptional children are both gifted and also have one or more dis- abilities, and these children are referred to as twice exceptional children (Allen & Cowdery, 2005). To meet the needs of their exceptional children adequately, the family must access a variety of community agencies and programs. These programs fit into Bronfenbrenner’s micro- system (community); the relationship of support and advice that each family must achieve falls within the discussion of links between various components of the microsystem. We explore
S P O T L I G H T:
Four Areas of Culture
According to Bradley & Kibera (2007), four areas should be examined to help staff address cultural differences in families and to work effectively with these families and their children.
Values and beliefs. How is family defined? What roles do adults and children play? How does the family make sense of a child’s behavioral difficulties? How does the family’s culture inform their view of appropriate and inappropriate ways of dealing with problem behaviors and guiding chil- dren? What is of most importance to the family?
Historical and social influences. What strengths and stressors does the family identify? What barriers do they experience?
Communication. What is the family’s primary language? What support is required to enable com- munication? How are needs and wants expressed? How is unhappiness, dissatisfaction, or distress experienced and expressed?
Attitude toward seeking help. How does the family seek help and from whom? How do mem- bers view professionals, and how do professionals treat them?
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a variety of ways programs can work collaboratively with families to meet the needs of these children, as well as ways various community agencies can support both families and programs in their efforts to serve exceptional children.
Throughout the country, networks of parents and advocates support each other in meeting the specific needs of exceptional children. These groups provide advice, expertise, and sup- port to parents, while also helping them access resources in the community. Often parents need help in finding early childhood programs that can serve their children in an inclusive set- ting. Transportation, medical, and other supports are also often needed.
Using Erikson’s stages also helps in understanding children with disabilities and in learning how families and programs can meet their unique needs. Although government programs have been established to identify children with various developmental delays and to provide intervention to address a child’s disability, it is critical that the child also be encouraged and supported to achieve each task described in Erikson’s first three stages, regardless of the child’s disability. For example, an infant in Erikson’s second stage of development, autonomy versus shame or doubt, still needs to achieve autonomy, even though the child has a disability that requires constant adult attention and careful surveillance.
Developmental Issues
During the first five years of life, a child experiences many major developmental milestones and begins a lifelong process in other critical areas. These milestones include becoming toilet trained, learning to walk, learning to speak, and for many children, entering some kind of children’s program. Many of these milestones are specific tasks that build toward the child achieving each of Erikson’s stages. For example, learning to walk enables the child to develop a level of autonomy from adults. During this stage, children also begin to develop emotional regulation and learn a variety of important social, physical, and cognitive skills (Gillespie & Seibel, 2006). A tremendous amount of brain development also occurs at this time; in fact, many believe the first five years are a critical time for brain development (Schiller, 2010). We will explore how programs support families as their children progress through these stages, community resources that are available to help parents in these critically important tasks, and how parents and programs know whether their children are developing on schedule, or whether intervention is needed.
Gender Differences
A growing body of research suggests some biological differences between the genders may influence behavior (Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Furthermore, these differences are evident at birth and show major behavioral indicators during the first five years of life. Added to these biological differences are the various ways cultures and communities reinforce certain gen- der differences, and the fact that early childhood programs in the United States are female cultures (Neugebauer, 2008). Thus, from a Bronfenbrenner perspective, it is important that we examine the various ways the microsystem relates to boys and girls, and how families, programs, communities, the media, and peers treat children differently based on their gender. It is also instructive to examine the various ways each of the other structures affect gender development. For example, the media (exosystem), the child’s culture (macrosystem), and historical time (chronosystem) all directly influence gender identity and gender expectations. From an Eriksonian perspective, we need to examine how parents, teachers, and caregivers respond to boys and girls, and whether boys and girls are given equal opportunity to achieve
Threads That Run Throughout the Book Chapter 1
Erikson’s first three stages. And, because most teachers and caregivers in early care and education programs are women, it is important to see what impact, if any, this has on the development and learning of young boys and girls. Throughout the book, we will examine the development of gender identity in young children, explore issues of gender equity, and describe ways programs, families, and communities can support healthy gender development and equality. We will also explore ways men from the community can be involved in local pro- grams to provide needed modeling and interaction for young boys and girls in our programs.
S P O T L I G H T:
Are Boys More Difficult than Girls?
When I first became a Head Start director, I was confronted with a peculiar situation: The teachers at my program were arguing over the children who were to be assigned to their classes and wanted as few boys as possible. While this was obviously a program issue that I, the director, needed to address, it also reflected a reality present in many programs: Boys, in general, are seen as more dif- ficult than girls. Consider the following:
• Boys are nearly three times as likely to be diagnosed with ADHD (attention-deficit hyperactiv- ity disorder). Some studies have found that ADHD is up to 10 times more common in boys than girls, but this is most likely because boys are referred for assessment more often because of their disruptive behavior.
• Four times as many boys as girls have autism.
• Boys are much more likely to engage in rough-and-tumble play.
• Girls generally start to talk before boys and then continue to surpass boys in verbal and linguistic ability.
• Because boys’ overall brain growth and development is slower than that of girls, they have trou- ble with emotional regulation (self-control), which is controlled by the cerebral cortex.
As a Head Start director, I noticed that the teachers spent the majority of their time involved in literacy and tabletop activities, art, and dramatic play (all of which girls typically excel at). Teachers spent much less time in the block area. I almost never saw a teacher playing on the floor with chil- dren. I also saw very few science activities. On the playground, teachers sat and talked to children, but they rarely became actively involved in playing games, gardening, playing with children to see who could throw the ball the farthest, or engaging in other active, physical activities. And my newly purchased woodwork benches were used as teacher’s desks and aquarium stands!
Our classroom culture tends to be more conducive to the success of girls than that of boys. To make early childhood programs more effective for all children, we need to discover the ways boys and girls are different, understand that these differences are okay, and find ways to involve children in activities in which they can succeed. Here are some specific suggestions for involving young boys:
Capitalize on what boys are good at. Boys should be given regular opportunities for hands-on math and science—including mechanical—activities; they need a lot of physical games and outdoor gross-motor play, art, woodwork, and dance. They also need plenty of opportunities for construc- tive play.
Make sure the curriculum is designed to meet the needs of boys. Boys need plenty of activity, frequent changes in activities, movement, and hands-on learning opportunities. Activities
(continued)
Threads That Run Throughout the Book Chapter 1
Communication
A central component of the mesosystem is communication—the forms and nature of com- munication between the various components of the microsystem. And this is particularly true of family-early care and education linkages. The key to family-centered program collaboration is communication. But effective communication is not easy. It requires two-way communica- tion that enables families to learn from the knowledge and expertise of program staff, and for program staff to learn from their families (Keyser, 2006). This two-way communication can be developed by using traditional approaches—daily check-ins, child information forms, home visits, parent conferences, parent meetings, newsletters, phone calls, e-mails, bulletin boards, journals that go home with parents, and anecdotal notes about children’s behavior and progress. Some programs now use websites to inform their parents and the community about various aspects of the program.
Several challenges to two-way communication are addressed throughout the book. Shared power and decision making, language barriers, and cultural conflicts are among the barriers addressed. According to Hall (1976, 1983), people from different macrosystems (cultures, eth- nicities) tend to communicate differently. Clearly, when there is a cultural mismatch between a family and teacher, director, or caregiver, confusion can occur (see Think About It: Two-Way Communication).
Research
Evidence-based approaches to caring for and educating young children have become central to the field of early care and education (Schiller, 2010). This means that research results— for example, the brain-based research already discussed—are becoming the prime source for defining best practices in working with children aged 0 to 5 years old. Throughout the
in which boys typically struggle, such as literacy, rote memory, focused attention, and self-control, should be punctuated with active, whole-body activities.
Never punish boys by withholding what they are good at or what they need. I once observed a teacher punish a boy who was being disruptive in the classroom by preventing him from going outside to play with the other children. This child obviously needed outdoor play (and was probably very good at it).
Find ways to include men in the classroom. This can be achieved by hiring male teachers, encouraging fathers to volunteer, and inviting participation from men and boys in various service organizations. Men (and women) who are interested in participating should be encouraged to engage in activities boys enjoy, such as woodwork, outdoor play, messy science experiments, gar- dening, and building in the block area.
Make sure the classroom is boy-friendly. You can have a permanent woodwork area and add props to the dramatic play area such as hardhats, fire hoses, police and fire uniforms, tools, old (clean) car wheels, briefcases, workbenches, and carpentry belts.
Train staff on the unique needs of boys and how to facilitate activities that boys typically enjoy and are good at. When I complained to my staff that they were not using the workbenches I bought, they told me they did not know how to use them. Our next training day was spent making things on the workbenches.
Reprinted from How Children Learn. Children and Families, 2004, pp. 60–61.
Use of Community Resources Chapter 1
book, research results will be presented and discussed, and their applicability to successful families and family-centered early childhood programs will be analyzed. We will also discuss the limitations of this perspective, particularly in instances where it fails to take into account cross-cultural differences, and where there is a lack of available research in some critically important areas.
1.4 Use of Community Resources Because the microsystem includes the immediate settings that have the most significant impact on the child, and because the mesosystem involves the linkages between each of these entities, it follows that the more information each of these entities has about the others, the more and higher the quality of these connections. Specifically, the more information the family has about agencies in the community that support their efforts to raise their children, the better able the family is to provide for their children. Reciprocally, the more information the early childhood programs have about the communities in which the families live, the bet- ter they will be able to serve them.
It is also important for early care and education programs to know about each family’s mac- rosystem—their religion, culture, socioeconomic level, use of technology, and so on. In this way, the program can provide cultural continuity for each family.
For these reasons, the availability and use of a variety of community resources is discussed throughout the text. Some of these resources provide general information that applies to most families or early care and education programs, while others are specific and specialized, such as resources to support a family that has a child with Down syndrome.
Families exist within communities, as do early care and education programs. Communities have a vast array of resources to support both families and programs (Koralek, 2007). Some of these are geographical: parks, greenbelts, outdoor museums, and farms and trails that families and programs can access. Others are physical: libraries, recreational centers, Boys and Girls Clubs, concert halls, galleries, and children’s museums. And then there is the range of agencies, from health care centers, to WIC offices, disability councils, food banks, churches, recreation centers, employment and training centers, and cultural centers. Use of these com- munity agencies depends on family and program needs. For example, a family with a child who has a developmental delay will work closely with the local disability council, Child Find, hospitals and health care centers, and local advocacy groups. A program needing in-service training for teachers and caregivers will use a community college or early childhood train- ing agency. For instance, when a local early childhood program in Colorado needed to train program staff about the unique needs of Hmong families that had recently moved into the
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Two-Way Communication
List all of the ways you can receive information (both in written form and orally) from families. Is there information about children and families that you would like to have but are not receiving right now? What kind of information would you like to have? Can you think of ways to create more two- way communication with families (Keyser, 2006)?
Use of Community Resources Chapter 1
community, an expert from the state department of education who had experience with this population was consulted, and leaders of a Hmong church in the community provided expert advice (Wardle, 2003).
Program-Specific Resources
Historically, programs serving young children and their families have developed strong, effec- tive relationships within their own specific communities. Faith-based programs are often strongly embedded within the services, outreach programs, and social networks of their religious organizations. Public school-based preschools use the supports and resources of the public schools in which they exist. Campus early childhood programs benefit from the support and expertise of early childhood professors, psychologists, special education teach- ers, and student interns. City-sponsored programs also receive citywide agency support and referrals.
Many programs use the human resources that parents provide the program. For example, the early childhood program at the Robert E. Loup Jewish Community Center in Denver, Colorado uses parents as classroom volunteers and as experts who pre- sent parent workshops on issues including medical advice, legal advice, and parenting skills. They also run a parent education committee that plans a variety of enrichment programs.
Systematic Use of Community Resources
Head Start has been at the forefront of going beyond these immediate program-specific approaches of community support to systematically determining the needs of families, conducting needs assessments of available community resources, and then developing official partnerships (with written contracts) between the program and these agencies (HSS, 2010). While many early childhood programs do not take such a formal approach to the use of the community, lessons can be learned from the almost 50 years of local Head Start programs working aggressively to use community resources to meet the diverse needs of their families and children. Some ideas that have grown out of this history include the following:
Conduct periodic assessments of family needs. As program enrollment changes, so too do family needs. For example, do parents need English as a second language classes? Do they need translation into their home language? What language is this? Do they need basic parenting skills or GED preparation classes? Do they need support groups for children who are gifted? The key is to remember that families have diverse needs, and that these needs continue to change as the demographics of enrollment and communities change.
Continually collect information. Collect information about the kinds of resources provided in your community. Where are the food banks? Who are the Child Find contacts? Where is the closest library, and does it offer a preschool story time? What about parks, greenbelts, or hiking trails? Does the local community college place early childhood students in programs? What about foster grandparent programs? Will the Indian center provide support for Native American families?
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▲ Early childhood education programs must effectively utilize resources pres- ent in and unique to each community being served.
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Use parents in your program to discover community resources. Some parents work for agencies that serve families (e.g., unemployment offices, school districts, health councils and clinics, and community colleges). Use these parents to help you know and understand com- munity resources.
Become advocates for your families. This is one of the critical roles of a family-centered care and education program. This means programs must continually explore how available community resources can be made accessible to their families. Sometimes this involves changes in hours (e.g., for transition activities to the local kindergarten); other times it involves providing information in languages other than English or helping agencies become more user-friendly for the kinds of parents in a given program. Additionally, programs need to help parents be advocates for their family’s own needs when accessing community resources. This may involve working with parents who come from cultures where advocacy is discouraged, or parents who feel out of place in the culture of some of the agencies (HHS, 2010). It may involve communication (e.g., finding someone to translate for the parent), or simply providing information to parents about the resources that are available (Bradley & Kibera, 2007).
Help parents develop support groups. Parents have different needs depending on their children and the challenges their children bring to the early childhood experience. Parent support groups have proven to be an excellent way for parents to find out about and access resources targeted to their children’s specific needs, as well as to enable parents to pro- vide emotional and social support in their efforts to meet these needs. Parents support groups have been used very effectively by parents of children with a variety of developmen- tal delays (Kaczmarek, 2007). Usually, these groups focus on a specific developmental delay (e.g., autism spectrum disorder, speech impairments, or blindness). However, parent support groups are also effective for challenges with language (non-English speakers), adoptive and foster children, new immigrant families, and multiracial and multiethnic children (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004).
For parent support groups, the role of the program is to help parents who have similar chal- lenges and concerns find each other and connect. The program can help them develop the group (e.g., physically meeting after the school day at the program, or creating a virtual group where they can do most of their work online) and provide them with information about avail- able resources and how to access them.
Communicate. Communication is the key to programs being able to help families access and use community resources. Central to effective communication is letting parents know about the resources that are available in the community. One way to do this is to invite representa- tives of community agencies to visit the center when parents are present (perhaps for parent meetings or social events). Another is to place posters, fliers, and other information about agencies throughout the center (on parent bulletin boards, in general information areas, and in parent libraries). Finally, a program with a website should provide a section with links to community resources, using whatever structure makes most sense. All of this information must be updated frequently, either by a staff person responsible for community collaboration, or by a parent volunteer.
Throughout this book, we continue to address ways family-centered early childhood programs can use community resources to improve the quality of the program, to support families in their sincere attempts to support the development and learning of their children, and to pro- vide ways to help families and programs collaborate.
Key Terms Chapter 1
Chapter Summary Why a Family-Centered Approach
• A family-centered approach is characterized by the recognition that children develop within the context of a family, and thus the early care and education program must serve the whole family.
• A major influence on the development of the family-centered approach to early care and education can be traced to the federal Head Start program.
• In a family-centered approach, there is enriched communication, shared power and decision making, and consistency between the home and the program.
Contexts and Stages
• Two theoretical frameworks are used throughout this text to examine the relationship among the child, family, community, and early childhood program: Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and Erikson’s psychosocial theory.
• Bronfenbrenner’s theory presents five critical contexts in which the child develops: the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem.
• Erikson’s psychosocial theory is broken into eight stages, with the first three stages covering birth to 6 years old: trust versus mistrust, autonomy versus shame and doubt, and industry versus guilt.
Threads that Run Throughout the Book
• All of the issues and topics addressed throughout the text are embedded within either Bronfenbrenner’s or Erikson’s theoretical framework, or both.
• The issues and topics include collaboration, diversity, exceptional children, develop- mental issues, gender differences, communication, and research.
Use of Community Resources
• The contextual approach to children, families, communities, and early childhood programs used throughout this text requires a careful examination of community resources.
• Community resources support families, early care and education programs, or both.
Early care and education programs use community resources to enhance program quality and services and to assist families in using the community to meet the unique needs of their family and their individual children.
Key Terms attachment The emotional bond that develops between a child and adult caretaker. It can be secure or insecure in quality.
autonomy The desire to make one’s own choices and direct one’s own behavior. This developmental task is described in the second of Erikson’s psychosocial stages.
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autonomy versus shame and doubt The stage in Erickson’s theory concerned with a toddler’s efforts and independence and, depending on the caregiver’s reaction to those attempts, the child’s sense of guilt.
bidirectional The two-way nature of an interaction, from adult to child and from child to adult.
bioecological theory Another term for Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
chronosystem The fifth of Bronfenbrenner’s structures. It refers to changes both in histori- cal development and developmental milestones in the child’s life.
cultural continuity Consistency among behaviors, expectations, discipline and beliefs practiced at home, and those practiced in the early care and education program.
developmental crisis A major psychological theme or task that is particularly important at a specific stage of development and that must be resolved for satisfactory development to occur (e.g., trust versus mistrust).
ecological systems theory Bronfenbrenner’s theory that provides five general contexts in which a child’s growth, development, and learning are embedded.
exceptional children Children with one or more developmental delays or who are gifted.
exosystem Contexts that indirectly affect the child, such as the city council, economic development, school board, and the parent’s workplace in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological sys- tems theory.
family-centered early care and education A holistic approach to working with children and their families that recognizes all children develop, grow, and learn within the context of a family, and therefore early childhood programs must serve whole families.
initiative versus guilt The third stage in Erikson’s psychosocial theory, when the child is highly motivated to learn, risk, and explore.
macrosystem The overall cultural, political, and institutional factors that affect a child’s life, such as culture, democracy, and equality, in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
mesosystem Linkages between two or more of the microsystems (such as the family and early childhood program) in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
microsystem The immediate settings that have a direct impact on the child, such as the home, community, and early care and education program.
parent education Serves to assist parents in raising and educating their children. Teachers are the experts, and parents are expected to learn from these experts.
parent involvement An approach that uses parents to help implement the early care and education program’s philosophy and to help teachers implement activities in the classroom (e.g., volunteering in the classroom and on field trips, collecting resources, or arranging for classroom visitors).
Key Terms Chapter 1
proximal processes Interactions between the child and the environment, through which the child’s potential (determined through genetics) is actualized through various effective psychological functions.
trust versus mistrust The first stage in Erikson’s theory (age birth to 1 year old), where an infant learns to trust or mistrust adults/caregivers in his or her life.
twice exceptional Children who are both gifted and have one or more developmental delays.
Attachment: Programs and Families Working Together
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Discuss the history of attachment theory and be able to define attachment.
▸▸ Recognize the importance of developing a secure attachment in infants and young children.
▸▸ Describe the four types of attachment and typical behaviors associated with each.
▸▸ Differentiate among the different kinds of temperaments and explain how a child’s temperament can affect the development of attachment.
▸▸ Explain how parents can foster a child’s secure attachment during the first three stages of Erikson’s psychosocial theory.
▸▸ Examine the relationship between cultural diversity and attachment.
▸▸ Identify how an early care and education program can develop and foster secure attachment in infants and young children.
▸▸ Explain how an early care and education program and family can work together to enhance the development of secure attachment.
2
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Attachment Theory Chapter 2
Introduction It is a marvel to see a family of mallard ducks walk across a street, mother proudly in front and tiny little ducklings following in a straight line behind. In a flock of sheep with new lambs, it is amazing to see how each pair is somehow able to find each other. In these cases, there is an inborn instinct or bond between the mother and new offspring. This is a survival mechanism that helps the parent care for the tiny, vulnerable new babies.
But what about humans? Do we have a similar bond or connection? Is there some kind of built-in mechanism that creates a connection between a parent and his or her newborn child? It is generally believed that humans do have a similar connection or bond, known as attach- ment (see Chapter 1). According to attachment theory, attachment plays a critical role in the healthy development of the infant and young child and determines whether the child grows into a secure or insecure adult. According to Ainsworth (1973), attachment is an emotional tie formed between one individual and another specific individual. Bowlby (1988) believes that babies are born with behaviors—crying, smiling, and clinging—that elicit caregiving behaviors from parents. An infant, however, is not born with attachment. Rather, attachment develops over time as the result of dynamic interactions between the infant and mother or other sig- nificant caregivers.
Attachment develops slowly, from birth through the child’s first years. As infants interact with important adults in their lives, they develop a concept or model of their relationship with oth- ers—what we call an internal working model (Bowlby, 1973). This model then influences the development of later relationships and acts as a guide to emotions, perceptions, and attitudes. The view that attachment is a critical model that sets the stage for healthy develop- ment is known as attachment theory. Not all children develop secure, healthy attachments; some develop insecure attachments that have an impact on their future relationships and their self-image. The nature of the child’s attachment to his or her mother or other significant adult can have a profound effect on the child’s later development. As this chapter describes, there are different qualities of attachment, each of which can affect development in a variety of dynamic ways.
In this chapter, we explore attachment theory in depth, examine how Erikson’s first three stages—trust versus mistrust, autonomy versus shame and doubt, and initiative versus guilt— are related to attachment, consider cultural issues related to attachment, and describe ways the early childhood program can support the development of healthy attachments. Finally, we explore ways in which the early care and education program can work with the family to develop secure attachment in infants and young children.
2.1 Attachment Theory John Bowlby, a British pediatrician, and Mary Ainsworth, an American researcher, were the architects of the current understanding of attachment theory. Bowlby presented his work in a series of papers and writings, based on observations of children aged 1 to 4 years old in British hospitals (1969, 1973, 1980), while Mary Ainsworth studied infants and their moth- ers in Uganda (1967). Ainsworth and Bowlby later met and continued to explore various issues associated with attachment. Ainsworth developed an experiment to determine the quality of attachment between an infant and the infant’s mother. From this experiment, she described three different categories of attachment: secure, insecure-resistant/ambivalent, and insecure-avoidant.
Attachment Theory Chapter 2
Types of Attachment
Mary Ainsworth observed infants, aged 12 to 18 months old, in an experiment in which the infant and mother entered a playroom containing both toys and a stranger to the infant. The mother then left, and the infant interacted with the stranger. Later, the mother re-entered, and the stranger left. This sequence was then repeated. Based on the infant’s behavior with the mother, attachment was determined. Ainsworth called this the Strange Situation experiment.
Ainsworth categorized attachment under securely attached and insecurely attached. In addition, she described two kinds of insecure attachments. Infants who mildly protest when their mothers leave but then actively seek reunion with them when they return are those with secure attachment. The securely attached infant then goes back to explore and play with the toys, using his or her mother as a strong psychological base, checking in once in a while.
Infants who are extremely upset when their mothers leave, often clinging to them and crying, and who initially seek comfort from their mothers or other caregivers on their return but then turn away in anger and irritability or struggle to get away, have an insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment. Infants who ignore their mothers and continue to play when they leave as well as when they return to the room have an insecure-avoidant attachment. Insecurely attached infants are often angry at home, and hostile and unfeeling in the preschool with peers (Honig, 2002).
Since Ainsworth’s work, another distinct category of attachment has been added. Infants who display conflicting behaviors both when their mothers leave and when they return have disoriented/disorganized attachment (Hesse & Main, 2000). On the return of their moth- ers, the infants may initially move toward them, then stop and redirect their attention, or they may avoid them on their return and then seek closeness later. They appear to be confused about what they should do (Main & Solomon, 1990).
The Role of the Mother (and Other Caregivers)
Infants attach to significant adults in their lives. These adults are usually the child’s mother, but not always. The infant establishes a primary attachment relationship with this person, which determines the nature and quality of the child’s development. For example, moth- ers who have securely attached children engage in nurturing behaviors with their children, whereas mothers of insecurely attached children tend to be inconsistent, intrusive, and unpre- dictable (Belsky, Rovine, & Taylor, 1984). Specifically, mothers of securely attached infants
• are sensitive and responsive
• hold their infants tenderly and carefully
• enjoy playfully interacting with their infants
• feed their infants when they are hungry and in a way they like
• let the infants play freely on the floor
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▲ Of Mary Ainsworth’s types of attachment between caregiver and child, secure attachment is the most favorable relationship.
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• sensitively respond to the infants’ emotional changes
• respond sensitively and immediately to the infants’ physical and emotional distress
• provide face-to-face feedback to the infants on language, behavior, and emotions (Honig, 2002)
Mothers of insecurely attached infants, on the other hand, inconsistently or rarely exhibit behaviors (e.g., cuddling, picking up, soothing, providing feedback, and playing) that allow their infants to feel secure. These mothers may engage in these behaviors only when it suits them. They can be intrusive and controlling and seem insensitive to the emotional and physi- cal needs of their infants. Mothers of insecurely attached infants are often under extreme stress both at home and in the workplace. The mothers of avoidant/insecure infants seem to dislike contact with their infants and do not enjoy interacting with them. They are resent- ful and angry; they appear to reject the infant and have few positive feelings toward them. Mothers of disoriented infants are often severely depressed or mentally ill; they may also be dependent on drugs. They exhibit distant and inappropriate behaviors toward their infants.
There are many reasons for the difference in behavior between mothers of securely attached and insecurely attached infants. Parenting skills, knowledge of child development, stress, drug dependency, and mental illness are all contributing factors.
The Effects of Early Attachment
Through physical and emotional closeness to their mothers or other caregivers, infants develop a sense of security (Ainsworth, 1973). This feeling of closeness and emotional warmth allows infants to develop expectations of their attachment future—that significant people in their lives will respond to their needs, and that significant people in their lives will be available to them when needed.
Secure attachment grows when an infant’s basic needs are immediately and warmly addressed by the mother, father, and/or other caregivers. When an infant cries in distress and his or her caregiver responds, this attachment behavior continues to grow. If the pattern of behavior becomes one of coldness, unavailability, and inattention, the infant develops defenses against stress, unhappiness, and insecurity (Honig, 2002). This may exhibit itself by the infant avoiding or ignoring their parent or other caregiver.
Attachment also affects an infant’s own sense of worthiness. A rejected child may begin to see himself or herself as a victim, as someone whom others do not love or care for. This self- view is the child’s internal working model. The more a negative working model is reinforced by the behavior of adults in the child’s environment, the stronger it becomes, and the more difficult it is to change. Further, the child’s feelings of rejection may produce negative behav- iors that result in teachers and caregivers responding negatively to the child, thus fulfilling the child’s negative expectations.
A key element of attachment is this internal working model. If children believe their caregiv- ers love and accept them for who they are, they will develop positive attachments (Bowlby, 1958). When attachment is produced through warm, responsive personal relationships, a child develops expectations of comfort, security, and a deep sense of self-worth. Warm, per- sonal, physical touch from a caregiver is one way secure attachment is developed. See Helping Children Develop: The Importance of Touch for more about the critical need for touch in the development of secure attachment.
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H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
The Importance of Touch
According to Anderson, Moore, Hepworth, and Bergman (2003), infants who experience skin- to-skin contact with their mothers soon after birth sleep longer, cry less, and have longer periods when they are open to learning. They also can maintain their body temperature more effectively. Skin-to-skin contact results in physical and emotional gains for the infant (Ferber & Makhoul, 2004).
Mothers instinctively embrace their newborns, which has positive benefits for infants, including premature babies. This can be seen in the approach known as "kangaroo care." A naked (but diapered) newborn lies on the mother's or father's chest, with the baby's ear next to the parent's heart. When used with premature infants, this approach often has positive outcomes for the child (Carlson, 2006).
Touch is also critical for the healthy brain development of the infant. Touch—including skin-to-skin touch and cuddling—stimulates and suppresses the release of powerful hormones. Oxytocin is one of the hormones triggered by touch. This hormone increases trust and reduces feelings of fear; it protects the body against damage from stress, reduces anxiety, and assists with the secretion of the growth hormone. High levels of cortisol in infants damage the part of the brain that controls mem- ory and cognition. Children who experience sustained, chronically high levels of cortisol are more at risk for cognitive, social, physical, and other developmental delays (Shore, 1997). High levels also kill brain cells and reduce the number of new brain connections. Oxytocin, produced through touch, reduces levels of cortisol (Shore, 1997).
Serotonin is a chemical that helps balance mood, sleep patterns, and pain awareness. Dopamine helps brain functions, including movement, memory, attention, problem solving, and well-being. Both of these chemicals are increased through touch.
During the first seven years of life, a child’s brain is particularly responsive to stimulation. This stimu- lation, which includes touch, produces a great amount of new neural connections. As children learn to walk and seek out sensory input, they also seek out lots of tactile experiences. This includes tac- tile stimulation of their hands and bare feet from lots of different surface textures they hold, touch, and walk on.
Finally, when a caregiver consistently and sensitively responds to an infant’s needs, the baby learns to trust that the world is a predictable and caring place. This develops secure attachment in the infant. And one of the infant’s basic needs is touch. Touch helps infants and young children feel emotionally secure. Infants receive touch through breastfeeding, cuddling, being held, and all sorts of sensitive, responsive, physical play.
Although the initial development of attachment is important, it is a process that continues to evolve, especially during the early years. Thus, if a child’s initial experiences are negative, sub- sequent positive interactions with parents, teachers, and others can help that child develop greater security. However, this may be difficult to accomplish because adults often see chil- dren who are insecurely attached as more difficult to love and care for in a responsive, warm, sensitive manner.
The Child’s Temperament and Attachment
So far, we have discussed the impact of the behavior of a parent or other caregiver on the development of secure and insecure attachment in children. But what about the child’s
Attachment Theory Chapter 2
behavior—does it also have an influence on attachment? After all, attachment is the result of a dynamic relationship between the child and the caregiver.
Every human has a distinct personality. Some people are happy-go-lucky and spontaneous. Others are serious and careful, and some people always seem to be tense and upset. Much of this distinct personality is caused by a genetically inherited predisposition to emotions, activity, and self-regu- lation, called temperament. Temperament traits originate with nature—they are inherited from our parents. However, experiences in early childhood can—and will—modify a per- son’s later personality (Goldsmith et al., 1987). In the 1950s and 1960s, a famous study was conducted on the temper- ament of infants, known as the New York Longitudinal Study (Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968). This study of temper- ament was conducted on the same children over a six-year span. According to the study, infants as young as 4 months old exhibit a variety of temperamental traits that can be cat- egorized into four groups (see Figure 2.1).
Easy. An infant with an easy temperament displays regular biological functions (e.g., going to sleep, eating) and a posi- tive approach to change and new stimuli, adapts well to new situations, and exhibits a mild to moderate intensity when reacting to change. Easy children are generally in a positive mood, and adults enjoy being around them.
Difficult. A child with a difficult temperament displays irregular biological functioning (e.g., is very difficult to get to sleep at night, eats at different times of the day) and negative and often intense responses to new situations and to any kind of change. In general, a child with this temperament is frequently in a negative mood, and adults often avoid contact with the child.
Slow-to-warm. The slow-to-warm temperament manifests in somewhat irregular bio- logical functions. Slow-to-warm children exhibit a negative response to new stimuli and adapt slowly to change. The child’s mood is initially negative but then improves to a more positive one over time. In common language, we tend to call a child with this temperament “shy.” Adults must be very sensitive to the changes in mood in these children and adapt sensitively to them.
We know that a child’s temperament affects the way a parent or caregiver responds to the infant. For example, difficult infants (i.e., fragile, needy, and often crying) are at the greatest risk of child abuse (Bugenthal & Happaney, 2004; Rothbart, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weitsz, 2004), as are premature infants, children with disabilities, and children who are irritable and not easily soothed (Thompson & Wyatt, 1999).
Children with difficult temperaments pose a particular challenge for parents and other care- givers. Not only do they exhibit behaviors that required a great deal of patience, flexibility, and
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▲ Even young children have a discernible temperament. Children with a difficult temperament react negatively to change and new situations.
Attachment Theory Chapter 2
understanding, but they produce fewer joyful and engaging behaviors that trigger positive responses in adults (Thomas & Chess, 1986). According to Kostelnik, Whiren, Soderman, and Gregory (2009), children with difficult temperaments require lots of patience, persistence, and care from very secure adults who are not under stress and have time to give to them. Parents and other caregivers who lack these critical attributes are more likely to engage in the kinds of behaviors with difficult children that lead to insecure attachment. This is also true to an extent for slow-to-warm children, particularly if the child does not meet the expectations of the parent or other caregiver.
This is one critical reason why each child must be treated as an individual and not compared to other children, either at home or in the program. For example, a father who is frustrated when his 5-year-old daughter is very upset because her mother momentarily left the table at a restaurant should not say to his daughter, “Why can’t you behave nicely like your brother? He’s not upset.” Rather, the father should empathize with the child and patiently say, “I know you want your mother. She'll be back in a few minutes.” In a similar vein, a teacher who tries to encourage a slow-to-warm boy to enter a game with other children should not say to the boy, “Look, all the other children are playing together happily.” In this case, the teacher might suggest, “When you are ready to join in, I am sure the other children will welcome you.”
The ability of the caregiver to respond in a timely and sensitive manner to the temperamental differences of children is called goodness-of-fit, or the ability to match the physical and emotional environment to the unique temperament of each child. Caregivers need to learn how to treat each child as a unique individual whose daily rhythms, emotional responses to the environment, and overall temperament require a careful behavioral match by the caregiver.
Easy 40%
Hard to Classify 35%
Slow to Warm 15%
Difficult 10%
Figure 2.1: Four Groups of Infant Temperament, by Percentage
A majority of children have easy tempera- ments. But many children exhibit some combination of temperaments, and so their dispositions are hard to classify.
The Parent’s and Teacher’s Roles in Each of Erikson’s Stages Chapter 2
2.2 The Parent’s and Teacher’s Roles in Each of Erikson’s Stages
In Chapter 1, we introduced Erikson’s psychosocial stage theory. This is an eight-stage theory that covers birth to death—a lifespan theory. Recall that the first three stages are trust versus mistrust (birth to 1 year old), autonomy versus shame or doubt (1 to 3 years old), and initiative versus guilt (3 to 6 years old). Both the parent and the caregiver in an early care and education program have a direct influence on the successful completion of each of these stages.
Caregivers who offer a loving, responsive relationship that provides focused attention to the needs of infants and young children are most likely to rear well-motivated and prosocial chil- dren with high self-esteem (Honig, 2005). However, caregivers need to be aware of devel- opmental crises to help children overcome these specific challenges more effectively. For example, an infant’s development includes a series of challenges to caregivers (e.g., learning to walk and toilet training). These challenges can serve as a potential opportunity for positive social interactions between the caregiver and the infant. Clearly, the progression of the child through the first three of Erikson’s stages, and the caregiver’s ability to provide support for the resolution of each stage, directly affects the development of attachment in young children (Bretherton & Waters, 1986; Sameroff & Emde, 1990).
Trust Versus Mistrust
To support the positive development of this stage, parents and other caregivers must be able to interpret the infant’s signals of distress and other needs, and care for the infant’s unique needs through cuddling, turn-taking in communication, games, and joyful play. Other care- giver behaviors that increase the development of secure attachment in the infant include lots of intimate touch and meeting the child’s unique social, emotional, and physical needs. Each child’s basic needs must also be met uniquely: diaper changes, feeding, comforting, and sleep. Through these responsive behaviors by the caregiver, the infant learns he or she is important and that the world can be trusted.
Autonomy Versus Shame/Doubt
During this stage, caregivers need to find an appropriate goodness-of-fit between adult expectations (e.g., neatness, schedules, obedience to rules) and what the toddler is devel- opmentally capable of doing. Firm, pleasant control—without a sense of shame—and calm, accepting handling of conflicts can increase toddler autonomy. Caregivers should not focus on the toddler’s temporary failures; rather, support should be given to help the toddler achieve developmental tasks.
This sensitive yet firm support of the child’s struggle for autonomy increases a sense of secure attachment because it builds a bond between the child and the caregiver as the caregiver responds to the child’s unique needs, provides feedback to the child’s behavior, interprets his or her signals, and plays affectionately with him or her.
Initiative Versus Guilt
Piaget was a developmental scientist from Switzerland who studied how children think and develop cognition. He created a four-stage theory of cognitive development. Children at this
Attachment and Cultural Diversity Chapter 2
age (3-6 years old) are in his second stage, the preoperational stage. They are very fascinated with discovering everything they can about the world. Piaget viewed young children as little scientists (Siegler & Alibali, 2005). This describes what Erikson terms initiative: the desire to find out everything they can about the world and how it works. Thus, as we discuss Erikson’s initiative versus guilt stage, it is important to understand its relationship to Piaget’s preop- erational stage. At this stage, children are fascinated with the real world of insects, animals, plants, objects, and people. They want to know how everything works and why things hap- pen the way they do.
Piaget argued that this active exploration of the world is how children construct knowledge. Specifically, according to Piaget, children create what he calls schemes. A scheme is an abstract cognitive structure through which the organism assimilates information (Brainerd, 1978). Essentially, a scheme is a unit of information that is used by the child to process and store information. For example, the scheme for a dog might initially be a small, black, four-legged animal with a tail that barks. As the child interacts with more dogs, this scheme becomes more sophisticated and accurate. Thus, young children need lots of opportunities to play with a rich variety of natural and man-made materials. As children explore the natural and social world, caregivers should help children make choices and select tasks. They should help children engage in moral and prosocial reasoning, talking about why certain behaviors are good and moral, and why some are not. While rules should be clear, children should feel that they have some input into developing the rules. These rules should be enforced consistently and fairly.
From an attachment perspective, adults should encourage the child’s exploration and investi- gation, both of social and physical environments. They should continue to be warm, respon- sive people who sensitively meet the child’s unique physical, social, emotional, cognitive, and moral needs (Honig & Lally, 1990; Lally, Mangione, & Honig, 1988). For example, when young children first visit a museum and discover they can hold a pet tarantula, some 4-year-olds will be very enthusiastic about this possibility, while others will be extremely hesitant. In the first instance, the teacher should support the child’s enthusiasm, while also reminding the child to be careful when holding the spider and telling him or her not to pick up spiders at home. For the second child, the teacher could model holding the tarantula to demonstrate to the child that the spider is safe to hold.
2.3 Attachment and Cultural Diversity Attachment is formed, supported, and reinforced by certain behaviors of the adult care- giver, which are influenced greatly by the child. However, parents from different cultural backgrounds raise children differently. In the United States and throughout the world, a variety of different child-rearing practices and adult-child behaviors are used. These differ- ent approaches are deeply embedded within the culture of the parents and other caregiv- ers who interact with the child. Spotlight: To Sleep Alone? illustrates one of these cultural differences. But what is culture, and how does it have an impact on the attachment of a child?
In the book Multicultural Principles (Administration for Children and Families, Head Start Office, 2010), a variety of definitions of culture are provided:
• “a framework that guides and bounds life practices” (Hanson, 1992)
• “the organized and common practices of particular communities” (Rogoff, 1990)
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• “the complex processes of human social interaction and symbolic communication” (Hernandez, 1989, p. 45)
• “patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behaviors acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievement of human groups, including their embodiment in artifacts” (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952, p. 357)
• “the ways and manners people use to see, perceive, represent, interpret, and assign value and meaning to the reality they live or experience” (de Melendez & Ostertag, 1997)
S P O T L I G H T:
To Sleep Alone?
In modern Western cultures, infants usually sleep in a crib in a separate room from their parents. In Africa, Asia, and Central and South America, infants usually sleep in the same room as their par- ents, and often in the same bed. This practice is called co-sleeping and the family bed.
Reasons for these different approaches include a focus in Western cultures on developing early independence in children, a rigid approach to schedules and work/non-work timeframes, and a fear in Western families that young children might be traumatized by parents’ sexual interactions. While non-Western societies tend to be more communal and less focused on rigid daily schedules, many low-income families in Asia, Africa, and Central and South America (and to some extent, in the United States) cannot afford individual bedrooms for their children.
Advantages of co-sleeping include easy access to breastfeeding and more convenience for both the mother and child to go back to sleep after a feeding or other sleep interruption (Mao, Burnham, Goodlin-Jones, Gaylor, & Anders, 2004; Ruys, de Jonge, Brand, R., Engelberts, & Semmekrot, 2007).
More and more parents in Western cultures are engaging in co-sleeping and the family bed. The actual numbers are unclear; however, in many families infants sleep with their parents, either at the beginning of the night (when it is difficult to fall asleep) or after an infant wakes during the night (Blair & Ball, 2004; Keller & Goldberg, 2004).
Co-sleeping and the family bed have become a controversial issue within the Western medical, child care, psychology, and social work fields. Some argue that the practice increases the incidence of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) (Ruys et al., 2007). Others point out that in cultures in which the family bed is the norm, SIDS is much lower than it is in Western societies (Byard, 2004; Gantley, Davies, & Murcott, 1993). Others distinguish between co-sleeping (in the same room) and bed shar- ing (in the same bed) (Alm, 2007).
There is no evidence that children who sleep in a family bed are hesitant to move into their own bed—and to a sense of independence—when they grow older. Further, some parents engage in co-sleeping to promote physical and psychological closeness and attachment. Pediatrician William Sears (2001) recommends what he calls attachment parenting. He advises parents to do the follow- ing: (1) bond with their infant at birth; (2) breastfeed; (3) share a bed; family bed (4) carry the baby in a sling; and (5) respond to the baby’s cries as an important signal of need.
One alternative to the traditional Western approach that still provides intimacy and access to breast- feeding, while reducing the risk of SIDS, is to have a crib or bassinet in the same room, next to the parents’ bed.
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You can see that there is no agreed-upon def- inition of culture. However, all of these defi- nitions point to how groups of people affect the values, behaviors, interactions, and sym- bols of individuals within them. And one of the central ways cultures exhibit themselves in families is in the way children are raised.
Four critical characteristics of culture must be kept in mind. First, culture can be the product of a vast variety of groups, or societies, includ- ing but not limited to geographic regions, eth- nic and racial groups, national peoples, tribes, and economic and religious groups. Second, cultures are dynamic—they are continually under a state of flux and change. A third ele- ment of culture, particularly in an ever-more diverse and global world, is that cultures con- tinually come up against other cultures, and they are changed by this contact. This process, whereby people and cultures change and adapt as they are exposed to other peoples and cultures, resulting in the dynamic, ever-changing nature of societies, is called acculturation (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Finally, cultures often exist within larger, more global cultures. We talk of the United States society as comprising many cultures—being multicultural. However, if you talk to people who do not live in the United States but have met an American or someone who has come to the United States from another country, they are likely to tell you that there is such a concept as the U.S. culture (Wardle, 2011b).
When considering cultures and the cultural contexts in which children and families are embed- ded, Ngo (2008) reminds us that cultural characteristics are not absolute and do not occur as opposites. It is not minority versus majority, individual versus communal, and competitive versus collective characteristics and behaviors that are exhibited by people from specific cultures, but rather cultural nuances and complexities. On the issue of independence versus dependence, for example, the question should be how are both independence and interdependence under- stood and valued in relationship to children’s development in different cultures (Raeff, 2010)?
Cross-cultural research using the Strange Situation experiment shows that, across cultures and countries, the same numbers of infants are classified as displaying secure attachment (Sagi, van Ijzendoorn, & Koren-Karie, 1991). However, the proportion of infants in the various inse- cure attachment categories differs from culture to culture.
For example, in Japan infants became upset when mothers left the room and ambivalent on the return of their mothers. Their attachment relationship was characterized by researchers as insecure-resistant/ambivalent attached (Miyake, Chen & Campos, 1985; Takahashi, 1990). Infants in Japan rarely leave their mothers’ side, babysitters are uncommon, and when par- ents need care for their infants, grandparents are used (Saarni, Mumme, & Campos, 1998). In Germany, a culture very different from Japan, infants do not seem upset at all when their mothers leave and are not too eager to rejoin their mothers on their return. They seem to dis- play an insecure-avoidant attachment (Grossmann, Grossmann, Huber, & Wartner, 1981). In Germany and other European countries, mothers often leave infants alone for short periods, and the infants’ behavior seems to reflect this.
© Medioimages/Photodisc/Thinkstock
▲ Parents come from many different cultural back- grounds, which will influence and dictate how they raise their children.
Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs Chapter 2
Because parents in all countries and cultures believe they are good parents who are attached to their children, the understanding of what constitutes attachment differs from culture to culture. Mothers in Japan view their children as securely attached if they behave well, coop- erate, and do not bring attention to themselves (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weitsz, 2000). However, mothers in the primarily white cultures of Europe and North America are more likely to associate secure attachment with autonomy and individuality.
Children in a variety of cultures develop secure attachments. Further, the development of secure attachment is not a function of culture, but is rather, as has been pointed out, the direct result of specific adult-child interactions. So long as the significant caregivers in the child’s life—either their biological parent(s) or other important adults—engage in the kinds of behaviors that we know foster the development of secure attachment, children will develop secure attachment (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2001). Further, in collective societies it may be easier to provide attachment behaviors for difficult children (those with medical or other challenges, and children with difficult temperaments), because a variety of adults are available to provide sensitive, supportive, warm, and responsive care.
From a diversity perspective, it is critically important to understand that it is not the family’s structure or the family’s culture that determines whether a child develops secure attachment, but the variety and consistency of ways significant adults in the child’s life interact with the child (Honig, 2002, 2005).
2.4 Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs
Our discussion of attachment has focused on the primary caregiver—often the mother— and the child because this is the strongest early influence and where attachment initially develops. But attachment can also be encouraged, supported, and fostered within the early care and education program. Both the family and the early care and education pro- gram belong within Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem—the first and most direct context (see Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory in Chapter 1) (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). This is because both the family and early care and educa- tion programs have a direct and powerful impact on the child’s development and learning. This impact includes powerful influences that help shape the development and reinforce- ment of secure attachment.
Types of Early Care and Education Programs
Before we reflect on their capacity for nurturing attachment, it is important to consider the many types of early care programs currently available. In the United States, a wide range of programs are designed to care for and educate children aged infant to 5 years old (Neugebauer, 2008). These programs include the following:
• private, for-profit, community programs (a single program or several programs)
• private, not-for-profit, community-based programs (a single program or several pro- grams under the same ownership)
• national for-profit child care chains
• Head Start and Early Head Start
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• mother’s day out programs (mothers share caring for their children, a few days a week)
• programs sponsored by religious organiza- tions. Nearly one in four early childhood facili- ties in the United States are associated with a religious organization (Neugebauer, 2005). These include Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, Mormon, Muslim, Buddhist, and Seventh-day Adventist programs.
• programs—both private and not-for-profit— targeted to single populations (e.g., gifted students, homeless families, and children with specific developmental delays)
• public school preschool programs. According to Kagan, Carroll, Comer, and Scott-Little, almost all states now fund some kind of pre- school program. Sometimes these are within public school buildings; others are run in a variety of community early childhood settings.
• programs for infants and toddlers of teen parents attending public high schools
• campus child care programs. These are programs associated with, and partially subsi- dized by, a college or university. Most research on infant care and early education is conducted in these campus programs.
• employee child care. These are on-site programs for companies and government agen- cies. They might be run by a child care chain (i.e., Bright Horizons) or are a private, stand-alone program.
• drop-in child care. These programs, both for profit and not-for-profit, are housed in shopping centers, hospitals, government agencies, and other places where parents need short, one-time care for their children.
• family/home-based child care
A variety of state and local agencies provides governance for these programs. Enforcement for early care and education programs differs from state to state and county or city. The rules and regulations cover everything from adult-child ratios, space requirements, and food health rules, to qualifications of directors, group leaders, teachers, and caregivers. Many of these programs must meet regulations for several different agencies. For example, Head Start must comply with local child care regulations and stringent national Head Start performance standards. Public school programs must follow both the local child care rules and regulations and the state’s school standards. In some states, religious programs are exempt from some of the state and local licensing standards (Neugebauer, 2005). Further, rules and regulations for home-based/family child care tend to differ from those for center-based programs.
Additionally, many states now have an evaluation process for determining the quality of programs. These standards are usually based on the Clifford/Harms rating scales (Harms & Clifford, 1998), and they rate the early childhood programs using a fairly simple scale (on a scale from 0 to 5 stars). Additionally, there are a number of national accrediting systems used by many programs to demonstrate their quality to the community. These will be discussed in more depth in Chapter 10.
© Comstock/Thinkstock
▲ Though the mother is often the first primary attachment the child forms, early childhood educa- tors also play an important role in a child’s growth and development.
Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs Chapter 2
Curricula
As one would expect, the wide range of early care and education programs that operate throughout the United States implement a vast array of curricular approaches. Most public school early childhood programs use some form of extension of the public school curriculum, along with adhering to a state-developed standards framework, which generally focuses on kindergarten readiness (Kagan et al., 2006). Head Start must follow the shifting mandates of a federally funded program sensitive to the political whims of the time. Religious programs generally have approaches developed by a national office, although they are often tailored to local needs. The religious approaches usually include in their content specific religious beliefs, values, rituals, and other religious content.
Single, community-based programs—both for profit and not-for- profit—use a range of curricular approaches, from the adoption of national curricula such as Creative Curriculum, High/Scope, and Core Knowledge Curriculum, to individual approaches described as play based and developmentally appropriate. Then there are programs associated with well-known accepted approaches: Montessori, Waldorf, British Infant/Primary, and Reggio Emilia.
The Montessori approach focuses on a carefully planned and aes- thetic environment, child-sized equipment, self-correcting materials, multi-age grouping of children, and large blocks of time for individual- ized, uninterrupted activities. Curricular content includes practical life (use of child-size brooms, mops, jugs, glassware, and other everyday items), exploring the world through the arts and movement, learn- ing through multisensory experiences, and using carefully designed, concrete materials. Literacy is encouraged by first developing a rich oral language as a foundation, and the arts are used to focus on self- expression and teaching social studies (Kahn, 1995).
The Waldorf curriculum is broken into three developmental stages: (1) early childhood (infant to the end of kindergarten), which is the time to develop the body and senses; (2) middle childhood (first grade to puberty), where the focus is on learning through feelings and imagination; and (3) from puberty on, when children engage in the specialized studies of specific curricular content and academic skills. In the first period, children are exposed to learning about the environment through their senses and developing their imagination. Exploration and creative play are encouraged, and role playing of
parents’ activities, painting and drawing, and developing language through nursery rhymes, fairy tales, puppet shows, and songs are emphasized.
The day, week, and year are organized around natural patterns, such as the children coming in the morning, lunch time, play, and small groups; the seasons of the year create patterns for the schedule. These rhythms are designed to connect each child to the external world (Trostli, 1998).
The curriculum of British Infant/Primary school programs is based on the constructivist phi- losophies of Dewey and Piaget. Projects of interest to each child form the foundation to the curriculum and are pursued in mixed-age groups. The process of accomplishing the projects is
© Hemera/Thinkstock
▲ Though customizable and unique, curricula for the vari- ous early childhood education programs often must comply with state and local standards to ensure kindergarten readiness or to comply with the political cli- mate if the program is federally funded.
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the mechanism used to teach various academic and social skills. As can be seen, the curricular content is presented in a whole-to-part approach, as opposed to the traditional curricula that tends to focus on parts to whole (i.e., teaching isolated skills and separate academic content). Teachers provide direct instruction to individuals and small groups of children in the skills and concepts needed to complete the projects.
The Reggio Emilia philosophy is a child-centered approach that focuses on the creative use of a carefully developed environment. This environment includes a studio where students—under the expert direction of a staff person with specialized skills—create artistic and scientific cre- ations and projects, entryways and hallways that encourage social inclusion and interactions, a kitchen, meeting/eating spaces, and a deliberate flow of air and people between the inside and outside environments (Gandini, 1993). Classrooms include the traditional learning cen- ters, such as a construction area, art area, dress-up, games, math manipulates, science table, and so on. The curriculum itself is delivered through projects, with the focus on
• use of the studio and staff person who helps with the projects
• self-directed groups of students developing projects
• documentation
In the Reggio Emilia curriculum, there are different kinds of projects: intended projects, envi- ronmental projects, daily life projects, and self-managed projects. Documentation is used for children to reflect on their learning and development, for students to connect and reflect on other children’s work, for teachers and parents to enjoy and reflect on their student’s work, to document student’s growth and development, and to share with the larger community. The Reggio Emilia approach is considered unique for its focus on documentation (Gandini, 1993).
Some early care and education programs use several curricula to address the different needs of their students. For example, the Renaissance Children’s Center in Lakewood, Colorado, which serves children of homeless families, uses High/Scope for its cognitive curriculum, ECE Cares for social and emotional development, and Relationship Roots to help children learn boundaries and conflict resolution skills. However, many home-based/family and small com- munity-based programs have no formal curriculum. They seem to use an organic approach, following the beliefs of the director and individual teachers and responding to the pressure of their parents.
Program Components That Support Secure Attachment
High quality of caregiver interactions with infants and young children is needed. Caregivers must respond to infants and young children in consistent, sensitive, responsive ways. They must provide a goodness-of-fit between the child’s temperament and their response. They must engage with the infant in the “dance of life,” what we call synchrony. This is a rapid, responsive, coordinated interchange of behaviors and responses between an infant and a caregiver. And they must change their interaction patterns and responses as children progress through each of the first three of Erikson’s psychosocial stages (Erikson, 1963).
Young children need a continuity of care to develop secure attachment. Keeping children with the same caregiver seems to develop in them a sense of trust that their caregiver knows and respects their own unique needs, wants, and joys (Raikes, 1993). In this way, the caregiver can learn a child’s unique temperament, feeding style, daily schedule, likes and dislikes, fears, and overall daily rhythms.
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Thus, it is critical for a program to have a primary caregiver for infants and young children (Lally et al., 1995). The primary caregiver in the early childhood program is a person with whom infants spend most of their time, rather than having infants cared for by a variety of caregivers. It is advisable that this primary caregiver follow the infant until 36 months of age (Essa, Favre, Thweatt, & Waugh, 1999). Many quality programs move caregivers up as the children grow older. This continuity not only reinforces the important relationships between the caregiver and child, but also enables the caregiver to guide the toddler through the chal- lenging struggles of the first two of Erikson’s stages (Erikson, 1963).
Caregivers who provide consistent, responsive, sensitive care to infants and young children provide an added bonus to the child who has a secure attachment at home. For the child without secure attachment at home, a warm, nurturing relationship with a caregiver is critical. To foster secure attachment, programs should include the additional components listed next (Honig, 2002).
Create a safe emotional climate. For a young child to develop into an active, curious, self- motivated learner who cooperates with caregivers and persists at difficult and challenging tasks, an emotionally safe climate is required (Erikson, 1963). To do so in a child-care setting, every aspect of the programming, particularly routines around diapering, feeding, and sooth- ing for naptime, are critical opportunities to foster secure attachment (see Table 2.1).
Table 2.1 Sample daily planning sheet for toddlers
Monday Early AM Late AM Early PM Late PM
Messy area/water table
Pipe pieces and floating corks
Bubbles in the water
Water and detergent
Large pegs and boards
Sofa area Books—looking at and being read to
Climbing with pillows and wooden planks
Lullabies and reading stories
Bears
Small motor area Lock boards Lock boards Fasteners Fasteners
Vehicles Wagons, wheel barrows with stuffed animals
Riding toys
Table area Finger painting Smelling and textures with teacher
Playhouse Dolls and stuffed animals
Dolls and stuffed animals
Dolls and stuffed animals
Pots and pans and spoons
Pit area Beach balls Juice cans (safe) and poker chips
Soft materials Soft materials
Large motor area Indoor slide/climber Indoor slide/climber Indoor slide/climber Planks
Block area Blocks
Outside Walk and play with teacher
Roll and climb on hill and slide
Greenman, J. (1988). Caring spaces, learning places: Children’s environments that work. Redmond, WA: Exchange Press.
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Create a responsive environment. The physical environment must be soft and responsive. Soft pillows, mattresses with washable covers, and areas car- peted with rugs of different textures are all required. These add a sense of cozi- ness and warmth to the environment. A rocking chair (away from the other children) is a great item to help soothe infants. Comfortable beanbags add to warmth and softness. Fresh flowers and green plants, colorful banners, and a cozy reading area give children the mes- sage that they can relax and enjoy a book or play with a toy. A private, fabric-lined cubby for each child provides a needed private space.
The outside playground should also have a warm, shaded area, where caregivers can sit on comfortable benches, carefully watching infants and toddlers enjoy the outdoors, crawl on gently sloped grass mounds, and play in the sand and water.
Develop love for the child. The development of secure attachment requires a special bond between the caregiver and child. Caregivers need to enjoy being with the child and develop a deep sense of love for the child. As we have discussed throughout this chapter, this can be difficult to achieve with a child who has a difficult temperament or fragile medi- cal issues.
Treat babies and young children with respect. Caregivers need to respond to children in their care as special and well-loved people, use their names frequently, speak in a calm voice, and respond respectfully to difficult and confusing behaviors. Also, caregivers need to let the child know when they need to leave, and then when they return. While infants do not understand these words, body language and the tone of voice communicates respect for the child.
Support the efforts of infants and young children. Young children need sensitive, unob- trusive help and support for their sincere efforts. Instead of pointing out their mistakes, the adult should provide encouraging words and an occasional physical assist. It is a matter of following the child’s initiative and interests, and helping them when needed.
Respond to the child’s sensitive body language. Bodily cues from an infant or small child can help caregivers know their needs and their temperament. The caregiver should become extremely familiar with these nonverbal cues and respond sensitively to the child’s needs. This is particularly true for the difficult and slow-to-warm child, whose cues may initially cause the adult to be defensive and cold. Children who appear tense, stressed, distant, aggressive, or hyper-vigilant may need special care and attention. (See Think About It: How Do You Know the Child Trusts You? for more information.)
© Fancy Collection/Superstock
▲ Crafting a soft and responsive environment is instrumental in ensuring children feel safe and nurtured in the early childhood education setting.
Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs Chapter 2
The Role of Professional Caregivers
Because caregivers can affect the development of attachment in the children they work with, it is critical that they consistently demonstrate the behaviors that enhance secure attachment. One of the main reasons caregivers must attend college classes and training sessions to gain certificates and degrees is so they can obtain important knowledge of child development and skills for working with young children. However, these classes do not address issues of stress and mental and physical illness. It is well documented that in the United States, people who care for and teach young children are poorly compensated (Neugebauer, 2004). Many do not have adequate health insurance and health care. And, because of the low pay and benefits they receive, many child-care providers and teachers live in poverty, putting them at higher risk for stress than if they received better compensation (Neugebauer, 2004). As a result, the continuity of care that is critically needed to develop and foster secure attachment may be jeopardized.
Collaboration Between the Program and the Family
The positive connections and collaborations between families and their early care and education programs fall under the mesosystem category of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. This context includes various ways dimensions of the microsystems work together to affect the development and education of the child, in this case ways the family and program work together for the benefit of the child (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).
When we discussed fostering attachment in the early care and education program, consistency and continuity were viewed as critical elements. For the same reason, consistency and con- tinuity between the family and program are also critical for developing and fostering secure
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
How Do You Know the Child Trusts You?
Indicators that secure attachment is being fostered between the caregiver and child includes situa- tions when the child does the following:
• smiles with pleasure when you greet him or her or admire his or her accomplishments
• calls to get your attention
• is relaxed and calm when you hold him or her
• looks up on occasion to check that you are still there when playing across the room
• becomes stressed when he or she cannot see you
• comfortably turns for help in difficult or stressful situations
• calms down as a result of your reassuring touch and words
• is cooperative when you ask him or her to do something
• talks truthfully about bad as well as good things
• likes to play verbal and nonverbal games with you, like blowing bubbles and babbling back and forth
• responds to your smiles and other facial expressions in kind (Honig, 2002)
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attachment in children. To create and maintain this consistency and continuity, two-way communication is essential. As was mentioned in Chapter 1, two- way communication between the home and pro- gram begins with respect and willingness to work together for the good of the child. A program can enhance two-way communication through the fol- lowing strategies.
Use initial registration forms. On these forms, information can be collected about the child (temper- ament, likes and dislikes, food preferences) and con- cerns parents have regarding the care of their child. The form should convey to parents an interest in their views, concerns, and aspirations for their child.
Focus on the initial contact between the pro- gram and parent. As we are well aware, first impressions are critical. At the initial interview between the parent and program representa- tive, information about the child, the child’s behavior and temperament, and the parents’ wishes for the child need to be discussed. The program representative must also clearly com- municate to the parent the program’s philosophy and rules, regulations, and expectations, both for the child and for the parent.
Provide parent bulletin boards. Each classroom should have a parent bulletin board close to the classroom door. On this board, pertinent information should be posted. The tone of the board should be user-friendly, and it should convey the program’s sincere interest in parents’ concerns and points of view.
Establish and maintain an open climate of the center and classroom. Many centers tell parents they are welcome to visit at any time. But are they? When parents visit, are they wel- comed with a smile and a kind word, or a shrug and the impression that they are being intru- sive? What about fathers, grandfathers, boyfriends, and others who are part of the child’s extended family and wish to be involved with the child’s care? Are they welcome also?
Set up a parent library. For infant programs, the parent library should focus on infant devel- opment, breastfeeding, attachment, parenting skills, and awareness of cultural diversity.
Provide information on community agencies. One of the responsibilities of a family- centered care and education program is to connect parents with agencies that support them. This can be achieved in a variety of ways, from presenting posters and informational material in the center or home, to inviting representatives of various agencies to give presentations at parent meetings (and even providing seminars and programs for parenting and staff training). Programs with a website should provide links to community agencies and services.
Support mothers who are breastfeeding. Breastfeeding is one of the most obvious behaviors a mother can engage in to enhance secure attachment. Thus, the program should encourage and support mothers who breastfeed. Does the program provide a private room where mothers can breastfeed? Does it provide a place where pumped breast milk can be stored (and not with hazardous materials)? Does it encourage mothers to provide pumped breast milk to be given to their infants? Is there a feeling that mothers who breastfeed or provide pumped breast milk are welcome, or is this seen as an intrusion or an inconvenience?
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▲ It is important for caregivers to complete formal training so that they are adequately equipped with the knowledge of how to foster healthy cognitive and social development of children.
Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs Chapter 2
Provide parent training. Parent training is an excellent way for programs to communicate to parents a variety of ways to support and to increase secure attachment. How does the program decide on topics to be covered in these trainings? Do parents have input in the decisions?
Clearly and accurately communicate to parents the program’s philosophy. Early care and education programs should develop a clear philosophy. Once this philosophy is in place, it needs to be communicated clearly and consistently to all parents and other caregivers. By doing so, confusion and disagreements will be minimized, and two-way communication enhanced. The program’s philosophy should be revised on a regular basis (annually), with input provided from all stakeholders, including parents and other caregivers.
Provide direct, continuous communication about the child and the needs of the child to parents and other caregivers. Because the child is at the center of attachment, parent- program communication must focus on the child. Program staff should provide formal and informal opportunities to communicate with parents. Staff members need to make sure that the communication is two-way: from the parent to the caregivers and from the caregivers to the parents. (See Think About It: Guidelines for Two-Way Communication for more on this topic.) Further, the caregiver must make sure not to focus the discussion just on challenges and concerns, but also to let parents know how much they enjoy caring for their infant or young child. This is also true for a difficult child or a child with a developmental delay.
Provide communication in different languages. One of the central challenges for effec- tive communication in many programs is parents who do not speak English (Administration for Children and Families, Head Start Office, 2010). Efforts must be made to find some-
one—in the community, center, local college, or elsewhere— who can help translate both written and verbal communication. Obviously, the language to be translated depends on the com- munity and the school. Programs should also consider setting up classes to help parents learn English, either at the center or somewhere in the community. Many non-English speaking par- ents want to learn English, partly so they can communicate with the program’s staff, and also so that they can help their children as they move into a regular school and need support with their schoolwork.
Carefully examine parent/teacher conferences. Parent/ teacher conferences are the traditional place for parent-program communication to occur. However, these cannot be stand-alone events; they need to be part of a comprehensive communication approach. As with all communication between parents and staff, it needs to be two-way and include positive aspects of the child and the child’s behavior. Conferences that focus on negative behaviors and other challenges are unproductive, for many reasons.
Communicate to parents about special needs of infants and young children. In the next chapter, we will discuss in detail issues families and programs must address around developmental delays. Here, it is important to listen to parents’ concerns, to con- nect parents with community resources, and to make sure that parents talk to whoever is responsible in the program for working with children who have developmental delays.
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▲ Parents and teachers must not communicate only when there is a problem with the child. Effective communication must be frequent, include positive observations, and be a two-way conversation.
Use of Community Resources to Support Attachment Chapter 2
Speak with parents about diversity concerns. As early childhood programs become increasingly diverse, parents and other family members need to be involved in addressing relevant issues. For example, do parents have any concerns related to how they want their child’s racial and ethnic identity to be supported in the program? Do they speak a language other than English at home, and do they want their child using this language or English in the program? Are there food issues that the program should be aware of? It is important not to make assumptions about the family, but to provide a context in which the family can speak openly about sensitive topics if they wish to do so.
2.5 Use of Community Resources to Support Attachment There are many agencies, organizations, websites, and other resources that parents can use to help them support the development of secure attachment in their children and to provide information and resources for programs to continue to support this effort. A list of specific resources, agencies, and websites is included at the end of this chapter.
Resources for Families
There are many community programs that serve infants. Some communities provide Early Head Start, a parent’s workplace may provide infant care, and some religious programs also
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Guidelines for Two-Way Communication
• Establish contact on many levels. Learn parents’ names and important information about the parents and other family members involved with the children.
• Work to establish trust. Parents need to be able to trust teachers and the program. Be clear about rules and regulations, communicate them clearly and regularly, and be consistent with their implementation. Do not go back on your word, and do not play favorites with certain parents.
• Develop an appreciation and respect for every parent and other adults involved with the child. Take time to listen, do not just communicate with one parent or caretaker (e.g., just the mother or grandmother), and appreciate parents’ issues and concerns.
• Establish open communication. Find ways to openly, but not judgmentally, communicate with parents and others involved in raising the child. Be careful in communicating about negative issues, from behavioral challenges to possible developmental delays. Some parents will punish children's negative behaviors when they get home; others will be defensive about what they per- ceive as criticisms of their children (and maybe even of themselves).
• Jointly identify and implement goals for the child. Work with parents as you develop goals for their child, and make sure most of the goals are a) positive and b) achievable in a short time period.
• In discussing problem behaviors, focus on a concern for the child’s welfare. Provide clear, descriptive language and a desire to help the child. Again, also present the message embedded within a larger view of the child’s overall positive characteristics and behaviors. (Sailor, 2004)
Use of Community Resources to Support Attachment Chapter 2
provide infant care. Some of the traditional options, such as Waldorf, Montessori, and British Infant/Primary programs, also offer infant care. Many parents prefer family-based care for their infants, especially if they can find a provider who speaks their language (if it is not English) and if they have odd or difficult work hours. Local federal child-care offices and state agencies may have programs that provide financial assistance to qualifying parents who are seeking child care.
Most communities provide programs for families that need food. Women, Infants and Children (WIC) is a federal program targeted to women with infants. Food banks and com- munity food programs abound, and many urban areas are also developing urban vegetable gardens. Some families buy shares in local farms and gardens, and farmers markets exist in many communities during the summer through the fall.
Mothers who need assistance breastfeeding can find a variety of programs. Many hospi- tals and health centers provide assistance. La Leche League has a website and local support groups, and there are support groups on the Internet and in many local communities.
Parenting classes are offered at many venues. Hospitals, community colleges, and even some high schools offer parenting classes, as do adoption and foster agencies (i.e., local county gov- ernment departments). There are, of course, a plethora of parenting books and online sites available. Parents who want a spiritually focused approach should check with their church or house of worship. Many early childhood programs provide parenting classes or can refer parents to community programs.
Early Care and Education Staff Development and Training
Local community colleges and four-year institutions provide a variety of programs for teach- ers and caregivers. A number of state and local agencies offer training required by the state’s licensing departments, such as Cardio Pulmonary Resuscitation (CPR). Many early childhood programs are loosely connected to larger organizations: religious groups and the associa- tions of early childhood programs associated with these groups (e.g., Catholic, Lutheran, or Jewish), associations of family providers, and state and local Head Start and Early Head Start associations. Most of these organizations provide conferences on a regular basis that staff can access. Then there are the state affiliations of the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) that have annual conferences. Many communities also have experts in a variety of areas, from discipline and behavior issues, to diversity and manage- ment training.
Finally, programs can use hospitals, community agencies, and government programs that specialize in specific child development and parenting issues, including specific developmental delays (e.g., sensory integration and autism spectrum disorder), nutrition, classroom manage- ment, and parenting skills and parent involvement.
Chapter Summary Chapter 2
Chapter Summary Attachment Theory
• Attachment theory was developed by John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.
• There are four types of attachment: secure attachment, insecure-avoidant attachment, insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment, and disoriented/disorganized attachment.
• An infant exhibits certain behaviors that create a primary attachment relationship with his or her mother or another caregiver.
• A child’s temperament and the development of attachment are closely related.
The Parent’s and Teacher’s Roles in Each of Erikson’s Stages
• The parent’s and teacher’s role in supporting the child's development of trust is critical.
• The parent’s and teacher’s role in supporting the child’s healthy sense of autonomy is critical.
• The parent’s and teacher’s role in supporting the child’s sense of initiative is critical.
Attachment and Cultural Diversity
• Attachment of an infant to a caregiver occurs within a cultural context.
• Culture is difficult to define, dynamic, and constantly changing. Differences between cultural contexts should be viewed as complex similarities and differences.
• Most children across all cultures are securely attached.
• The view of what constitutes secure and insecure attachment differs across cultures.
Nurturing Secure Attachment in Early Care and Education Programs
• There is a great diversity of early care and education programs.
• Early care and education programs implement a variety of curricula.
• Several specific components of programs support the healthy development of attach- ment: high-quality interactions between caregivers and infants; continuity of care provided by a primary caregiver; and consistent, responsive care.
• Collaboration between a program and family is critical for the development of attachment.
Use of Community Resources to Support Attachment
• There are many community resources that directly serve the needs of families.
• A variety of community resources can be used to train and educate the staff of the early care and education program.
Key Terms Chapter 2
Key Terms acculturation Changes that take place as individuals come into contact with people from other cultures.
attachment theory The view that attachment is a critical model that sets the stage for healthy development.
co-sleeping Children sleeping in the same room as their parents, often in a bassinet or crib next to the parents’ bed or in the same bed. See family bed.
culture The way individuals view the world, acquired by belonging to various groups; it is a complex and dynamic association with one’s world and other individuals.
difficult temperament Describes a child who displays irregular biological functioning (e.g., is very difficult to get to sleep at night, or eats at different times of the day) and nega- tive and often intense responses to new situations and to any kind of change.
disoriented/disorganized attachment An attachment relationship in which infants dis- play conflicting behaviors, both when their mother leaves and when she returns.
easy temperament Describes a child who has regular sleep and feeding schedules, enjoys new situations and challenges, and is generally happy.
family bed A practice in which infants and young children sleep in the same bed as their parents.
goodness-of-fit The ability to match the physical and emotional environment to the unique temperament of each individual child.
insecure-avoidant attachment An attachment relationship in which the infant avoids connection with the caregiver, as when the infant does not seem to care about the care- giver’s presence, absence, or departure.
insecure-resistant/ambivalent attachment An attachment relationship between the infant and caregiver characterized by inconsistent reactions to the caregiver’s leaving and return.
internal working model The self-view a child develops through the attachment process. For example, a rejected child may begin to see himself or herself as a victim, as someone whom others do not love or care for.
multicultural Providing a variety of cultural perspectives; a society in which people from many different cultures function and reside equally.
New York Longitudinal Study A study, begun in the 1950s and conducted by Thomas and Chess, that recognized infants are born with distinctive temperaments.
primary attachment relationship Infants attach to a significant adult in the child’s life. This adult is usually the mother, but not always.
primary caregiver A term used to designate the main person who takes care of an infant or young child in an early care or education setting. This person may move up with the child as the child moves into different age groups.
Key Terms Chapter 2
secure attachment An attachment relationship in which infants mildly protest when their mother leaves, but then actively seek reunion with their mother when she returns. The securely attached infant then goes back to exploring and playing, using his or her mother as a strong psychological base.
slow-to-warm temperament Describes a child who is somewhat irregular in his or her biological functions, exhibits a negative response to new stimuli, and adapts slowly to change.
Strange Situation An experiment by Mary Ainsworth, in which she observed infants, aged 12 to 18 months old, their mother, and a stranger. Based on the infant’s behavior with the mother, the nature of the attachment is determined.
synchrony The rapid, responsive, coordinated interchange of behaviors and responses between an infant and caregiver; a responsive “dance.”
temperament Behavioral and emotional dimensions of a young child that develop early in childhood and form the basis for later personality.
Women, Infants and Children (WIC) A federal program that provides healthy and nutri- tious food to low-income mothers of young children.
Developing Autonomy
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Distinguish autonomy from shame, doubt, and dependency.
▸▸ Consider cultural and group contexts in which development and autonomy occur.
▸▸ Describe how to balance suitable discipline with the formation of autonomy in early care settings.
▸▸ Summarize the development of emotions in young children, and describe how to sup- port this growth.
▸▸ Explain Piaget’s sensorimotor and preoperational stages of mental development.
▸▸ Define stranger and separation anxiety, their causes, and ways for children to over- come them.
▸▸ Detail the role of the caregiver and parent in fostering a child’s autonomy.
3
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Developing Autonomy Chapter 3
Introduction During the period from 1 to 3 years old, a child progresses through a variety of significant milestones. These include learning to stand, walk, run, balance, and climb stairs; becoming toilet trained; the emergence of a fairly sophisticated language (and thus ability to commu- nicate one’s wishes and desires); development of more regular daily rhythms of eating and sleeping; advancements in motor and social play; and learning the foundation skills for art and writing. At this age, the child is progressing from the sensorimotor stage to the preoperational stage of mental representation, which heralds a marked increase in intellectual capacity and problem-solving ability (Piaget, 1952, 1959). The child is also making dramatic strides in social and emotional development.
The first of Erikson’s stages, trust versus mistrust, has now shifted into autonomy versus shame and doubt (see Table 3.1). In this second stage, toddlers struggle with an inner motivation toward autonomy and the development of feelings of shame and doubt when that desire is thwarted (see Chapter 2). Parents and other caregivers in the child’s life struggle to nurture the child’s need for autonomy with appropriate and sensitive guidance, direction toward accept- able and culturally appropriate social behaviors, and concerns for the child’s safety (Martin, 2011). The biggest difference between mistrust and shame and doubt is that shame connotes a concern for the opinion of others—the child feels shameful because of the negative response of others toward their autonomous behaviors. The child is becoming a social being who cares greatly about what others think and how they respond to his or her behavior (Erikson, 1963).
Table 3.1: The first three stages in Erikson’s psychosocial stage theory
Child’s Stage Child’s Age Psychosocial Stage
Infant 0-1 Trust versus mistrust
Toddler 1-3 Autonomy versus shame/doubt
Preschool 3-6 Initiative versus guilt
In this chapter, the child’s rapid development in physical, social, emotional, and cognitive areas will be described. Specifically, the child’s progress from Erikson’s first stage of trust versus mistrust, to his second stage, autonomy versus shame/doubt, is covered in detail. Then the child’s struggle to achieve each critical milestone that contributes to the development of autonomy is documented (Erikson, 1963). Further, the first two of Piaget’s stages of mental representation, the sensorimotor and preoperational stages, will be discussed, because they provide important insights into advancements in children’s cognitive development: language, memory, and problem solving. We then turn our attention to ways the family and early care and education program can support the child’s development and need to achieve autonomy. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory will again be consulted to help focus on family and program support, as well as to provide an important way to discuss cultural variations in meeting the needs of the 1- to 3-year-old child.
3.1 Developing Autonomy During the second year of life, children move away from total dependence on their primary caregiver (usually the mother) toward having a mind and will of their own. They start to become autonomous; that is, they start to be more independent and self-directed. Autonomous
Developing Autonomy Chapter 3
children do what they can for themselves and seem to take a special joy in showing the world what they can do.
The initial phase in the development of autonomy extends from about 15 months of age to 3 years. It coincides with the time when children are mastering a variety of critical developmen- tal tasks. These include toilet training, learning to walk, and language acquisition. Achieving each one of these critical tasks adds to the child’s sense of autonomy. A child who is toilet trained feels a new sense of control over his or her bodily functions. The ability to walk, espe- cially to get to interesting objects the child desires, builds empowerment and independence. Empowerment is a sense of control and personal power. But—at least to the toddler’s main caregivers—it is through newfound language abilities that the child is most clearly able to dis- play independent behavior. “Me do it,” “no,” and “mine” are direct assertions by the toddler of independence and autonomy (Laible & Thompson, 2007).
It should be noted that, when it comes to toddlers, we are not talking about granting a child complete self-governance or independence. Toddlers should be given a sense of empower- ment, control, choice, self-direction, and volition. For a toddler, autonomy is about discover- ing a sense of self. Young children developing autonomy want to do something their own way, even if this is incorrect from an adult’s perspective. They also will insist on using words as they see fit, even if it is not correct, and expect the rest of the world to speak the same language. For example, the child who knows only the word “taco” may throw a fit when her mother gives her a burrito. The child does not understand that she has used the word incor- rectly and so may become upset. Thus, one of the huge frustrations for toddlers (and for those caring for them) is that while they strive for autonomy, they are still in the process of learning vocabulary, language, and a vast array of cognitive and social skills and concepts.
Developing autonomy does not mean focusing on individual behaviors and tasks at the expense of cooperation and group activities. Young children also develop autonomy by using their social and language skills. Young children love to “help” adults wash or dry dishes, cook or bake, set the table, sort clean laundry, shop, and do other tasks. They may not yet have the skills to contribute to the task at hand, and at times they may make the work more difficult for the adults. Nevertheless, parents and others who take the time to include young children in these types of chores are doing the children a favor. Children who are included in this way feel they are able to make a valuable contribution, and this increases their sense of autonomy.
Children who have friends and can communicate effectively with adults and peers feel a sense of empowerment (Hay, Payne, & Chadwick, 2004). In communities in which children are directly inte- grated into adults’ activities (e.g., the Mayan towns of San Pedro in Guatemala), children are empow- ered to take responsibility for social interactions. They develop independence by helping their par- ents at work and participating in community-wide activities, and they have many opportunities to experiment with their new sense of autonomy without feeling a pressure to succeed or to do things correctly. Children in such communities are
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▲ Though young children may not be totally adept at completing certain tasks, children who are included in helping develop a greater sense of autonomy because they feel as though they are able to make a valuable contribution.
Developing Autonomy Chapter 3
quite adept at entering into social interactions with both peers and adults and tend to share decision making with adults.
In societies where parents have more formal education, when adults and children work together to achieve a task, the adults tend to provide direct instructions and expert scaffold- ing, rather than working as equals (Chavajay & Rogoff, 2002). Scaffolding is the process whereby experts (i.e., adults and more advanced children) provide teaching support to a child, with the amount of support being reduced as the child gains competence. This in turn promotes the child’s autonomy and independence. In collective societies, such as the Israeli Kibbutzim and Canadian Hutterite colonies, children develop a deep sense of belonging and empowerment by helping in the community gardens, on the farm, and in other chores that can accommodate young children. Thus, there are culturally different ways in which auton- omy and independence are encouraged in young children (Siegler & Alibali, 2005). Moreover, we should not think of the development of autonomy in young children as independence from the group. Rather, it is the development of a sense of empowerment, group belonging, and importance.
Developing Shame and Doubt
Children who have few opportunities to explore and take risks, who are not allowed to do things for themselves (or at least have the perception that they are doing them themselves), who have few opportunities to manipulate objects, and who have all important decisions made for them, tend to develop a sense of shame and doubt. Their sincere and strongly motivated attempts at exploration, empowerment, and independence have been met with impatience, criticism, ridicule, derision, physical restraint, and resistance.
Because challenging tasks are being attempted during this age, such as walking, talking, toilet training, and learning social skills and all sorts of cognitive concepts, it is extremely easy for the child to develop a feeling of shame and doubt. For example, in learning to be toilet trained, a toddler develops self-control and pride. The toddler gains a great feeling of satisfaction from an ability to control these basic bodily functions (Stephens, 1999). However, to accomplish toilet training is a very complex task that includes brain maturation, cognitive awareness, self-regulation, and emotional control. Children will naturally have accidents as they attempt to master this complex developmental milestone. It is critical that significant caregivers acknowledge the child’s desire to master this task, support genuine and sincere efforts, and understand occasional lapses. Caregivers who shame the child, react in anger, become frustrated, or punish the child will undermine the development of autonomy and produce a sense of shame and doubt in the child (Puckett & Black, 2005).
Support from Caregivers
Supporting the development of autonomy in young children can be challenging for parents and other caregivers. Adults support the development of autonomy when they understand the toddler’s need to feel self-sufficient, capable, important, and independent. Toddlers’ increasing success in walking, talking, manipulating objects, self-feeding, toileting, making choices, and imitating the more mature behavior of others, including their social and com- municative skills, all contribute directly to toddlers’ sense of autonomy.
However, the toddler still needs to have the security and assurance of a nurturing, supportive, sensitive adult. Toddlers need to know they can go to someone when they are upset; they
Developing Autonomy Chapter 3
need to know that when their efforts at autonomy fail, they will still be loved, cared for, and accepted. Adults support the emergence of autonomy by sensitively providing a balance between the toddler’s need for dependence and independence, freedom and control. They do so by assisting toddlers in their efforts to master new tasks and learn new skills, such as providing steps to enable them to wash their hands, placing toys on low shelves so they can get them without adult assistance, and offering choices when the consequences do not mat- ter in the larger scheme of things—for example, wearing a jacket or a sweater, or choosing the color of their socks.
This behavior by the caregiver obviously requires the ability to share control with the child. Guidance and discipline techniques need to offer choices and a variety of acceptable alterna- tives, and to be able to defuse potential power struggles and oppositional behaviors. Central to this ability to share control is the caregiver's willingness to allow the toddler to have a sense of power and control. It is not about who wins; it is about the toddler feeling that he or she has some sense of power. Further, because children are in the process of developing a vast variety of important tasks, caregivers must not be critical of mistakes, set expectations that are too high, punish setbacks, or ridicule the many inevitable failures. This is particularly true of toilet training. To achieve important developmental tasks, children must be supported in their sincere efforts, rewarded when they are successful, encouraged to practice newly developed skills, and be sensitively nurtured when they fail. Thus, when a child attempts to walk and subsequently falls, the child should be encouraged to try again (and maybe even assisted in doing so by the adult holding the child’s hands). When children are trying out all the new words they have heard, some will be incorrect, and some of the grammar will be incorrect (e.g., tenses and plurals). Again, their attempt at learning new words and try- ing out new expressions should be supported; their mistakes should not be corrected. They will learn the correct words and grammar through modeling of adults communicating with peers (Otto, 2006).
Supporting Language Development
Because learning to speak a language is such a tremendously complex and dynamic task, with social, cultural, and language rules; many exceptions to the rules; and a vast variety of verb tenses and grammatical conventions, language “mistakes” must be understood to be a part of the developmental process. To support language development in toddlers appropriately, caregivers need to find constructive and sensitive ways to:
1. encourage language use
2. engage with the child in a variety of conversations and word games
3. use language for a variety of purposes (e.g., instruction, descriptions, asking questions, emotional support, and verbal games)
4. understand that during the normal and natural language learning process, the toddler will make lots and lots of what appear to be mistakes
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▲ While it is important for the adult to support and guide the toddler, the child must be made to feel as though he or she shares some power and control with the caregiver.
Developing Autonomy Chapter 3
Research has shown that some children enter school (age 5 or 6) with a vocabulary of about 2,500 words, while other children enter school with more than 10,000 words (Moats, 2001). There are very large differences in the environments in which young children grow and develop, and these differences affect the language acquisition of children (Hart & Risley, 1995). In a study of welfare, working-class, and professional families, welfare parents used an average of 600 words an hour with their toddlers, working-class parents used 1,300 words, and par- ents with professional jobs used 2,100 words. By the time these children were 3 years old, children in professional families had been exposed to 8 million words (Hart & Risley, 1995). As they enter and progress through school, children from different economic and educational backgrounds move further apart in vocabulary and the use of complex sentences (Vasilyeva, Waterfall, & Huttenlocher, 2008).
Children who enter school with a large vocabulary and the ability to use complex sentences have been exposed to a variety of language experiences in a variety of settings. They have had the benefit of having things described and explained to them. They have engaged in social conversations, and they have been told stories, participated in rich play opportuni- ties, and heard words used to express a variety of emotions and aspirations. And they have repeatedly had books read aloud to them. These children are also encouraged to use words in a rich variety of ways and for a vast variety of purposes. Children who enter school with far fewer words, on the other hand, have typically heard language used primarily in two ways: instruction (being told what to do) and discipline (Heath, 1983; Vasilyeva, Waterfall, & Huttenlocher, 2008).
In early childhood circles today, there is a strong focus on honoring the perspectives, atti- tudes, and beliefs of all families. This is especially true in programs where families come from a variety of rich cultural, linguistic, and national backgrounds. While it is essential that teachers and caregivers learn how to work effectively with all families, the desire to be nonjudgmental should not prevent teachers and other caregivers from sensitively communicating to parents best practices drawn from research that will promote healthy language development and prepare children for success in school. It is the responsibility of programs and program staff to share what has been shown by credible research to work. (See Personal Stories: We Owe It to Our Children for specific examples.)
In sum, the following research findings regarding language development, starting in infancy, can be shared with parents, caregivers, and teachers in ECE programs:
• Language should be used in a variety of social contexts and for a variety of purposes. Further, children need to be encouraged both at home and in our programs to use language in a variety of ways.
• During the infant and early years, children learn a variety of complex language skills by being exposed to language in many meaningful social contexts, but not through direct instruction or rote learning (Gerard, 2004).
• The more the TV is turned off, the better. While families might argue that their chil- dren are exposed to language through television, very few television programs have been found to have any educational benefits, and when it comes to young children and television, the negative consequences far outweigh the benefits (Andersen & Pempek, 2005; Krcmar, Grela, & Lin, 2007), with the possible exception of watching “Sesame Street” after age 2. Some research suggests TV watching actually retards language learning (Zimmerman, Christakis, & Meltzoff, 2007).
Discipline and Autonomy Chapter 3
• Young children need many opportunities to play. Playing with peers is one of the best settings for learning new words and other important language skills.
• The best foundation for reading, besides language development, comes from being read to, being exposed to books and environmental print, and seeing adults model reading and writing. To be most effective, these experiences must occur both at home and in the early childhood program (Loban, 1976; Scarborough, 1990; Snow & Ninio, 1986). Further, to maximize literacy development, parents and caregivers should find a variety of ways to engage in conversations with their children while they participate in each of these activities.
• Meal times are one of the best settings for language development to occur (assuming, of course, that the cell phone and TV are turned off). Meal times are low-stress, social times when parents and their children can discuss the foods they are eating, the child’s experiences during the day, activities the child will be doing the next day and during the week, and so on. These discussions provide a wealth of opportunities to increase the child’s vocabulary (Vasilyeva, Waterfall, & Huttenlocher, 2008).
• Research in general has shown that popular approaches to increasing vocabulary such as flash cards, workbooks, and other repetitive drills do not have a positive effect on the early literacy skills of young children with average abilities (Gerard, 2004).
P E R S O N A L S T O R I E S :
We Owe it to Our Children
Many challenges must be addressed to prepare children from low-income families for success in school. We owe it to our children to give them the best possible chance to succeed. We must do what we know works in the classroom, on the playground, and in our programs, and we need to find the most effective ways to work with families to help them provide the best possible founda- tion for their children at home. Much of this foundation for academic success depends on language development. Therefore, we need to provide young children with many opportunities to use com- plex language in a variety of contexts, beginning in infancy.
Sometimes parents are so preoccupied with their own lives that they forget the needs of their chil- dren. On a recent Sunday morning while enjoying brunch with my family, I observed a girl, about 4 to 5 years old, eating breakfast with her mother. However, from the time she sat down at the table until the pair left, the mother was focused on talking on her cell phone. The only time she paused to talk was to order breakfast for the two of them, and to reprimand her daughter when she misbehaved. Imagine how different the language experience would have been if the mother had turned off her phone and instead spent the time pointing out items on the menu and happily chatting with her daughter over breakfast. These small everyday moments are the ones that matter most (Wardle, 2007).
Wardle, F. (2007). Vocabularly development. Children and Families, (21) 3, pp. 44–45. National Head Start Association.
3.2 Discipline and Autonomy At this age (1 to 3 years old) many discipline challenges develop, and the child’s efforts to define autonomy and independence and to assert a sense of self often push the limits of social boundaries and safety issues. While toddlers seek independence, autonomy, and a sense of
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control, they do not know appropriate physical and social limits. And they lack experience. Brain devel- opment is often immature, meaning that children at this age are incapable of fully controlling their emo- tions (Shore, 1997). Toddlers need guidance simply to stay safe and to ensure the safety of others. Two specific challenging behaviors often develop at this time: tantrums and biting.
Guidance of children aged 1 to 3 years old is par- ticularly challenging because children at this age are immature in a variety of critical areas needed to develop and exercise self-control. A toddler’s head is disproportionately large and heavy compared to the rest of the child’s body, which means the toddler is clumsy and falls easily. The toddler’s brain is still developing, including the cerebral cortex, which is the front part of the brain that controls emotional regulation (Shore, 1997). Young children also lack experience to help them understand the potential consequences of their behaviors, particularly the negative consequences that can frustrate and anger caregivers. Finally, because young children’s lan- guage skills are still developing, it is often difficult for them to understand why their behaviors might be inappropriate or unacceptable, and it is hard to use language to explain their frustrations and distress.
While the child is struggling to come to terms with this need for power and control, caregivers often try to civilize and train the child to make them obedi- ent. Attempts to civilize and train a child easily lead to a sense of shame and doubt. The challenge is to be able to provide needed guidance and limits without producing in children a sense of doubt and shame. Critical to this effort, both at home and in
the early care and education program, is the deep understanding of the child’s inner need for autonomy. The child is trying to make sense of a desire to achieve autonomy; the child is not engaging in a devious and willful attempt at challenging adult authority and is not driven to embarrass the child’s mother in the eyes of her friends. It is not about adult power and control; it is about sensitively and warmly guiding, limiting, and structuring a child’s mastery of this very challenging stage—both for the child and for the child’s significant caregivers.
To address this challenge, a balanced approach to guidance helps young children become socialized to the culture in which they live and develop. This balanced approach includes the following (Wittmer & Petersen, 2010):
Respect for children’s emotional needs. Young children need adults who can provide care, security, responsive relationships, and a sense of self-worth. Young children who feel securely
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▲ Toddlers naturally seek autonomy and inde- pendence. However, because their cognitive development is not complete, they often cannot recognize appropriate social and physical limits.
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attached and have a positive connection with another adult are more likely to cooperate and respond positively to the adult. They know the role of the adult is to protect them and keep them safe—even when they do not always understand what the adult wants or expects. They also know the adult will respond with love and affection when they falter.
Respect for individual differences. Guidance responses should be tailored to the child’s individual temperament, learning style, and capabilities. Sensitive adults also focus on what the child can do, and on what the child is competent at doing. This supports the child’s own sense of empowerment and self-worth.
Respect for the power of development. During certain periods of development, a child’s life can be particularly challenging. The 1- to 3-year-old period, when children are devel- oping autonomy and struggling to achieve major milestones, is one such period. Parents and caregivers need to respect these developmental struggles and understand the child's sincere desire to master them, and to make sure they do not have unreasonable expecta- tions. Caregivers also need to be aware of language, cognitive, emotional, and other delays that often negatively affect the child’s response to adult guidance (Irwin, Carter, & Briggs- Gowen, 2002).
Respect for self. Parents and caregivers who effectively guide young children are aware of their own selves—what makes them angry, sad, frustrated, and upset when working with young children. They are also aware of their own upbringing and how it can affect how they relate to young children. Parents and caregivers who are able to reflect on their own behaviors with young children can steer the child toward independence and autonomy in a balanced manner.
Specific ideas for appropriate guidance techniques that adults can use both at home and in a program to help children achieve autonomy and to master this critical stage include the fol- lowing (Honig, 2002):
• Observe when children are being good and express pleasure when they are engaged in appropriate behaviors.
• Model acceptance, patience, courtesy, and helpfulness.
• Be particularly sensitive and supportive of children who are less skilled, who struggle with emotional regulation, or who have specific behavioral challenges.
• Use hugs, facial expressions, and an accepting voice to build in children a sense of acceptance and a trust that adults are there to support and understand the child’s struggle to develop autonomy.
• When possible, tell children what you want them to do, as opposed to what you do not want them to do. “Please walk” is easier to achieve than “don’t run.”
• Physically hold a child who is out of control. Tell the child you understand they are upset, and tell them that you are trying to help calm them down so that they will not get hurt and so that they will not hurt others.
Further, caregivers should find ways to minimize and prevent situations that produce power struggles and frustrating situations for the child and the caregiver. This can be achieved by anticipating children’s frustrations and struggles, taking steps so that toddlers feel involved and empowered, and giving children time to adjust to new situations and transitions (remem- bering that it takes some children longer to adjust than others).
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Prevention of power struggles and frustration is also achieved by making the home and pro- gram safe for young children, or child-proofing. To fully child-proof a home, you need to see the environment from the child’s perspective. Remember, a young child does not understand cause and effect and does not have the experience to know the results of his or her actions. The child simply investigates and explores the environment from the perspective of a curious child who is programmed to discover as much as possible about the world. Further, once the child can move, these investigations really take off, and the child will explore anything he or she can find. Thus, it is extremely important to cover electrical outlets, make sure window cords are short (or cut), lock bathroom doors, put poisons and cleaning liquids out of reach, move fragile and breakable objects out of reach, and provide gates to prevent children falling down the stairs (Martin, 2011). It is much easier to prevent problems than to engage in a power struggle each time the child tries to investigate something that could cause harm. Parents and other caregivers who are secure in their important role and who have good parenting skills know that care and authority with a toddler is all about creating win-win situations (Honig, 1996).
3.3 Temperament and Coping with Feelings In Chapter 2, we discussed Thomas and Chess’s New York Longitudinal Study of young chil- dren’s temperaments (1996). In this experiment, Thomas and Chess determined that children’s temperaments generally fall into one of three overall categories: easy, difficult, and slow- to-warm, with the remainder of children not fitting neatly into any one of the categories. Temperament is initially genetically determined (children are born with it), but is later greatly influenced by the child’s social environment (Chess & Thomas, 1996).
Children with different temperaments produce different reactions from adults, depending on the child’s temperament, the adult’s temperament and overall personality, and the abil- ity of the adult to work comfortably and effectively with children—particularly with difficult children. All parents and teachers know that certain children are a great joy to be around, at least most of the time, while other children will push adults to their limits and are often not much fun to be around. Unfortunately, a child's negative temperament can cause the adults’ interactions with the child to become very negative. This, in turn, reinforces the child’s difficult temperament and behaviors—what is called a reciprocal interaction.
Added to the quality of adult-child interactions is the adult's temperament and overall per- sonality. Adults, of course, have their own temperaments (easy, difficult, and slow-to-warm). Further, the quality of adults’ early childhood experiences, the relationships they had with their parents and siblings, and the adult role models they emulated while growing up directly affect the way they interact with children, both at home and in the early care and education program. The gender of the child and the caregiver (parent or teacher) also has an impact on the quality of adult-child interactions (see Spotlight: Fathers, Sons, Boys, and Male Caregivers).
Adults working with children during the autonomy versus shame and doubt stage need to use some general approaches with all of these children, while tailoring their responses to each child’s unique temperament and experiences. Some children need gentle strategies that emphasize nurturing, communication, and encouragement, with only a modest focus on expectations and rules. Others may need more clear and firm messages regarding expecta- tions, very consistent enforcement of rules, and help to understand the negative impact of their behaviors on others, both children and adults. However, especially during this period when all children are striving for autonomy, adult interactions with children must be charac- terized by warmth, flexibility, respect, and a deep understanding that toddlers need to feel
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S P O T L I G H T:
Fathers, Sons, Boys, and Male Caregivers
From the first years, girls smile more and cry more than boys do. As they grow older, girls use more emotion-related words with peers and adults, and girls are more adept than boys are at detecting how others are feeling (Kostelnik, Whiren, Soderman, & Gregory, 2009). While these gender dif- ferences—and those described below—may not exist in all cultures, research indicates they occur in some cultures, for example, middle-class cultures in the United States, Canada, and Northern Europe (Lamb, 1987; Turbiville & Turnbull, 1995; Whiting & Edwards, 1988a).
Parents use more facial expressions with infant daughters than they do with sons; they also use more feeling words with girls than they do with boys. Adults encourage girls to express a wide range of emotions, but less so with boys (Bukatko & Daehler, 2004). This fact, along with the over- all faster maturity of brain development in girls compared to boys, may be the reason that girls talk earlier than boys and that language development continues to be more advanced in girls than boys throughout childhood (Leaper, Anderson, & Sanders, 1998).
We know gender differences result in more young boys with birth defects and learning disabilities. For example, about four times as many boys as girls have autism and five to nine times as many boys are diagnosed with ADHD. As many caregivers will tell you, more boys bite than girls (Garrard, Leland, & Smith, 1988).
Studies that compared the behavior of mothers and fathers toward their infants show that mothers tend to provide for the child’s basic needs, such as food and diapering, and also soothe the child when the infant needs to be nurtured. The father, on the other hand, tends to play with his children and provide physical and cognitive stimulation (Berger, 2011). Interestingly, studies also indicate that when infants want to have their basic needs met and when they need to be soothed, they seek out their mothers, but when they are ready to play and be stimulated intellectually, they seek out their fathers (Lamb, 2000; Parke, 1996).
This information about girls and boys, and mothers and fathers, suggests that we must support the active involvement of fathers and other men in the home life of infants and young children and become advocates for increasing the number of men in infant and early childhood programs. More and more husbands are staying home to care for their children, while their wives become the main bread- winners for the family. This is a result of several factors, including more societal acceptance of men as the primary caregiver, increased willingness of some men to accept this role reversal, and women’s higher education and better job selection (Parke, 1996, 2004). While more men are staying home to raise their children, there is still considerable opposition (and very low numbers) of men becoming care- givers in infant, toddler, and early childhood programs (Neugebauer, 1999; NCES, 2011).
In 1997, UNICEF issued a report on the importance of including men in the lives of children (Foumbi & Lovich, 1997), and in 2001, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services made increasing male and fatherhood involvement a priority in federally funded programs such as Head Start. Both of these initiatives show a new understanding of the importance of fathers in the lives of their chil- dren (Parke, 1996, 2004).
It is now recognized that not only can fathers be important and loving caregivers for their children, but they also can make genuine contributions to their development. Boys with involved fathers have higher IQs and are more sociable (Yogman, Kindlon, & Earls, 1995). Young infants are more securely attached when their fathers are affectionate and spend time with them, as opposed to fathers who are distant and negative (Cox, Owen, Henderson, & Margand, 1992), and children with involved fathers have fewer behavior problems and more positive attitudes (Amato & Rivera, 1999). Finally, fathers who believed in their important role in the lives of their children were more directly involved in their children’s lives: nurturing and caring for them, providing parental warmth, and engaging in play and other stimulating activities (Bronte-Tinkew, Carrano, & Guzman, 2006).
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a sense of control most of the time (although, as has already been said, this does not mean the adult should forsake real control and active supervision).
Clearly, when it comes to adult-child interactions, particularly during this challenging stage (both for the child and the significant caregivers at home and in the early care and education setting), a goodness- of-fit between the child and adult produces the best results (Grusec, Goodnow, & Kucznski, 2000). Adults who can match the child’s temperament and behav- iors with their own temperament and discipline approaches produce the best results. Knowledge and understanding of children’s development, and knowledge of good parenting skills, also enhances the quality of these relationships (Grusec, Goodnow, & Kucznski, 2000).
However, as has already been suggested, difficult children are much more frustrating for most care- givers to work with than are easy children. A class- room full of difficult children (or a few children who are very difficult to deal with), a teacher or caregiver who is under stress from external pressures, and lack of support from the program’s administration can all result in less than positive, supportive, and nurturing guidance and teaching. In these situations, it is dif- ficult for the teacher or caregiver to remain positive and upbeat.
Coping with Feelings
We all have emotions. Emotions we have include happiness, affection, fear, pride, anger, and sadness. People from all backgrounds and all cultures have these emotions. Emotions can be broken down into
four components: trigger events, physical response, the expressive way we respond, and cog- nitive response (Kostelnik et al., 2009).
An external event—something outside of the person (e.g., a loud noise, a threatening per- son, or a mother’s smile) or an internal event (e.g., memory of a parent’s affection, fear of an upcoming test) will trigger an emotional response in a person. This external or internal trigger produces a reaction in the brain, which controls overall human behavior—a physical response. This then produces a smile, frown, laughter, use of certain words, or scowl, which is the expressive part of emotions (Lewis, 1999). Finally, the individual makes a decision about the nature of his or her response to the trigger event—the cognitive part. The actual decision one makes depends on context, goals (expectations), and past experiences (Lewis, 1999).
A critical component of emotions and feelings is that each child makes the ultimate judgment about how he or she feels regarding the initial trigger event, based on a variety of factors.
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▲ Though it is important for children in the autonomy versus shame and doubt stage to feel as though they have some control, ultimately, it is the caregiver’s responsibility to actively supervise and maintain control.
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Survival Purpose of Emotions
Fundamentally, emotions help children survive. Avoiding a speeding tricycle and forming attachments with important caregivers, without first thinking about possible consequences, are examples of emotions instinctively directing children’s behaviors toward survival (Ekman, 2003). When children do have a chance to think about an emotion (i.e., a cognitive response), they will try to avoid situations that cause negative emotions and respond positively to those that make them feel safe and secure, for example happiness and trust (Frijda, 2000). Affection tells children that they are loved, and pride suggests competence, both emotions that children like and therefore want to continue. Conversely, anger, fear, and sadness tend to be avoided by infants. In all cases, feelings help children interpret the world and their response to that world. Children also observe adults close to them to help them interpret important cues from the environment, what we call social referencing. The child seeks information about how to respond to an unfamiliar object, person, or event by observing the expressions and responses of someone else—usually a caregiver—to the same object and event.
Emotions help the child communicate to others. Smiling, laughing, scowling, and crying express what a young child is feeling. For example, a 9-month-old infant’s facial expression may immediately change from a broad smile to an extreme pout when a loud noise surprises and shocks him. Emotions dramatically affect the young child’s brain development by stimu- lating or retarding the creation of neural connections and by supporting or inhibiting the child’s ability to complete complex and challenging cognitive tasks (National Scientific Council on the Development of the Child, 2006). Negative emotions get in the way of linguistic and cognitive functioning; strong, positive emotions enhance memory and other cognitive activi- ties (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000; Shore, 1997).
Children’s Emotional Development
Like all aspects of children’s growth and development, children’s emotional development pro- gresses through a predictable developmental sequence. Children are not born with the abil- ity to understand their own emotions and to express those emotions in a socially acceptable manner. These abilities develop through five distinct stages:
• The child’s emotions emerge.
• The child develops self-awareness of emotions.
• The child learns to recognize other people’s emotions.
• The child learns to regulate what he or she is feeling.
• The child learns to complete the emotional tasks of childhood (Kostelnik et al., 2009).
Before a child is 12 months old, the child will express joy, anger, sadness, and fear. These are considered primary emotions, from which other emotions develop. Joy differentiates into happiness, satisfaction, pleasure, contentment, and pride; anger into frustration, jealousy, disgust, boredom, and defiance; sadness into dejection, distress, grief, shame, and guilt; and fear into suspicion, anxiety, dismay, panic, and dread.
Early in life, a child’s emotions are very intense. As the child develops, primary emotions differ- entiate, and the child moves toward a greater understanding of others, while emotional reac- tions also become more varied. Thus, while in infancy screaming was the universal response to anger, frustration, and fear, at age 3 the child can shout, pout, whimper, or try to express feelings with words. When toddlers and preschoolers are angry, they are totally angry; when
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they are pleased, they are totally pleased (Harter, 1998). These different emotional responses change radically and quickly, from one extreme to another.
By about 5 to 6 years old, children can handle more than one feeling at a time, so long as it is a similar feeling. For example, a child can feel excited and happy when anticipating going to a party; however, the child still cannot feel happy and nervous at the same time. It’s only at about 8 to 11 years of age that children understand that opposite responses to the same event or action are possible (Brown & Dunn, 1996).
Identifying the Emotions of Others
As children grow older, their ability to interpret other people’s emotions improves. From about 3 to 5 years old, children become increasingly accurate at inter- preting the emotions of others (Widen & Russell, 2003). However, they tend to focus on facial expres- sions and the tone of voice, or expressive cues. A preschooler will determine that a peer is sad due to the tears streaming down the child’s face, rather than knowing the cause of the child’s sadness. At this age, children focus on the primary emotions of others while still focusing on one emotion at a time.
Regulating Emotions
As children develop an emotional understanding of themselves and others, they learn how to regu- late their emotions so that they can interact more effectively with others. Both negative and positive emotions need to be regulated. Emotional regulation involves suppressing some emotions (e.g., anger), while intensifying others (e.g., increasing anger to be able to resist a bully). Learning emotional regula- tion begins in infancy. As they grow older, and as the prefrontal cortex of the brain matures, children have more strategies to use to regulate their emo- tions. Some of the strategies children use include the following:
• Suppressing the expression of certain emotions
• Soothing themselves (for example, some children talk to themselves, reassuring them- selves; some children carry a familiar object when they feel scared or sad)
• Seeking comfort (a toddler crawls into the lap of a caregiver when upset)
• Avoiding or ignoring certain events that arouse emotions (for example, covering their eyes to avoid seeing something on TV)
• Interpreting emotional events in new ways (instead of interpreting something person- ally, realizing that the person is upset from an event that has nothing to do with them)
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▲ Preschoolers are able to recognize emotions in their peers by way of external, physical cues, though they may not be able to determine the cause of the emotion.
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Emotional Intelligence
Children’s emotional self-awareness, their understanding of other people’s feelings, and their ability to manage what they feel is known as emotional intelligence, which is popularly termed emotional IQ (EQ for short) (Goleman, 1999). We know that children who have well- developed emotional IQs are more likely to be successful in school and in life. In fact, some argue that a high emotional IQ is a better indicator of school success than a high intellectual IQ is (Goleman, 1999). Children with well-developed emotional IQs are viewed by both peers and adults as likeable, cooperative, and friendly. Conversely, children who do not demonstrate these emotional understandings and behaviors are not viewed in this positive light by peers and adults. Further, children who lack the ability to relegate their emotions often lose control of their emotions, which produces negative responses from peers. These children are unhappy and unpopular. Conversely, children who can control their emotions are liked by others and are happier overall (National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine, 2000).
3.4 Piaget’s Sensorimotor Stage and Preoperational Stage
To be able to understand the toddler’s struggle to achieve autonomy, it is critical to under- stand how toddlers “think”—how they make sense of their emerging world. The Swiss psy- chologist Jean Piaget provides us with an understanding of how toddlers comprehend their world, use language, and express their feelings.
Piaget focused on how children create images in their minds to represent the world, and then how they use these images to think about the world, what he called mental representations. Piaget constructed a theory with four distinct stages, or levels. The first two stages apply to our understanding of children’s struggle for autonomy. His first stage is the sensorimotor stage (0 to 2 years old); his second stage is the preoperational stage (2 to 7 years old) (see Figure 3.1).
Sensorimotor Stage
According to Piaget (1952, 1959), at the sensorimotor stage, children develop ideas about the world by combining sensory and physical (motor) actions into combinations that they then repeat. As we know, humans have five senses—sight, taste, smell, touch, and hearing. An infant learns about the world by looking at people and things; tasting anything that can go in the child’s mouth; touching objects with hands, feet, and body; listening to all sorts of sounds, including a mother’s voice; and smelling food and other things in the environment. But children also need to use physical ability and actions—what Piaget calls motor actions—to grasp an object and place it in their mouth, track an object before it can be grabbed, watch the face of their mother to respond to her smile, and grab a grandfather’s glasses. Piaget called these behaviors whereby children combine their senses and physical actions into repeti- tive, stereotypical behaviors sensorimotor intelligence.
Piaget believed that as infants engage in these sensorimotor activities, they begin to remem- ber the patterns of these behaviors and eventually can predict what will happen next in a sensorimotor sequence. Thus, infants know that when they smile at their mother, she will smile back. Later, the infant predicts that if he or she smiles at someone who is not his or her
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mother, this person will also smile back. To Piaget, this memory of a sequence, and the ability to predict future behavior from a sequence, is the beginning form of thinking.
For caregivers, knowing about sensorimotor development means that activities for toddlers should focus on all five senses, not just vision and hearing, and should encourage a vast range of motor activities and behaviors, from grasping and pulling, to rolling, walking, and climb- ing. The physical environment for toddlers, both indoors and outdoors, must support these important physical activities (Martin, 2011). Finally, the caregiver should provide infants and toddlers with activities that combine sensory and motor behaviors: using a rattle, playing with simple musical instruments, drawing with crayons and magic markers, talking to peers and adults, tasting and smelling different foods, kicking objects, and looking at themselves in the mirror. All of these sensorimotor activities also help in the development of the infant’s brain. Brain development of young children will be addressed in detail in the next chapter.
Children can think abstractly, hypothesize, predict the results of conflicting variables, and determine the results of actions and interactions not personally experienced. Can solve complex math and science problems.
Formal Operations Stage (11+)
Uses logical thinking and rules to solve problems. Has learned conservation, class inclusion, and reversibility. However, the child can only think logically about things personally experienced. Thus they believe, “It won’t happen to me.”
Concrete Operations Stage (7–11)
The child can think abstractly/representationally, but not logically. When there is a conflict between concrete information and abstract knowledge, the concrete information dominates. The child has achieved object permanence. A very egocentric stage, and centrism predominates.
Preoperational Stage (2–7)
The infant learns about the world through physical movement and all the senses. Much knowledge comes through mouthing objects. Lacks fully developed object permanence.
Sensorimotor Stage (0–2)
Figure 3.1: Piaget’s stages of cognitive development
Piaget’s childhood developmental stages are characterized by children’s desire to discover and under- stand the world around them. Through age 7, children come to understand the concrete world; from ages 7 to 11, they begin to understand abstract concepts.
Berger, K. S. (2011). The developing person through the lifespan. New York: Worth Publishers.
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Preoperational Stage
From approximately ages 2 through 7, the young child is in Piaget’s second stage. During this stage, children can represent past experiences and events through language, dramatic play, and art. In other words, they can remember past activities and recall them later. This is called the preoperational stage. However, these memories are never very accurate, because pre- operational children’s thinking is characterized by the following:
• The way things look—their appearance
• Young children’s egocentric nature—viewing everything from their own self-centered point of view
• A lack of knowledge in which to embed their recent experiences. For example, they do not know that all dogs have certain characteristics in common while other characteris- tics are unique to each individual dog; the same is true of all things they experience.
• A lack of words to help them describe and remember events and activities
• Basing everything they know on real, concrete experiences they have had
• Not knowing how things fit together—how things relate to each other. For example, they do not know that adult sheep have lambs that grow up to be sheep; they do not know that tomatoes grow in a garden and milk comes from cows, and so on.
For the caregiver, this means that toddlers and preschoolers need lots and lots of experiences with real objects and real environments, such as nature. They need to be able to manipulate concrete materials (e.g., play in sand and water, or use blocks to build), and they need to have lots of opportunities to try out newfound skills and knowledge—what Piaget calls practice. Caregivers also need to realize that children this age discover how the world works, learn important characteristics of objects, and gain new information about a vast array of objects by actually trying out the world (using new words, messing around with water, and jumping off a rock). Finally, words for the preoperational child do not have the same universal and precise meaning they do for older children and adults. For example, to a young child the word two may mean two candies or two children, not an abstract concept of two.
Stranger Anxiety and Separation Anxiety
During Piaget’s sensorimotor stage, the infant begins to realize that objects exist even when they cannot be seen or heard. For young infants, when an object leaves their sight, they believe it no lon- ger exists (out of sight, out of mind, literally). You can play with infants and put a toy under a blanket or behind them, and they will simply ignore it. But at about 8 months of age, the infant realizes that objects still exist even when they cannot be seen or heard. This is known as object permanence. After infants have achieved this stage, a toy that is placed under a blanket still exists in their mind, so they will remove the blanket to find it. In fact, they delight in this and other games in which you hide an object and they retrieve it. The infant also delights when you cover your face with a cloth, and then remove it.
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▲ During the preoperational stage, children discover how the world works by representing concrete past experiences through art and other creative avenues.
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Once children have acquired object permanence, they will develop stranger and separation anxiety, because now they are aware that their mothers (or other caregivers) exist even when not physically present, and that someone with whom they are not familiar (based on their memory of people they know) must be a stranger. This new consciousness results in two well- known fears that many infants and toddlers develop: stranger anxiety and separation anxiety. These are emotional responses to events that begin to occur at a specific age.
Stranger Anxiety
Along with object permanence, infants gradually begin to show fear of strangers. This fear begins to develop at about 6 months of age, in the form of wary interactions with strangers; by about 9 months of age the fear of strangers intensifies and is known as stranger anxi- ety. It reaches its peak near the end of the infant’s first year. Not all infants develop stranger anxiety. Further, infants are less likely to do so in familiar settings. For example, 10-month- olds showed little stranger anxiety when meeting a stranger at their home, but much more fear when they met a stranger in a research lab (Sroufe, Waters, & Matas, 1974). Infants also exhibit less stranger anxiety when they are physically close to their mothers (because of social referencing and a secure emotional base). Finally, infants are less fearful of child strangers than they are of adult strangers.
Separation Anxiety
Infants develop a fear of separating from their primary caregivers (usually their mother). This fear exhibits itself in the child's crying and protesting when the caregiver leaves, and usually develops at about 6 to 8 months of age (Vondra & Barnett, 1999). This is called separation anxiety. According to Kagan (2008), separation anxiety peaks at about 13 to 15 months—in all cultures. Separation anxiety is very familiar to early childhood caregivers working with the fami- lies of infants and toddlers. Added to the distress of the child is the distress—and sometimes guilt—of the caregiver. Often parents are reluctant to leave when they drop off their child.
Babies who are cared for by extended family members and neighbors from the time they are born are less likely to show distress (Paludi, 2002). Further, research shows that infants who are exposed to people with a variety of racial backgrounds are much less likely to experience distress if the new caregiver at the infant childhood program is of a different racial back- ground than the infant’s mother (Kelly et al., 2007).
Cultural contexts and child-rearing practices also influence separation anxiety. Babies in rural Uganda displayed far greater distress at separation than did infants in the United States (Ainsworth, 1977). This is probably because Ugandan mothers are with their infants almost 100% of the time, until they suddenly have to leave for long periods to harvest their crops. These infants also learn that any separation from their mothers will be long, and thus they are more distressed (Ainsworth, 1977). Cultural beliefs also affect separation. In some cultures, parents do not believe it is appropriate for others to care for their infants. Thus, when they must leave their infants with strangers (neighbors, family members, or an early childhood program) the parents become very upset (Klein & Chen, 2001).
Finally, it appears that parental attitudes affect separation. Parents may express their own anxiety and guilt, through language and facial expressions, when they leave their children at the center. This may increase infant stress (Hock, McBride, & Gnezda, 1989). We examined separation anxiety in Chapter 2 when we discussed Ainsworth’s Strange Situation experiment.
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Responding to Stranger and Separation Anxiety
As we have seen, a child’s response to strangers and to separation depends on many factors. Recall our discussion about temperament, and how easy chil- dren adapt well to change, while difficult and slow- to-warm children struggle. Further, there is the issue of goodness-of-fit, in this case a fit between the child and the caregiver at the center. Additionally, as we have just discussed, children’s experiences with multiple caregivers and other socialization experi- ences will affect their separation anxiety. Also, the parents’ culture, comfort in having other people care for their child, and security regarding the child- care arrangement, all factor into how well the child responds to separation. Finally, separation can occur at any age, depending on the first time a child is physically separated from a primary caregiver. Children naturally dislike separation because of the following reasons: (1) they enjoy being with their parents, (2) they are attached to their parents (see the Strange Situation in Chapter 2), and (3) the center and its people are unknown to the child.
To address separation anxiety with these various factors in mind, several ideas follow. These suggestions are for the child who struggles with separation on the first visit to the center. Obviously, they are not needed for a child who is eager to check out all the toys and then go off to find a friend. Some of the ideas are more effective with older children, some with younger ones.
Parents should plan to spend time with their child in the new setting to help the child with the transition. This idea can be suggested to parents when they first make con- tact with the center. Another suggestion is for parents (or other caregivers) to take their child to visit the building, play on the playground, or drive/walk past the site before the first day. When doing so, the parent should tell the child that she will be attending the center, and explain some of the fun things she will experience once enrolled. The first time a child attends an organized program, the child probably has little idea of what to expect, unless a sibling or friend who attends a program has talked to them (and then the child may be scared off by various stories). Thus, the unknown may be a part of the child’s anxiety.
Provide parents with specific ideas for the separation process once they arrive at the center. The parent should find materials to use to play with the child. The parent should not ask the child what he or she wants to do, because the child might interpret this as pressure to separate. If the child does not voluntarily join in, the parent might say something to include the child, such as “Where should I put this block?”
Parents should gradually move away from the child. The parent might tell the child that she needs to talk to a teacher or check her planner. However, the parent should not leave the room. If the child follows, the parent should encourage him or her to play alone for a few moments. Once the child can play alone for about 20 minutes, the parent should tell the child
© Stockbyte/Thinkstock
▲ Babies from different cultures will experience different levels of anxiety when separated from their mothers due to the unique child-rearing prac- tices of each culture.
Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program Chapter 3
she needs to leave the room (e.g., to see the director) but promise to return. She must then leave, even if the child protests, and then return at the appointed time, thus reassuring the child. Once the child can be away from the parent for at least 30 minutes, the parent can leave and then return to pick up the child at the normal scheduled time.
Parents should leave immediately once they have said goodbye. Lingering or returning increases the child’s anxiety. The teacher or director should help the parent to the door and let them know that a teacher or director will call them if needed.
Advise parents not to request permission from their child to leave. They might say, “Don’t you want to stay here with your friends?” or “Do you want me to lose my job?” This does not work. The teacher should step in, tell the child his or her parents are leaving, and then help find something for the child to do with his or her friends. Parents should simply exit when the child becomes involved.
Parents should not shame the child. Parents should not tell their children “to behave themselves,” “to be nice,” or “to be good.” It is better for parents to say, “Have fun,” “Have a nice day,” and “I love you.” Parents should not say things like, “I feel sad when you don’t like the school,” and “Nobody likes to play with a crybaby.” Finally, parents should not tell the child not to cry or be upset, because the child’s emotions should be acknowledged.
Tell parents you will phone them when their child has adjusted. Sometimes it is the parent who needs to be reassured more than the child, as we have already suggested.
Help children and parents separate in other situations. When a parent volunteers in the program or attends parent meetings or training where child care is provided, the parent may need help separating. At pick-up time, the child may be involved and not ready to go, or tired or cranky. Children should be given a warning before the parent picks them up, and they should be given enough time to finish their activities and put their things away. Once the parent arrives, help the child and parent reattach. Some programs provide a lounge where parents can relax for a moment while their children finish their activities and get their belong- ings before leaving.
Caregivers must reassure parents that their child will always have a strong bond with them and will not bond more with the caregiver. Parents sometimes believe their absence might weaken the bond with their child, and so they may feel guilty leaving the child at the program. Given a choice, many parents would prefer to stay home with their child; however, circumstances often require them to use an early care or education program.
3.5 Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program
In Chapter 2, we discussed various ways early care and education programs can support the development of secure attachment in children, noting that early care and education settings fit within Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem domain (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). One suggestion was to engage in the kinds of behaviors that produce trust in infants and toddlers, thus supporting children as they progress through the first stage, trust versus mistrust, of Erikson’s psychosocial theory (1963). For the same reason, we now examine ways early care and education programs can support the critically important task of achieving autonomy.
Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program Chapter 3
Training and Supporting Caregivers
The first task for the early care and education pro- gram is to provide training, resources, modeling, and supervision to enable caregivers to
1. understand deeply the concept of autonomy, the reasons it is so important, and ways to recognize children who are struggling to develop autonomy
2. learn best practices for supporting the develop- ment of autonomy in children 1 to 3 years old
3. learn ways to communicate to parents how they can support the development of autonomy in their children at home
Central to the idea of supporting autonomy in the center is appreciating the seemingly contradictory nature of the child’s behaviors at this age. On the one hand, the child is openly and often demonstrably striving for independence, power, con- trol, and a view of the world where adult support and assistance are not required. At the same time, the toddler needs a secure relationship with a caregiver for social referencing and a solid anchor to recede to when the going gets too tough.
Further, caregivers of toddlers need to find ways to come to grips with the inevitable tension between the toddler’s desire for autonomy and the need for the toddler to learn and follow appropriate social rules. The central struggle of this stage is a conflict between the toddler’s innate desire to experiment, push limits, and explore, and the adult’s need to impose rules and help the child learn socially acceptable behaviors—often adult behaviors. Unfortunately, due to their immaturity and lack of experience, toddlers do not know what is safe and unsafe, and what is socially appropriate and what is socially inappropriate (and why). Thus, a caregiver’s major task is to help toddlers be safe and learn appropriate social skills and behaviors, without being punitive, mean, or shameful (Evans, 2012; Honig, 2002, 2005; Kostelnik et al., 2009).
Harsh punishment, such as hitting, threatening, and shaming young children, uses unrea- sonable force to change a child’s behavior (Kohn, 1996). These approaches make children “pay” for their mistakes, as opposed to offering desirable alternatives or reasoning the child can understand (Coie & Dodge, 1998). Examples of harsh punishment include children being rejected, focusing on a child's bad behavior—even stating that a child is bad—arbitrary and demeaning punishment, focus on retaliation, not logically tying the punishment to the mis- taken or incorrect behavior of the child, and punishment that is applied with anger, resent- ment, indifference, or contempt (Curwin & Mendler, 2001; Gartrell, 2007).
Words such as vicious, stubborn, greedy, nasty, bad, selfish, angry, and uncooperative to describe children are accusatory and shaming. Comparing a child’s behavior to another “good child,” comparing a child to some kind of absolute standard (good, well-behaved, helpful, kind, etc.), and accusing children of trying to make the adult look bad are all other examples of shaming. Nonverbal actions, such as rapping children on the head with a pencil to get their attention, yanking them, or using excessive force to hold them or put them in place, are puni- tive. Using one’s power and size by raising a hand or fist, forcefully grasping a child’s hand, or glaring at a child in very close proximity are other examples.
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▲ Caregivers can foster autonomy in young chil- dren by modeling behaviors to be imitated by the child.
Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program Chapter 3
Another extreme example of inappropriate adult behavior is shouting, bellowing, shrieking, and screaming at children. Threatening severe punish- ment or consequences is also inappropriate, from “I’ll tell your mother when she picks you up, and let her deal with you then” to “If you don’t stop taking Johnny’s toys, you will have to stay inside when the other children go to the playground at break time.” Excessive use of discipline techniques such as time- out also fit here.
Disciplining children under age 2 is particularly tricky. It is not appropriate to assume a child under age 2 is intentionally engaging in destructive or antiso- cial behavior. Children’s inappropriate and annoying behaviors at this age are due to exploration, trial and error, lack of maturity, and actively seeking auton- omy. For the same reason, children this age cannot be morally good or morally bad; they are too young. Young children do not understand the concepts of good or bad, right or wrong, as adults do. As has been discussed in sections of the book about tem- perament, some children are simply more difficult to work with than other children are, but they are not bad.
Supporting Autonomy and the Regulation of Feelings in the Center
The autonomy versus shame and doubt stage is a critical developmental time that requires caregivers
to assist children in balancing their desire for autonomy with socially appropriate responses. This in turn requires infants and toddlers to begin to learn how to understand and regu- late their emotions. Ways to help toddlers progress through this difficult stage include ideas already suggested (creating an environment that keeps conflicts to a minimum), making sure any rules and expectations are absolutely necessary (e.g., for safety and hygiene), and provid- ing an environment in which a sense of autonomy can flourish (see Helping Children Develop: Self-Control and Understanding Autonomy). Finally, when guidance is required, provide firm, consistent control and a calm and reassuring voice.
Communicating with Parents about Autonomy and Emotions
As we have stressed throughout this book, communication between the early care and educa- tion program and the significant caregivers in the family is critical. This communication belongs within Bronfenbrenner’s mesosystem context—how two critical domains work together for the good of the child (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). There are two things to consider when addressing family members about emotions: communicating about this child’s emotions to the family, and addressing the emotions of the family members themselves.
© Dynamic Graphics/Thinkstock
▲ Children under the age of 2 cannot be consid- ered morally good or morally bad, because they have no concept of right and wrong as adults do.
Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program Chapter 3
Provide ongoing information to family members about the emotions their children express while they are in the program. Include positive emotions (excitement, pride, sat- isfaction, persistence, and joy), along with negative ones (anger and frustration), and do not wait for a negative emotion to communicate with the family. Find ways to see positive emo- tions in all children, even those who struggle in the program.
Find out from family members about the emotions their children express at home. Be sensitive to changes in the child’s home life, from minor disruptions of friends coming over or relatives visiting, to major disruptions of divorce, domestic violence, job loss, and other issues. If the child exhibits a radical change of emotions at the program, check to see if there has been a major traumatic activity at home, or if one is being planned.
Help parents and other family members understand the typical emotional develop- ment of children at this age. One of the central challenges parents have is to understand the developmental nature of growth and learning of their children, including emotions. Help parents know and understand the stages of emotional development and Erikson’s first three stages of psychosocial development, along with the various emotional and behavior issues
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
Self-Control and Understanding Autonomy
Specific ideals for an early care and education setting to provide for the needs of toddlers mastering a healthy sense of autonomy include the following:
1. Provide an environment that fosters the child’s growing sense of autonomy:
• Play materials and activities that are engaging and stimulating
• Low, open, accessible shelves for toys and personal items
• Enough storage space for play and personal items when they are not being used
• Safe, sturdy, child-sized furniture and toys
• All dangerous and off-limits items put out of reach or under lock and key
2. Provide an environment that supports the toddler’s need to make choices, risk, and discover, at the child’s developmental level.
3. Provide an organic, flexible daily schedule around important events: mealtime, bath time, nap- time, story time, going outside time, and so on.
4. Set logical and reasonable limits for behaviors, then implement these limits consistently. Use words and explanations to implement these limits, rather than punishment and shame.
5. Respond to the toddler’s basic need for food, clothing, sleep, attention, and nurturing as soon as possible, and let the child know you understand the child’s unique needs.
According to Maslow (1968, 1970), basic physiological needs such as food, sleep, and any health issues must be met, along with the need for safety, security, and belonging, before a child can engage in exploration, play, and learning language, social skills, and pre-academic concepts. Thus, is it critically important that these basic needs are met when they arise, and that the child is not expected to conform to some kind of schedule. Further, it is important that both the home and the early care and education center are warm, secure, and psychologically safe places for the child.
Resources for Families and Programs Working with Young Children and Their Families Chapter 3
covered throughout this book. Provide resource materials (in the language of the parent or other caregivers) that explain these issues to parents.
Responding to the emotional lives of parents and others family members requires a different set of responses by caregivers, teachers, and other staff:
• Be sensitive to the emotional state of parents and other family members. But, again, respond to positive as well as negative emotions: “You look excited today” and “You seem upset.” However, let the person provide you with as much information as they choose—listen actively, but do not press for more than they are willing to provide.
• Accept the emotions of parents and other family members, even when you may not agree with them. A parent might be upset that her daughter comes home with paint on her dress and sand in her shoes, or she may be upset because her son seems only to play all day; a parent may feel your discipline approach is too lax and permissive.
• Demonstrate understanding of the emotions of parents by rephrasing or acknowledg- ing directly the feelings expressed. Once this has been done, you can begin to address the cause of the parent’s feelings.
• Do not react negatively when you or the program is attacked. Sometimes conflicts have less to do with the program and more to do with the parent’s home or work life. But in all cases, you should gather your thoughts and gain control, and then try to understand the source of the parent’s frustrations and anger. Even if you disagree, the parent is entitled to his or her emotions.
• The problem may be a misunderstanding on the parent’s part (for example, something her child said, something another person said, or something she overheard), or it may be a real conflict. Clarify it, and then seek to address the concern.
3.6 Resources for Families and Programs Working with Young Children and Their Families
Many agencies, professional and government organizations, educational institutions, and advocacy groups provide a vast array of advice, materials, training, and other support, both for parents of young children and for teachers, caregivers, and directors working with young children and their families. Some of these organizations are international, others national, and many are local. However, some of the national groups also have local offices and agencies. The following are some of these organizations.
National and International Resources
Many national and international resources provide wonderful materials to assist teachers and caregivers working with young children. These organizations provide online materials, writ- ten materials, and direct advice in areas in which they specialize (e.g., the U.S. Department of Education/Special Education can provide information about the services families of children with disabilities can receive, including those whose children are in private and religious pro- grams). Some of the national and international programs include the following:
• Head Start/Early Head Start. There are two organizations: the National Head Start Association, which is a membership organization (www.nhsa.org), and the Head Start Bureau, which is the federal administration (www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ohs/).
Resources for Families and Programs Working with Young Children and Their Families Chapter 3
• Zero to Three. This organization provides research, training, and materials on infant, toddler, and family issues (www.zerotothree.org).
• National Association for the Education of Young Children. NAEYC is the largest pro- fessional organization for caregivers, teachers, and directors who work in programs that serve children from birth to 8 years old. NAEYC also has a parent initiative (www. naeyc.org).
• UNESCO. This is the branch of the UN dedicated to serving young children and their families, worldwide (www.unesco.org).
• Early Childhood News. Free materials can be retrieved from this website (www. earlychildhoodnews.com).
• High/Scope Educational Research Foundation. A variety of materials, training, and cur- ricula is provided by High/Scope (www.highscope.org).
• The Council of Exceptional Children (CEC), Division of Early Childhood (DEC). DEC is a national organization dedicated to serving and supporting young children with disabili- ties, their families, and staff who work with them (www.dec-sped.org).
• U.S. Department of Education/Special Education. This federal office provides assistance with legal matters regarding serving young children with disabilities and disseminates materials, advice, and best practices (http://idea.ed.gov/).
• Child Care Exchange. Exchange publishes a magazine, books, training materials, and trend reports covering all aspects of the early childhood field. It also sponsors the World Forum, an international conference, every year (www.childcareexchange.com).
• Collage. Collage is a free resource provided by Community Playthings, the makers of wooden toys and equipment for infants and young children (www.community playthings.com/resources/articles/index.html).
Local Resources
Local resources, of course, depend on the location of a program and family. However, most programs, particularly those in or surrounding major cities, will have access to a variety of resources that programs and parents can use to support the development and learning of young children:
• The local school district administration offices
• Regional federal offices (for local Head Start information and subsidized child care, WIC programs, federal Indian Centers, and other federal programs for low-income families)
• City agencies (employment and training, parks and recreation, city early childhood initiatives, museums)
• Mental health centers
• Drug and alcohol rehabilitation centers
• Local Head Start and Early Head Start programs
• Local disability councils for children with disabilities under age 3
• Community college departments of early childhood education
• The city’s children’s museum
• Local libraries (most have wonderful programs for young children)
Chapter Summary Chapter 3
• Early childhood resource, referral, and training programs (these are located in different agencies such as community colleges and county governments)
• Local children’s hospitals and health clinics
• Local WIC programs
• Food banks and food distribution centers closest to programs and families
• Programs that specialize in serving children who have specific disabilities, such as autism or learning disabilities
• Local federal Indian health centers
• County social service programs (adoption, foster care, a variety of programs for low- income families)
• Museums (especially cultural museums)
Conclusion This chapter focused on Erikson’s second psychosocial stage: autonomy versus shame and doubt. It described the child’s need for autonomy, discussed ways adults can support the child’s development of autonomy, covered some of the major developmental advancements of this age, and described the tension between autonomy and discipline. We discussed ways to prevent power struggles between children and adults, how the early care and educa- tion program can assist children in developing autonomy, and how children’s thinking at this age—based on Piaget’s theory—affects their view of the world. A section on children’s feel- ings explored how the child’s development of emotions and emotional responses to the envi- ronment affect both the child’s temperament and the child’s quest for autonomy. Stranger and separation anxiety were explored, and suggestions to help parents when they drop off their children at the center were examined. The next chapter will focus on Erikson’s third stage, initiative versus guilt.
Chapter Summary Developing Autonomy
• During ages 1 to 3, children develop a sense of autonomy, which coincides with the achievement of major milestones, such as walking, being toilet trained, and learning to talk.
• Children develop autonomy in a rich variety of different cultural contexts.
• Children who are not supported in their sincere attempts to develop autonomy may develop a sense of shame and doubt.
• Support of the child’s development of autonomy by parents and caregivers is very challenging.
• A child’s acquisition of language contributes greatly to his or her sense of autonomy.
Discipline and Autonomy
• Partly because of the child’s desire for autonomy, there are many disciplinary chal- lenges at this age (1 to 3 years old).
Key Terms Chapter 3
• A balanced approach to discipline at this age is the best approach.
• To reduce health and safety risks, and to reduce the need for discipline, homes and early care and education programs need to be carefully child-proofed.
Temperament and Coping with Feelings
• The overall temperament of a young child will affect the way adults—parents and caregivers—respond to the child. The adult’s temperament also influences the adult- child interaction. Further, the gender both of the child and the adult affects the quality of interactions.
• External and internal events can trigger responses in a child or adult. Emotions that people have help us survive. Children automatically avoid people and events that cause fear; they are attracted to people who make them feel loved, secure, and important.
• The development of emotions in children progresses through predictable developmen- tal sequences. As children grow older, their ability to interpret the emotions of others increases, and their ability to regulate their own emotions increases. Over time, chil- dren develop emotional intelligence (EQ).
Piaget’s Sensorimotor Stage and Preoperational Stage
• During the sensorimotor stage, children learn about the world through their senses and physical activity.
• During the preoperational stage, children can represent past experiences (memory) through language, play, and drawing; however, their memory is very inaccurate.
• Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety form during this stage, as a result of the child’s acquisition of object permanence. Children learn to fear strangers and to resist separation from significant adults (usually their mothers).
• Parents and caregivers should sensitively support children as they learn to cope with separation and stranger anxiety.
Supporting Autonomy in the Early Care and Education Program
• Caregivers need training in how best to support the development of autonomy in young children.
• Caregivers need to find ways to help young children balance their desire for autonomy with a need to learn socially and culturally appropriate behaviors.
• Caregivers need to develop effective means of communication about children to the child’s parents.
• Caregivers need to be able to respond to the emotional state of parents and other family members.
Key Terms child-proofing Making the home and early care and education program safe for young children. For example, long cords need to be placed out of reach and gates should be placed at the top of stairs.
Key Terms Chapter 3
emotional intelligence (EQ) Children’s emotional self-awareness, their understanding of other people’s feelings, and their ability to manage what they feel.
empowerment A sense of personal power and self-control; the belief that one has some control over his or her actions and feelings.
mental representations Piaget’s term for the process children use to create images in their minds to represent the world, and how they use these images to think about the world.
object permanence The awareness that objects are not temporary but still exist even when they cannot be seen or heard. Before learning object permanence, once an object is removed from an infant’s sight (e.g., placed behind the mother’s back) the infant ceases to be interested in it, assuming it no longer exists.
preoperational stage The second of Piaget’s four stages, which spans approximately 2 to 7 years of age. During this stage, children can represent past experiences and events through language, dramatic play, and art; they can remember past activities and recall them later.
primary emotions The basic emotions of joy, anger, sadness, and fear, from which other emotions develop.
reciprocal interaction A circular behavior scheme in which the child's negative tempera- ment causes the adults’ interactions with the child to be likewise negative. This, in turn, reinforces the child’s difficult temperament and behaviors.
scaffolding A Vygotskian concept whereby experts (i.e., adults and older children) provide teaching support to a child, with the amount of support being reduced as the child gains competence.
sensorimotor intelligence The repetitive, stereotypical behaviors children engage in dur- ing Piaget’s sensorimotor stage. According to Piaget, these repetitive actions are the begin- ning of primitive thought and cognition.
sensorimotor stage According to Piaget, at this age children develop primitive constructs about the world by combining sensory and physical (motor) actions into combinations that they then repeat. An example of a sensorimotor scheme is a child seeing an object, tracking the object with her eyes, grabbing the object, and putting it in her mouth to feel and taste.
separation anxiety Infants develop a fear of separating from their primary caregivers— usually their mother. This fear exhibits itself in the child’s crying and protesting when the caregiver leaves and usually develops at about 6-8 months of age.
shame and doubt In Erikson’s theory, the feelings that develop in a toddler when the tod- dler’s sincere and strongly motivated attempts at exploration and autonomy are met with criticism or resistance.
social referencing Observing the expressions and responses of others to an unknown object, person, or event, in order to ascertain how to proceed.
stranger anxiety A wariness of interactions with strangers; this begins around 6 months of age and intensifies around 9 months of age.
Supporting Initiative in Children
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Explain the developmental stage of initiative versus guilt and describe characteristics of children who are developing initiative.
▸▸ Describe the characteristics of play, Piaget’s cognitive play stages and Parten’s social play stages, and the relationship between initiative and play.
▸▸ Examine the relationships between initiative and aggression, and discuss how to sup- port the development of initiative while helping children control aggression.
▸▸ Recognize how knowledge from brain-based research is influencing how we care for and teach young children, and describe the relationship between encouraging initiative and supporting brain-based learning.
▸▸ Identify ways the early care and education program can support and guide the devel- opment of initiative in young children.
▸▸ Describe ways to use the outdoors to support and encourage the development of ini- tiative in young children, and ways to limit TV watching and other media exposure.
4
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Chapter 4
Introduction The third of Erikson’s stages is initiative versus guilt (3 to 6 years old). Just as the child’s devel- opment of autonomy is built on a sense of trust, the child’s struggle for initiative builds on the child’s sense of autonomy. According to Erikson,
There is in every child at every stage a new miracle of vigorous unfolding, which con- stitutes a new hope and a new responsibility for all. Such is the sense and the pervad- ing quality of initiative[.] . . . [H]e is in free possession of a surplus of energy which permits him to forget failure quickly and to approach what seems desirable . . . with undiminished and more accurate direction. Initiative adds to autonomy the quality of understanding, planning, and “attacking” a task for the sake of being active and on the move. (1963, p. 255)
At this stage, the child is interested in learning about the world, mastering new skills, and making new friends. In all areas, from mastering physical abilities, to experimenting with new words and ideas (and even a second language), and learning social skills, the child is eager to try new and challenging tasks, and to solve new problems, just for the sake of doing so. They love to learn, play, and be active. Further, newfound skills such as walking, talking, making friends, and playing enable children to expand their mastery in many areas, while also pushing their limits to discover just how much they can do in all these areas.
Children at this age begin to plan ahead (“Can we go to the playground tomorrow?”) and to anticipate upcoming events (“When’s my birthday?”). They like to help in planning family trips and preparing the classroom for a new activity or visitor. A child’s increased conversation with peers, and development of more sophisticated social and imaginative play, are clear examples of this stage. Social and imaginative play becomes extended and more complex, with new and more intricate plots, higher-level use of language, and more creative use of a variety of props.
As when children develop autonomy, children striving for initiative do not always know appro- priate physical, social, and cultural limits. They may climb too high on the play structure, use inappropriate words, or frustrate their friends with their behaviors, ideas, and projects. They may push or hit peers to get what they want, use unacceptable language when frustrated, and use threats such as “You can’t come to my birthday party” to try to get their way socially.
According to Erikson (1963), children must learn the acceptable and sanctioned behaviors of a society and culture, and they need to learn to control their own ego needs for the good of the group. As a result of pushing initiative to extremes, a child might be reprimanded by an adult or shunned by peers. When this happens on a regular basis, the child begins to feel embar- rassed, ashamed, and guilty. Guilt is produced by the child feeling that there is something wrong with his or her drive for initiative. Thus, just as with the development of autonomy, sensitive, responsive guidance is needed to direct the child’s initiative toward socially accept- able alternatives and to teach the child more positive outcomes. And, as with guidance for autonomy, the secret to guidance that supports the development of initiative is a balance between allowing the child to fulfill his or her desire for initiative, and helping the child learn physical limitations and appropriate language, social behaviors, and interactions.
Too much guilt produces children who continually seek adult approval, are hesitant to try new things, including making friends, and are more susceptible to the influence of others. As a result, these children do not benefit fully from the tremendous development that normally occurs at this age, physically, socially, emotionally, cognitively, and linguistically.
Supporting the Child’s Development of Initiative Chapter 4
Children striving to achieve a sense of initiative need adults—parents, caregivers, and teach- ers—who understand their inherent need for initiative, appreciate that children this age often do not know physical and social limits, and can provide guidance that does not depend on adult power, excessive criticism, reprimands, teasing, and ridicule. Rather, adults need to be supportive of the child’s initiative while also providing consistent, appropriate limits and a variety of acceptable alternatives (Harter, 2006a).
But this needs to occur within the constraints of the contexts in which each child devel- ops—family, early care and education setting, and community (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In this chapter, we examine how the family, early care and education program, and community can support the child’s striving for initiative, and can help mitigate the development of guilt in young children.
4.1 Supporting the Child’s Development of Initiative According to Erikson (1963), children progress from a sense of autonomy and independence to a stage characterized by initiative. The development of initiative typically occurs in children ages 3 to 6 years old. Children this age try to initiate all sorts of activities: new words, new combinations of words (grammar), new friendships, and new uses of art, play, and natural materials (water, sand, mud, stones, sticks, leaves, and so on) to create, to make things happen, and to see the relationship between what they do and the results of what they do. This is also called cause and effect. They also want to know why things are the way they are (“Grandpa, why don’t you wear shoes at home?” “Why is my friend Maia’s skin darker than mine?” “Why do flowers die?”). At this stage, chil- dren define themselves by what they can do (Harter, 2006a).
While the desire for initiative in a child is develop- mental, for a child to embrace initiative fully and be able to progress to the next stage, the environment in which the child lives and learns should actively support the child’s sincere efforts. This is accom- plished largely by significant people in the child’s life engaging in important activities and behaviors and demonstrating certain behaviors. They must provide the following opportunities for the child:
Provide opportunities for discovery. Allow young children to discover the world and master basic information and knowledge about how the world works. This includes opportunities to play in water (they love to “help” with the dishes and cleaning the bathtub); help set the table; play in sand, dirt, and mud; garden; pick flowers and berries; stack stones and blocks; or blow dandelion and maple tree (heli- copter) seeds.
© Thomas Northcut/Thinkstock
▲ When children are striving to develop initiative, they define themselves by what they are able to do. Thus, their environment should support their efforts at trying novel things.
Supporting the Child’s Development of Initiative Chapter 4
Provide sensitive support. Provide sensitive support for the natural frustrations that occur at this age. Children often become extremely frustrated when they cannot accomplish what they set out to achieve (Wittmer & Petersen, 2010). This might be painting a picture, trying to make friends, putting a dress on a doll, dressing themselves, or setting the table. This frustration is caused by two realities: The child does not know the realistic expectations for a task or activity (exactly how high can one stack blocks; do dogs really not like their tails to be pulled?), and immature skill development—social, physical, emotional, linguistic, and cognitive. Also, children at this age often overestimate their own skills and abilities (Harter, 1999).
Encourage friendships. Provide opportunities for children to develop friends and play with peers. This can occur in many places: home, local playgrounds, early care and education centers. The best vehicle for developing friends at this age is play, which is discussed in more detail later in this chapter. It is critical, however, that children who attend early care and edu- cation programs have many opportunities—both indoors and outdoors—to engage in free play: play opportunities where children pick how they play, with whom they play, and what they play (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005). Children also need enough time to play, and they should not be denied opportunities to play due to misbehavior, schedules, or program- matic reasons.
Provide opportunities to plan and implement their plans. This includes inevitable changes and new planning. Planning gives children a great sense of power and control. While they need help in planning and implementing their plans, it is important for children to begin to learn to pursue ideas and activities from initiation to completion.
Provide opportunities to learn about their bodies and how to use their bodies in different ways. Children love to master physical challenges, which is why they learn to ride a tricycle and then a bicycle. Dance, free movement, swinging, climbing, and running all help children develop a sense of physical mastery.
Encourage all sorts of play. Because play is open-ended and low in stress, due to few externally imposed expectations, it is an ideal way for children to explore, investigate, master new language and physical skills, gain all sorts of information, and push their limits. (See the discussion on play later in this chapter.)
Provide children with a variety of ways to learn and maintain appropriate behaviors. Children at this age should be encouraged to help develop classroom rules and be reminded of the rules they have helped to make (e.g., “What do the rules say about running in the classroom?”). They also need to be reminded about consequences of their behaviors (“What do you think will happen when you pour water in the sand?” “What will happen when you mix the blue and yellow paint?”).
Limit exposure to media. Limit children’s exposure to TV and other electronic media. According to Piaget, preschool children learn by manipulating and playing with real objects, such as blocks, sticks, sand and water, crayons, toys, and other items (Piaget, 1962). Thus, to develop initiative, children need opportunities to investigate, manipulate, and experiment with real objects and with peers, rather than passively watching TV or using other electronic media. Lev Vygotsky, a theorist who lived in Russia during the beginning of the 20th century, developed a sociocultural theory of learning, which focuses on the influence of others (chil- dren and adults) and the importance of language on learning (Vygotsky, 1962, 1978). One of his ideas is that young children learn through meaningful dialogue with adults and more
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advanced children. While children do hear people talking on TV, they are not actively engaged in a meaningful dialogue, and research suggests TV watching does not increase children’s language skills or cognitive development (Anderson & Pempek, 2005; Krcmar, Grela, & Lin, 2007), except for education programs such as “Sesame Street.”
Children who have ample opportunities to explore, risk, master new skills, and push limits—at home, in the community, and in their early care and education programs—are more likely to develop a strong sense of initiative, what Bandura calls self-efficacy: “I can do it, I can make it, I can learn, and I can find out about it” (Kostelnik et al., 2009). However, children whose sincere efforts at initiative are thwarted by adult expectations and behaviors develop a sense of guilt. According to Erikson, “The danger of this stage is a sense of guilt over the goals con- templated and the acts initiated in one’s exuberant enjoyment of new locomotion and mental powers” (1963, p. 255).
Adults who make children feel they are clumsy and uncoordinated, tell them their play is silly and imma- ture, accuse them of lying when they engage in fan- tasy and wild imagination, constantly correct their attempts to use new and complex language, and belittle their attempts to recall newly acquired facts and knowledge increase this sense of guilt (Kostelnik et al., 2009). If these kinds of interactions between the child and significant adults in the child’s life are frequent and pervasive, the child will become unsure of himself, his abilities, and his sense of self-worth and self-efficacy.
Characteristics of Children Who Have Developed Initiative
A child who is actively progressing toward achieving initiative experiences the pleasure of attacking and conquering new tasks. The child is more ready than before to learn quickly and enthusiasti- cally, to work cooperatively with other children in constructing and planning, and to achieve specific behaviors (Erikson, 1963). At this stage, the child is open to learn from peers and teachers and to learn from the modeling of others (Bandura, 1965, 1977). Further, a child’s motivation to learn and succeed is being directed toward socially condoned roles of adult life, such as parenthood and specific professions. This is why children love to engage in dramatic play about parents, heroes in books and movies, and other adult role models (Erikson, 1963).
The typical behaviors of children at this age (3 to 6 years old) that characterize this healthy development of initiative include the following:
• Love to create and invent
• Want to take actions and assert themselves physically and socially
• Challenge limitations and adult control
• Like to pretend
• Enjoy using new language and developing their own words
• Take physical, social, and intellectual risks
© Hemera/Thinkstock
▲ When caregivers encourage children’s play regardless of its seeming silliness or immaturity, children are able to develop a sense of self-worth and self-efficacy.
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• Enjoy reaching out to interact with adults and other children
• Love to play with peers
• Focus on the process of a task, activity, or idea, rather than on the result or product
• Exhibit tremendous pride in accomplishments and in attempts at new tasks and behaviors
• Enjoy demonstrating newly learned words, concepts, and skills
• Demand to make choices and do things their own way, even if they are incorrect
• Find many ways for the world to notice and respond to them
Children at this age are in Piaget’s preoperational stage, as discussed in Chapter 3. This means that, while they can remember past experiences and demonstrate what they remembered through language, play, and artwork, these reflections are not necessarily accurate or logical (Ormrod, 2008). This characteristic can be seen in the child’s view of himself or herself at this age, which is called self-concept. Children who engage in initiative—who risk, attempt to play with other children, explore, try out new things, and work hard at all these efforts—view themselves as successful. They are not concerned with the end product, acquiring specific skills, or meeting the expectations set by adults; rather, their self-concept is based on making an effort and enjoying the process, without causing too much harm (through either accidents or upsetting important adults in their lives). For example, a child who is exploring all the things that can be done with felt markers on a large pad of paper will be focused on how to attach the paper to the easel, how to take the tops off the pens, and then how to draw with them. Once she has achieved these tasks, she will set her sights on determining the shapes, colors, images, and lines created with colored pens. These attempts may develop into a picture of some kind, but this is not the focus of the child’s endeavor.
Further, many preschool-age children have a very positive self-concept, believing they can be successful even when they have just failed at something (Stipek & Green, 2001; Stipek, Recchia, & McClintic, 1992). Most children at this age are extremely optimistic regarding their abilities and potential successes (Harter, 1999). However, to be fully prepared to progress through the stage of initiative versus guilt, a child needs to have secure attachment and have developed a sense of autonomy (Ainsworth, 1979; Erikson, 1963). Further, children who have been abused or neglected have very negative self-concepts and thus will struggle to achieve initiative at this age (Levine & Munsch, 2011).
4.2 Initiative and Play The preschool years are often called the play years. This is not an accident. Children 3 to 5 years old absolutely love to play. This is a result of their rapidly developing physical skills and abilities, emerging cognitive development, and increasing experience in the world. In fact, most child development specialists and early childhood teachers believe that play is the best vehicle for children at this age to explore and manifest their drive toward initiative. For example, a child engaged in fantasy play based on her recent visit to the emergency room of a hospital will use new words that she heard the nurses and doctor use, imitate the behav- iors of the doctor and nurses (probably by dressing up to represent these roles), and explore medical procedures such as taking a patient’s temperature, weighing the patient, and giving the patient a shot. Another child playing in the sandbox outside will experiment to deter- mine how big a pile of sand he can make, explore the result of mixing water with the sand,
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and then determine whether he can make a miniature fort using sticks, leaves, and stones that he places in the wet sand. It is almost as if initiative and play are a perfect fit (Berlyne, 1960; Bruner, 1972; Piaget, 1962; Sutton-Smith, 1998). Play has been studied extensively by many scholars and can be viewed from several different perspectives. In this section, we will cover the characteristics of play, Piaget’s cognitive play stages, and Parten’s social play stages. Mildred Parten observed children playing, beginning with onlooker play (watching other children playing), and culminating in cooperative play (Parten, 1932, 1933). Based on her observations, Parten developed the stages of development of social play, which we will also explore. Finally, we will see how these two scales can be combined to show a child’s cognitive and social play behaviors together at the same time.
While it is important to understand the value of play and how children use play to acquire a vast array of skills, concepts, attitudes, and abilities, it must be noted that in this age of accountability and assess- ments, more and more preschools are reducing the amount of play children experience. This is the direct result of the federal law No Child Left Behind and a national push toward the use of preschool academic standards (Gronlund, 2006). Preschool programs are being asked to make sure children achieve certain academic standards in preparation for school entry and success (Scott-Little, Kagan, & Frelow, 2005). As a result, playtime in early care and education pro- grams is often reduced (Kagan, Carrol, Comer, & Scott-Little, 2006).
Characteristics of Play
According to Johnson, Christie, and Wardle (2005), play can best be described by examining five characteristics. When young children play, they seem to exhibit all of these characteristics in some form: positive affect, nonliterality, intrinsic motivation, process orientation, and free choice.
Positive affect. Children engage in play because it is fun. Some parts of play might involve fear or anxiety, such as attempting to go down a slide for the first time, or climbing a tall tree, but the activity is engaged in and repeated because the overall experience is enjoyable. Positive affect describes the positive, affirming feeling children have when engaging in play.
Nonliterality. Probably the best characteristic of play for the preschool child is that it is not constrained by reality (use of materials, time, facts, or experiences), which is called nonliter- ality. A child can pretend that a small toy container is a cup of tea, a Lego is a piece of candy, and a doll is a real baby. A piece of material may be a doctor’s smock, and the child could be a father, mother, or football player. This characteristic of play enables children to explore all sorts of new ideas, experiences, languages, and emotions, without having to worry about accuracy.
Intrinsic motivation. Children play because it is satisfying. They stop playing when it no lon- ger meets their needs. And when the play activity becomes boring, they invent ways to make it challenging and interesting again. It seems that children have an internal drive to play; they
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▲ As a result of the No Child Left Behind law, many preschools are being forced to eschew ample play- time in favor of ensuring children are achieving certain state academic standards.
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feel good inside when they play—what is termed intrinsic motivation. When children and adults do something because it is rewarded externally—adult praise, money, grades—we call this extrinsic motivation. Play is rewarding in and of itself.
Process orientation. Have you ever watched young children building a fort or similar struc- ture? What do they do when it is finished? In a very short time, they will destroy it to build something else. This is because they enjoy the process of building the fort together; this char- acteristic of play is called process orientation. One of the great things about the process nature of play is that it can change along the way, based on new children joining the group, new ideas, and new discoveries.
Free choice. King (1979) conducted an experiment about work and play and discovered that when children freely choose the activity (called free choice), they view it as play, but when a teacher or other adult requires them to engage in the same activity, it is no longer considered play. Children, it seems, must select when they wish to play, with whom they wish to play, and how long they wish to play.
Central to all of these characteristics of play is the child. In fact, play is the prototype of child- centered learning. Because play is so responsive to the child’s interests, moods, experiences, and developmental levels, it is an ideal vehicle for the child during the stage of initiative versus guilt.
Piaget’s Cognitive Play Stages
In Chapter 2, we discussed the first two of Piaget’s stages of mental representation. Piaget was also interested in how children use these new mental abilities to influence what he called playing with things—object play. The cognitive play stages describe how children progress from the simplest form of play to what Piaget believes to be the most complex—games with rules (Piaget, 1962).
Functional play. The simplest use of objects in play occurs in functional play, when objects are used for their own physical characteristics, such as stacking blocks, digging in the sand, and pouring water from one container to another. The 2-year-old who bangs on pots and pans in the kitchen with a spoon is engaged in functional play. When children use their own bodies in direct physical activities—swinging, sliding, climbing, and rolling—they are also engaged in functional play (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005).
Constructive play. When children use play materials to construct something, such as using blocks to build a house and sticks to build a fort in the mud, they are enjoying constructive play. Woodwork and most art activities are classic forms of constructive play. Building forts on the playground and complex structures in the block area are other examples. What is par- ticularly intriguing about constructive play is that it combines basic knowledge of materials with very creative thinking—it is deep problem solving (Bruner, 1990). Furthermore, research suggests that, unsurprisingly, constructive play is the favorite kind of play for preschool-age children (Ihn, 1998).
Symbolic/dramatic/fantasy play. When children use materials in a symbolic manner (e.g., a block becomes a phone and a hat changes a boy into a woman), we have symbolic/dra- matic/fantasy play. This form of play is the most open-ended kind of play, because children can divorce themselves from the concrete reality of materials and construct their own mean-
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ing, using objects as a way to do this. It is also the beginning of abstract thought, which is central to higher learning (Bruner, 1972).
Games with rules. Have you ever watched a group of 7- to 8-year-olds playing baseball when the hit- ter has just struck out? What does the hitter usually plead to the rest of the players? “Give me one more chance!” This is because most children at this age have not learned that when you give everyone more chances, the game is ruined. Thus, the ability to sup- press one’s own ego needs for the rules of the game is what Piaget (1962) calls games with rules. There are very few 3- to 6-year-olds who can play complex games with rules.
While Piaget’s cognitive play theory is a stage theory—children progress from functional play to games with rules—this does not mean that once a child has reached games with rules that they cannot still choose to play at other levels. But, as with other developmental approaches, if a child is developmentally unable to play at one level, for example, symbolic play, the child needs to be encouraged to play at the level at which the child is most comfortable, before progressing to the next level.
Social Play Stages
Like Piaget’s cognitive play stages, Parten’s social play stages are also progressive. Thus, if a child is not capable of playing at one level of the scale (for example, cooperative play), the child needs to play at the level at which the child is most comfortable playing. A child cannot be taught to play at a certain level unless the child is developmentally ready to do so.
Solitary play. When children play alone, with no regard for adults or peers next to them, they are engaged in solitary play. A child might be focused on building with Legos or in set- ting up a tea service in the dollhouse. As the term states, the play is solitary.
Parallel play. Have you ever wondered why at certain times nobody is using the playground swings, and then all of a sudden they are all being used? Children enjoy playing side by side with other children, while still focusing on themselves and their own play activity. This is par- allel play. When children dig in the sand together, without communicating to each other, they are engaged in parallel play.
Associative play. Children enjoy playing with other children, but they often do not really know how to do so. You might see children in the sandbox sharing each other’s digging toys or using each other’s pails. A child might imitate something the other child is doing. But sooner or later, these children will get into arguments, because they are still focusing on their own play and not on playing with others. This kind of social play is known as associa- tive play.
Cooperative play. Children will engage in play activities with other children where everyone fully cooperates and negotiates the play’s roles and scripts. In the familiar doctor dramatic
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▲ When children engage in constructive play with basic materials, they are employing creative think- ing and deep problem-solving skills.
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play activity, everyone wants to be the doctor and no one wants to be the baby, nurse, or mother. However, children in this activity know that if they all insist on being the doctor, the play episode will collapse. So they negotiate, deciding who will be the doctor first, second, and so on, and who will take on the roles of the other characters. This is called cooperative play. One reason children need a prolonged time to play is that these negotiations take time (Christie & Wardle, 1992).
Children with disabilities and other special needs may have difficulty progressing through each of these stages. However, teachers can use a variety of modifications and approaches to help these children participate in play, benefit from the value of play, and develop through the cognitive and social stages at their own pace (Sandall, 2004).
The Play Matrix
As is readily apparent when considering Piaget’s four cognitive play stages and Parten’s four social play stages, it is possible for a child to play at different levels of each scale model. For example, a person can play certain card games, such as solitaire (games with rules) alone (solitary play), thus combining the highest of Piaget’s stage with the lowest of Parten’s stage. Many 3- to 6-year-olds love to engage in complex dramatic play (Piaget’s third level) by them- selves (Parten’s first level). By placing these two play stage models on a two-dimensional matrix, it is possible to observe a child’s play within both of these models at the same time (see Table 4.1).
Table 4.1: Play matrix
Functional Constructive Dramatic/symbolic Games with rules
Solitary
Parallel
Associative
Cooperative
Fantasy Play and Initiative
Children in Erikson’s initiative versus guilt stage are particularly fascinated with fantasy play. This is because it allows them to explore newly discovered concepts, skills, and emotions. A child who has just experienced an angry teacher can role-play being the teacher. A child fas- cinated by dragonflies flying through the warm summer air can pretend to be a dragonfly and discover that he cannot fly. A child can explore a variety of roles, situations, and feelings simul- taneously. He or she can pretend to be a baby, mother, teacher, or the family dog. A preschool child can also explore being a favorite character from a fairly tale, movie, book, or TV show.
Another reason imaginative play is so popular at this age is that between the ages of 3 and 5, most children make a huge shift in the way they view the world. Initially, young children believe everything they imagine in their mind is, in fact, true. They believe that once they think of something, it exists in reality. This is why young children are scared of monsters (they believe they are real), and why clowns and people wearing masks often frighten them—even when familiar people are wearing them. The belief that everything one thinks of is true is called a false belief (Moses & Flavell, 1990). Sometime between ages 3 and 5, children in
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most cultures can understand that they can think about things that are not real—that they simply imagine. They can separate fantasy from reality. This shift in thinking is known as the- ory of mind (Flavell, 2000; Lillard, 1998). Children love to explore the wide world of fantasy and discover how wonderful it is to try out new characters, ideas, and activities. They love the sense of power of being anything they can imagine. It is easy to see how the desire for initia- tive finds fertile soil in fantasy play.
4.3 Initiative and Aggression At this age, children discover that not all of their dreams and fantasies can be realized and that their energy and exuberance is not always appreciated by others, especially adults. They then struggle with ways to resolve this conflict between their desire for initiative and society’s expectations, rules, and constraints (Erikson, 1963; Kostelnik et al., 2009). Sometimes they resort to frustration and aggression. They turn to aggression rather than other more socially appropriate responses for a variety of reasons. Sometimes, they look to see how important people in their lives solve their own problems and learn from others that aggression is an appropriate response to frustration. They learn from others that using aggression is acceptable, so they do it also. These children may be from families in which aggression is used to solve problems, or they may have had other experiences in which aggression was an acceptable approach to fear and frustration (Patterson, 2005). Children from homes where strict punishment is used often learn to use aggression as a solution to their problems.
Another explanation for the use of aggressive behavior to solve problems is what is termed social cognitive theory. This theory explains that children learn behaviors from observing real models (parents, peers, and coaches) and symbolic models (TV pro- gram heroes and video game heroes). Developed by Albert Bandura (1965, 1977), the social cognitive theory is based on an experiment in which young children observed a TV program in which aggression was used by adults to attack Bobo dolls. These children were then given their own Bobo dolls to play with. Compared to a control group of children who had not seen the TV program, the children who had observed the Bobo dolls being hit exhibited more aggressive behavior toward the dolls. Thus, children learn aggression by observing the aggressive behaviors of others. Children imitate the behavior of important people in their lives, such as teachers, par- ents, siblings, and people in the community. These are called real models. They also imitate characters in books, TV programs, movies, and so on, which are called symbolic models. In both cases, a variety of behaviors are imitated, both good and bad.
Further, stress contributes to aggression. Stress in infancy and early childhood can lead to aggression, due to the poor brain development that stress causes (Shore, 1997). Additionally, young children who constantly experience stress at home or in the early care and educa- tion program will exhibit more aggressive responses to frustration. These children often are unable to respond appropriately and calmly to typical childhood frustrations, because of their
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▲ When children begin to realize that not all of their desires can be realized due to society’s expectations, this conflict between a longing for personal initiative and the need for restraint can manifest in frustration and aggression.
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immediate environment and because constant stress negatively impacts brain functioning, especially of the prefrontal cortex, which is the part of the brain that controls emotional regu- lation (Caine & Caine, 2006).
And children of authoritarian parents struggle more with aggression. Baumrind (1971, 1989) developed a theory of parenting styles that details permissive, authoritative, and authoritarian parenting. In permissive parenting, the parent is warm and loving but provides no expecta- tions, discipline, or consequences to behavior. Authoritative parents have high expectations and consistent rules and enforcement, but they are also flexible and will negotiate with their children. Authoritarian parents have high expectations (often too high), inflexible rules, and often harsh discipline. The authoritarian style is one of absolute authority with no flexibility, understanding of the child’s needs, or negotiation (Baumrind, 1967). The authoritarian par- enting style is not responsive to the various behaviors the preschool child engages in during this stage. As a result, the child becomes frustrated and aggressive.
However, while aggression is a result of one or more of these factors, it is very important to remember that children at this age are naturally frustrated as they seek to fulfill their need for initiative. They resort to aggression when they have not been shown appropriate or socially acceptable ways to respond, or because the adults in their lives do not understand their need for initiative.
Adults Helping Children with Aggression
There are many things adults can do to help children cope with aggression. These ideas can be used by parents, other caregivers in the home, and teachers and caregivers in the early care and education program. Some of them are general ideas for all children, but there are some specific suggestions for aggressive 3- to 5-year-olds:
Provide opportunities for appropriate physical activities. This is one of the reasons to emphasize outdoor play in the early care and education program and in the community at this age. Physical activity includes gardening, building, riding tricycles, swinging, hiking, and climbing.
Provide activities in which children can express frustrations. This can be done through drawing, painting, dance, and music. Woodwork is also a great outlet for children at this age.
Provide opportunities for soothing activities. Examples include playing in water, finger painting, and working in clay.
Focus on specific behaviors. When a child needs to be criticized or punished, make sure to focus on a specific behavior. Children at this age tend to take an all-or-nothing approach to self- concept and self-esteem. They see themselves as all good or all bad. They are not cognitively and emotionally able to separate out acceptable and problematic behaviors (Harter, 1999).
Support the expression of feelings. As children’s language becomes more sophisticated, help them use it to express their frustrations and anger. They need help to express their feel- ings to other children who may cause them anger and to adults who do not appear to under- stand their frustrations.
Support and assist children who tend to be excluded or victimized by others. Help them protect themselves from others. For example, boys who are expected by parents and
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child care teachers and providers to “defend them- selves and act like men” should be supported in the development and expression of less aggressive behavior. Any child who is bullied by peers should receive support and protection, and should not be left to fend for him or herself. Some children with special needs may need support if ostracized by their peers. Help children to accept who they are and to embrace their uniqueness. We will discuss this issue in more detail in the next chapter, especially in rela- tionship to diversity of race, ethnicity, and language, and to the presence of special needs.
Support the development of problem-solving skills. As children develop emotional regulation and cognitive abilities, help them develop problem- solving skills. However, because of immature brain development and lack of experience, children this age have limited ability to solve their own problems (Piaget, 1962).
Provide opportunities for social dramatic play. This includes dramatic and fantasy play with peers and the need for many dramatic play props to encourage this kind of play. Children this age are exposed to many experiences that they simply do not understand fully. Dramatic play enables children to explore their feelings around terrifying experiences. A child who is scared of a doctor gains confidence by playing at being a doctor; a child who has experienced a scary event can come to terms with it through repeatedly acting out the event with her peers.
Minimize exposure to TV and other technology (see Think About It: Just Say No to TV ). Early care and education programs need to communicate to parents and other caregivers at home the importance of understanding the child’s need for initiative at this age and effective ways to discipline their 3- to 5-year-old. In Chapter 3, we discussed some approaches that work with the autonomous child, and these suggestions also work with 3- to 5-year-olds. Further, in Chapter 7, we will discuss a variety of approaches to disciplining young children. An absolute, authoritarian, nonflexible approach to discipline is not effective with an aggres- sive 3- to 5-year-old.
Exposure to TV and Other Media Teaches Aggression
Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory shows just how powerful the modeling of behaviors can be. Remember, this approach to modeling behaviors works both for teaching positive as well as negative behaviors; further, it is far more effective when modeled by someone whom the child respects (for example, a friend, a parent, or a teacher) (Bandura, 1965, 1977). Bandura’s work shows that TV, book, and movie heroes are also powerful symbolic role models. Watching violence on TV promotes aggression in young children, and media violence promotes aggression and antisocial behaviors (Comstock & Scharrer, 2003). One study shows that viewing violent television at ages 2 to 5 is linked to greater aggression at ages 7 to 10 (Christakis & Zimmerman, 2007). Even educational programs seem to model some aggressive
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▲ Children who experience bullying should not be left to deal with the situation themselves, but should be supported and protected by adults.
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behaviors (Levine & Munsch, 2011). A child’s exposure to TV programs, films, and video games that include violence and aggression should be carefully censored (see Think About It: Just Say No to TV ). When children and adults watch violent sports programs together, such as boxing and football, the adult needs to explain to the child the aggressive nature of some sports.
Portrayals of minority characters on television and movies tend to show them in a negative light (Ward, 2004). This negatively affects the self-concept of minority children, who are greater consumers of television than are nonminorities (Rivadeneyra, Ward, & Gordon, 2007). Further, because of the amount of violent and sexual content, much of what children learn from TV does not prepare them for academic success (Comstock & Scharrer, 2003; Schmidt & Anderson, 2004).
4.4 Brain-Based Learning and Initiative EEG (an electroencephalogram), Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), Positive Emission Tomography (PET), and Computerized Axial Tomography (CAT) enable researchers to collect and present a vast amount of information about how the brain develops and func- tions (Shore, 1997; Willis, 2009). This information has revolutionized our understanding of the development and functioning of the brains of infants and young children. In turn, this
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Just Say No to TV
One way to address the influence of TV on the aggressive behaviors of young children is to pro- mote a campaign to limit TV viewing by young children. This campaign should have three major components:
Educate parents. Develop easy-to-read, attractive materials that early care and education pro- grams can give to parents. The materials should be available in many different languages and should explicitly describe the consequences of watching too much TV, particularly during early childhood (Kirkorian, Wartella, & Anderson, 2008; Krcmar, Grela, & Lin, 2007; Schmidt & Anderson, 2007; Shin, 2004). Additionally, the materials should provide a variety of positive activities children can do at this age, from visiting the local library and exploring outside, to experimenting with paints, crayons, felt pens, and paper at home.
Educate early care and education staff. All caregivers who work with young children should be aware of the research and information about the negative consequences of excessive TV viewing.
Work with other early childhood groups. Groups such as the local NAEYC group, children’s campaigns, and public school advocates create community-wide efforts to limit TV viewing.
Recently, there have been efforts to improve the quality of children’s television programming. While there certainly is a lot of room for improvement, even high-quality programming would not resolve the problem that TV viewing is a passive activity that does not provide the developmentally appropriate, hands-on activities in which young children should be engaged (Kirkorian, Wartella, & Anderson, 2008; Krcmar, Grela, & Lin, 2007; Shin, 2004). Time spent—by children and families— sitting in front of the TV is time that children and families could otherwise be spending going for walks, playing, reading, cooking, gardening, and talking together.
Wardle, F. (2007). Just turn off the TV. Children and Families, (18)4, pp. 60–66. National Head Start Association.
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knowledge has fundamentally changed the way we care for and teach young children.
Brain development is the result of a complex inter- action between the genes we are born with and individual experiences. Early experiences—espe- cially during the first 5 years—have a profound impact on the development of the brain and our cognitive capacities as adults. These early human interactions not only provide a positive context for learning, but also directly determine the way vari- ous parts of the brain are wired. These experiences need to stimulate all parts of the brain through the use of all the senses. A central role of this stimula- tion is to develop both sides of the brain through a variety of activities that involve rational and logi- cal processes and emotional, creative, and feeling activities. These experiences should also use various senses simultaneously, such as when a child hears, touches, and sees a baby duckling. However, brain development is not linear: There are opti- mal times to learn certain skills and knowledge. Finally, we know that the brain of a 3-year- old is two-and-a-half times as active as an adult’s brain (Shore, 1997). Brain activity begins to decline during adolescence. Based on this new knowledge, some of the things we should be doing with infants and young children—in the home, in the community, and in early care and education programs—to simulate healthy brain development, include the following (Caine & Caine, 2006; Shore, 1997):
• Develop warm, caring relationships with children, express joy and enthusiasm, and help children feel safe and secure.
• Respond to children’s cues—provide a goodness-of-fit for the child’s temperament and a synchrony for their activities. Let the child lead in play and learning activities.
• Recognize that each child is unique.
• Surround children with language and provide them with all sorts of reading and writ- ing materials, including crayons, paper, books, magazines, and toys.
• Encourage lots of safe exploration and play. Encourage exploration both of objects and materials and of other children.
• Limit television watching.
• Encourage health and good nutrition; encourage mothers of infants to breast-feed.
Schiller (2010) adds that because music and language are closely related in brain develop- ment, music should be included in the daily schedule, teachers and children should sing together, and parents and teachers should use a large variety of language, preferably just above the level of language used by each child. A variety of different learning styles should be used when working with young children—visual, tactile, kinesthetic, and auditory (Gardner, 1983). Further, because we know that exercise and hands-on activities build brain connections that enhance memory and learning, hands-on activities should be encouraged at home and in the center, and daily exercise should be provided. We should also encour- age face-to-face interactions with peers, and respond sincerely and with full concentration when interacting with children.
© Stockbyte/Thinkstock
▲ Interactions that involve a variety of rational processes and creative activities are necessary to support the development of cognitive capacities in young children.
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment Chapter 4
Because stress limits brain growth and development (Shore, 1997; Willis, 2009), classroom experiences and activities need to be meaningful to each student, enjoyable, challenging, novel, and interesting. Many of these classroom activities—inside and outside—should be directed by the child. Children at this age need choices that not only give them a sense of power, but also enable them to feel good about their need for control, their desire to explore their initiative to its fullest extent, and their need to learn about natural limitations and real cause and effect. Play should be at the center of what children do at this age, both to support the child’s development of initiative and to develop the child’s brain maximally (Schiller, 2010; Shore, 1997; Willis, 2007).
In addition to music, young children should have many opportunities for dance, free move- ment, and the visual arts. The arts enable children to express their feelings of joy, frustration, excitement, anger, and sadness. Engagement in the arts helps children at this age to come to terms with their emotional responses to the environment. This is critically important, as chil- dren learn to express their need for power and their disappointments in socially acceptable ways. Otherwise, guilt may develop (Erikson, 1963).
Brain-Based Learning and the Media
We know that exercise, mastery of motor skills, and healthy physical development are critical to the optimal brain development of young children (Schiller, 2010; Shore, 2007). There is a growing body of evidence that suggests watching more television causes greater problems with weight as children grow and develop (Epstein et al., 2009; Taveras et al., 2007). Given increased concerns about childhood obesity, this is clearly an issue. Further, with infants and toddlers there is no evidence that TV of any kind is helpful in developing cognitive and lan- guage abilities (Kirkorian, Wartella, & Anderson, 2008). The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends pediatricians discourage TV watching for children under age 2, while promoting talking, playing, singing, and reading together (2001). Research shows young children learn much more effectively from real-life interactions (Krcmar, Grela, & Lin, 2007). Even when young children played with the TV on in the background, their play was shorter and less focused than when the TV was turned off (Schmidt, Pempek, Kirkorian, Lund, & Anderson, 2008). Entertainment television appears to have a negative effect on children’s cognitive develop- ment and school achievement. In the early years, when children are learning to read and are gaining a vast amount of information about the real world, school achievement declines as the amount of TV viewing increases (Schmidt & Anderson, 2004), particularly entertainment (not educational) TV. Children who watch more television tend to have attention problems and are more impulsive, which contributes to poor school performance (Shin, 2004).
Regardless of the program (including educational programs like “Sesame Street”), a child who sits in front of a TV is not engaged in these critically important activities that we know stimu- late and develop a young child’s brain.
4.5 Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment
In Chapters 2 and 3, the concept of goodness-of-fit was discussed. Goodness-of-fit is a match between a child’s temperament and the social environment and is necessary for optimal development and learning (Chess & Thomas, 1999). In a similar vein, environments that match
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment Chapter 4
a child’s developmental stage are optimal for their growth and development (The Science of Early Childhood Development, 2007). Thus, at this critical stage of initiative versus guilt, chil- dren need physical and social environments that are responsive and support their desire for initiative. Further, these social and physical environments need to support what we now know about brain development in young children (Shore, 1997; Willis, 2009).
Curricular Approaches That Empower Children to Develop Initiative
Human interactions are at the heart of quality early care and education programs. The staff and volunteers in early care and education programs must genuinely support and encourage each child’s efforts at initiative. Guilt should be avoided, punishment minimized. As with the autonomous child, staff should avoid getting into power battles and should deeply under- stand the child’s need for control and power.
In Chapter 2, we discussed the variety of early care and education programs that exists in most commu- nities (Neugebauer, 2008). Each of these has its own curriculum, which focuses on implementing the pro- gram’s unique philosophy, to support brain-based learning and the development of initiative in young children.
A whole-child, integrated approach is best (The Science of Early Childhood Development, 2007). Another name for this type of curricular approach is developmentally appropriate practice (DAP). In this approach, all domains of the child are addressed equally—cognitive, linguistic, social, emotional, affective, and physical—while content such as math, science, music, art, and physical education is taught in an integrated manner. An integrated approach to the curriculum is one in which skills and academic concepts, such as literacy, math, science, social skills, and art exploration, are not taught as separate sub- jects, but rather are taught together as children work on projects and other meaningful activities. For example, children might create a Mother’s Day card, which would involve measuring and cutting the paper, drawing an image on the card, and then writing a greeting. Or they might observe a bird’s nest on a nature walk, return to the classroom to hear a story about birds and their nest read by a teacher, and then try to make nests with sticks and other materials, using an old nest in the science area as a model.
In providing learning opportunities that support the child’s need for initiative, it is very impor- tant to make sure children at this age who are diagnosed with a developmental delay or special need have many opportunities to risk, try out new ideas, push limits, and experiment (Erikson, 1963). While it is important that the child’s disability is addressed directly in the program, it is also important that these efforts do not prevent the child from exploring the various ways he or she experiences initiative. This is particularly important for children with ADHD and emotional and behavioral struggles (Sandall, 2004).
© Digital Vision/Thinkstock
▲ The most effective approach to teaching young children is to integrate different subjects, such as math, reading, and science, into the completion of a single project, rather than teaching each subject separately.
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment Chapter 4
Provide Indoor Environments That Support Initiative
Indoor environments that support initiative in children ages 3 to 5 years old need to address two central ideas: Empower children to develop initiative in socially appropriate ways, and focus on safety and active supervision (Martin, 2011). While the indoors should be a rich envi- ronment of books, art materials, blocks, plants, science equipment, musical instruments, and social dramatic play props, it must not be isolated from the outdoors—both the playground and community. The playground and community offer wonderful ways to support initiative.
Designing the physical environment in such a way that children can easily access and return toys and other materials, with minimal adult assistance, encourages the child’s development of initiative. Children develop both a sense of control and an ability to direct their own play and other activities, enabling them to select the materials and toys required to accomplish certain tasks and to achieve certain goals, all important activities in brain development and initiative.
While the indoor environment must support initiative and brain-based learning, actual early childhood environments depend on many factors, including the amount of time a child spends in the program, the sponsorship of the program (e.g., a college, public school, Head Start, or community-based center), and the program’s curriculum (e.g., Reggio Emilia, Montessori, or public school) (Greenman, 2005; Neugebauer, 2008).
Provide Outdoor Environments That Support Initiative
The outside environment is critical in supporting the preschool child’s need for initiative, because the outdoors allow children to explore, experiment, take risks, make mistakes, and try again. The space encourages large muscle activities and exploration; the outdoor environ- ment tolerates loud cries and lots of noise. Children can be messy, they can create and draw and build, and they can observe all the fantastic variety and changes in nature (see Helping Children Develop: The Value of Outdoor Play for 3- to 5-Year-Olds).
Children should use the outdoors at home, in the community, and in the center. Here, we examine the outdoor playground at the early care and education program; the next section explores the rich array of community resources, both indoors and outdoors, that can be uti- lized by the program and home (Martin, 2011).
Overall Design of the Playground
Because children at this age are exploring their need for initiative, and because they are progressing through Piaget’s cognitive play stages and Parten’s social play stages, the over- all design of the playground must enable children to engage in activities that enhance their development in each of these areas. Direct academic activities and organized physical exercise should not be the focus of playgrounds for 3- to 5-year-olds (Louv, 2006).
Surfaces. Good playgrounds for young children usually have at least four different surfaces: grass, concrete/asphalt, fall-zone surfaces, and sand (Wardle, 2011a).
Grass. Grass is a wonderful surface for the active preschool child. It provides support for games and physical activities, while not being too abrasive when the child falls. It also does not attract and store heat the way concrete and asphalt do. Grass should not be sacrificed for fall-zone areas and hardtop.
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment Chapter 4
Concrete/asphalt. Hardtop areas are critical for tri- cycles and other wheeled vehicles, balls, unit blocks, art easels, and other activities and equipment that require a stable, flat surface. Pathways made of these surfaces are also an ideal way to connect dif- ferent areas of the playground. However, falls on hardtop are painful and can be life-threatening, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) guidelines for playground safety do not allow climb- ing equipment, slides, and swings to be on hard surfaces. Additionally, in hot climates (and programs operating during the summer), both concrete and asphalt attract and store heat from the sun. Shade can mitigate the problem to some extent.
Fall-zone materials. CPSC guidelines require an absorbent material be used under equipment that is raised off the ground. Further, the ADA (Americans with Disabilities Act, 1990) requires that a certain per- centage of all equipment, including swings and slides, be handicap accessible. Wood chips, rubber tiles, and rubber pellets meet both the CPSC and ADA require- ments for fall-zone materials (Strickland, 2004); sand does not. The CPSC publishes a free booklet of playground safety guidelines; the U.S. Architecture and Transportation Barriers Compliance Board pub- lishes the ADA playground requirements.
Sand. Traditionally, sand was used as a fall-zone material, but it is less popular today because it does not meet ADA regulations. However, all playgrounds should provide a sand area where children can dig, construct, and play. Ideally, the sand area is com- bined with a water source (Louv, 2006).
Additionally, water is a must in an outdoor playground, especially during the summer months and in conjunction with the use of sand. These two play materials offer unlimited opportuni- ties for the preschool child. Water, of course, must be handled carefully so that it does not cause health hazards (Martin, 2011).
All playgrounds must now meet the requirements of the Americans with Disabilities Act, which are primarily designed to make sure children in wheelchairs and those using other assistive devices can have access to swings, slides, and climbing equipment. The guidelines for playgrounds are covered in the federal document Guide to ADA Accessibility Guidelines for Play Areas (2001). Furthermore, the outdoor environment may need to be modified for children with other disabilities, and teachers need to make sure they can support the play of children with special needs on the playground (Sandall, 2004).
Nature. There is an increasing trend to include many natural elements in playgrounds (Keeler, 2011; Louv, 2006). These natural elements include flower and vegetable gardens, stones and
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ Hard surfaces are necessary for playground equipment that requires a flat surface, but an absorbent material, such as wood chips or rubber pellets, must be used under any equipment that is raised off of the ground.
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment Chapter 4
rocks, streams, hills and valleys, soil and mud, and trees and bushes. The trend has developed from two concerns: (1) children in contemporary societies lack the kinds of exposure and interaction with nature that was once viewed as “a right of childhood” (Louv, 2006), and (2) brain research strongly supports the view that children benefit from direct exposure to nature (Schiller, 2010; Willis, 2007). While early care and education programs should provide many of these natural elements, communities offer a vast array of natural opportunities for children, which should be visited by the early care and education programs and used extensively by families.
Equipment. Equipment choices for playgrounds depend on the philosophy of the program, the
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
The Value of Outdoor Play for 3- to 5-Year-Olds
There are many reasons why outdoor play is critically important for 3- to 5-year-olds:
• Risk-taking, exploring, fine and gross motor development, and a vast amount of basic informa- tion about how the world works are best learned outside; children do not have to be quiet, and they can make a mess.
• We are taking outdoor play away from our children with TV and computers, unsafe neighbor- hoods, a focus on academics in early childhood programs, and busy parents.
• Children must push their physical limits to understand what they can do: “Can I slide in the sand, roll in the grass, and climb a tree?” “What can I do?”
• Children learn a vast amount of foundational information about the world: “How does ice feel and sound?” “Why does my tricycle speed up when I go downhill?” “What does the playground look like after it rains?” “Why is the shade from the building cool?”
• In today’s world of increasing numbers of obese children, it is critical that we provide our young children with physical activities and exercise. It is also critical that we make these activities enjoy- able, so that children will continue them into old age.
• We need to help children learn to care for the environment. The best place to start is in the child’s own backyard—the program’s playground. Children should be expected to help care for the playground by picking up trash, returning toys to bins and boxes, and parking their tricycles in a designated area at the end of the play period.
• There are so many enjoyable things for adults to do outside, such as hiking, bird watching, climb- ing, gardening, playing various sports, and farming. If children learn to enjoy the outdoors in their childhood, it will stay with them for the rest of their lives.
• All important learning does not occur indoors. Some of the most important research today is conducted outside: ecology, study of animal habitats and plants, anthropology, study of human behavior, and how children learn in nature.
Wardle, F. (2003). Designing and remodeling outdoor play environments. Early Childhood News, 15(2), 36-41.
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
▲ Due to the lack of contact children have with nature in contemporary societies, natural elements are now being included in many playgrounds.
Use of the Community to Support Initiative Chapter 4
program’s budget, and available space. As mentioned, there is a move toward natural materials and equipment. Different kinds of equipment encourage different kinds of play. Thus, equip- ment should be provided to stimulate each level of Piaget’s and Parten’s play stages. Because constructive play is the favorite outdoor play of preschool children (Ihn, 1998), constructive play materials should be plentiful: clean pieces of wood, large hollow blocks, sticks and branches, old milk crates, clean and non-steel-belted tires, wagons to move dirt, and short pieces of rope.
4.6 Use of the Community to Support Initiative There are many community resources that families and early care and education programs can use to support children’s need for initiative (Wardle, 2007). According to Bronfenbrenner (1979, 1995), the community is part of the microsystem. Further, interactions and coopera- tion between various components of the microsystem belong in his mesosystem. Not only can community resources be used both by families and the early care and education pro- gram, but each can inform the other of existing resources and their value for young children. Use of these resources depends on knowing they exist and having access and transportation to them. Parents and caregivers need to explore all the rich possibilities in their communities, and discover the ways these resources can be used for the benefit of children ages 3 to 5. The early care and education program should develop strategies both to inform parents and other caregivers of the resources they can use with their children within their communities, and to allow the program to learn about different community resources from parents and other caregivers.
An adult or older child must always accompany children at this age. When early care and education programs go on field trips, parents and other caregivers from the home should be invited to help with this supervision. For families, supervising children as they explore these outdoor areas presents an opportunity for a parent, grandparent, or other adult in the home to spend time with one or more of their children. Not only will the adult delight in learning what the child likes to do and how he or she sees the world, but the adult can teach the child about nature and wild things. Some adults know all about wildflowers, while others are tree experts. Others know all about the birds and animals in the area. This is a wonderful time to teach this wisdom to a young child. Of course, this is also an important time for adults to teach children important health and safety information (Martin, 2011).
Museums
Most communities have a collection of museums, including nature and history museums, art museums, regional museums, state museums, and museums dedicated to a single concept, such as the Black Cowboy Museum, the National Railway Museum, and the Agricultural Hall of Fame. Many of these museums have a section dedicated to families, and some provide regular events to attract families. In some cities, these museums even offer free admission on certain days . Many museums work closely with early childhood programs and schools (some have websites and additional curricular materials that can be used when the children return to their programs and homes).
Many large cities also have children’s museums, which have exhibitions and activities that young children enjoy and provide activities for children as young as toddlers. These museums change their exhibits and activities on a regular basis and also provide a variety of special activities such as children’s authors reading their books, cultural activities, magic acts, and opportunities for children to engage in dramatic play and play with unique toys.
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Outdoor museums are favorite places for families with young children. When children visit outdoor museums, they learn a great deal about growing and caring for plants and animals and how people used to live. Examples of outdoor museums include farms from the 1800s that feature old buildings (homes, stores, and one-room schoolhouses), a collection of farm animals, and periodic historical activities in which children can participate, such as making wallpaper using color dyes and vinegar and making apple butter. These outdoor farms provide many seasonal experiences for young children, from observing baby pigs and lambs in the spring, to harvesting corn, pumpkins, and potatoes in the fall.
Cars are kept off the premises of such museums, and there are always staff members—often dressed in period costumes—on hand, so they are very safe places for children to explore. Outdoor museums are great places to visit on a regular schedule throughout the year. On each successive visit, children can revisit familiar sights and activities, while also learning about new ones.
Learning About Nature
Nature is of immense interest to young children (Keeler, 2011; Louv, 2006). Many cities have a series of public trails and greenways that can allow even children without easy access to rural or undeveloped areas to experience nature. Greenways are natural areas set aside for birds, waterfowl, animals, and vegetation to grow more naturally than in traditional city parks. While these parks might have meadows and large grassy areas, they do not have formal ball fields and carefully manicured grass. They often contain wetlands for waterfowl and migrating birds. These areas provide natural habitats for a vast variety of wildlife.
Children aged 3 to 5 are very curious about every- thing! They love to take risks, and they need con- crete materials to learn about the world, such as water, stones, trees, flowers, insects, and animals. Greenways and trails provide an ideal place for the preschool child to explore. Many city parks and rec- reation departments provide guided tours and edu- cational field trips to their greenways and trails. Early care and education programs should become familiar with these opportunities, develop a relationship with their city agency, and utilize free programs with their children. Families can, of course, access these green- ways and trails whenever they choose.
Hiking trails and greenways provide wonderful envi- ronments for children to engage in more complex and sophisticated forms of play (Louv, 2006). As discussed earlier in this chapter, there are different forms of both social and cognitive play. Play is not just about swinging on a swing and climbing on a ladder. Children also like to play with water, draw in the mud, build construc- tions with sticks and stones, play together in a little shelter they have just built, or pretend to be explorers. They are exploring the world and trying to figure out where they fit in it.
© Photos.com/Thinkstock
▲ Changing seasons and the unique activities associated with each season are extremely inter- esting to young children.
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City Parks and Playgrounds
Cities and towns throughout the United States have a variety of parks that can be enjoyed by programs and families with young children. Most city parks contain traditional playgrounds with swings, slides, climbers, and sand. These playgrounds are designed to match the physical development of children at this age (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005). Because 3 to 5-year- olds are fascinated with physical play and are developing their gross and fine motor abilities, these playgrounds are great places for them to play. Preschool children tend to enjoy playing in the sand that surrounds most playgrounds and making friends with other children their own age while playing.
Programs without access to their own playgrounds, or to playgrounds that are age-appropri- ate, can opt instead to use city park playgrounds. However, most city playgrounds provide only equipment that matches the first level of cognitive play—functional play. Parents and caregivers should be aware that children soon become bored with basic functional play such as swinging, sliding, and climbing. Thus, families and programs should bring toys and other materials with them that encourage constructive and symbolic play, and natural materials, such as sticks, stones, pieces of wood, and leaves, that can be used by the children in their play on these playgrounds.
City parks also have other play opportunities. Most have some kind of water source—either streams that wander through the park, or a pond or lake. Children in the initiative versus guilt stage generally love playing in water. They throw stones, watch sticks float under a bridge, play in the mud, observe tadpoles and frogs, and watch the variety of wildlife that ponds and lakes attract. While supervision is always critical with young children, it is hypercritical when water is involved (Martin, 2011).
Libraries and Bookstores
Children at this age are fascinated by books, pic- tures, artwork, and stories. They love predictable stories with highly repetitive scripts, like the Three Billy Goats Gruff, the Three Little Pigs, and fairy tales. They like stories about things they can relate to in their own short lives. Finally, they want to exercise their newly developed, and still developing, com- plex language skills. Thus, the preschool age is an ideal time to expose children to books and reading and to instill in them the love of books and reading. Exposing children to books, stories, and print can be accomplished through frequent, positive experi- ences to libraries and bookstores, and through posi- tive experiences with books and reading at home and in the early care and education program.
Staff members in local libraries are very good at work- ing closely with early care and education programs. They often have programs designed specifically for young children and will arrange reading activities for groups of children from various programs. Programs
© George Doyle/Thinkstock
▲ Children should be exposed frequently to books and stories in several settings, such as at home, at libraries and bookstores, and in the early care and education program.
Chapter Summary Chapter 4
should work closely with libraries to provide program classrooms with books that they can use to augment specific curricular themes and activities. Finally, many libraries put on special events for young children.
Families can access libraries in their neighborhoods. Visits to libraries with children aged 3 to 5 build a strong disposition in children toward reading and learning. The exposure to books can then be reinforced when children bring home books that their parents read to them and that they can begin to learn how to read themselves. Involving the entire family in these visits, and not simply leaving library visits up to the early care and education programs, is absolutely critical, because it shows children that education and the use of books are supported and modeled at home (Bandura, 1977, 1990).
Many bookstores cater to families with young children. These bookstores not only stock chil- dren’s classics and the newest children’s books, but they also have staff members who are extremely knowledgeable about the different kinds of children’s books that are available. A parent who is looking for books to match the specific interests of a child will find these books in children’s bookstores. When children visit bookstores, they learn that people view books as important aspects of their lives, so important in fact that they will go to a store, enjoy looking at books in the store, and then actually pay for the books.
Conclusion In this chapter, Erikson’s initiative versus guilt stage was examined, including characteristics of children developing through this stage. Various aspects of play, including Piaget’s cogni- tive play stages and Parten’s social play stages, were examined as central components of the preschool child’s exploration of initiative. Further, aggression that can result from unresolved initiative and ways adults can support the aggressive preschool child were explored. Limiting the exposure of preschool children to TV was strongly advised. Research results from stud- ies of how the brains of young children develop and function, and how this knowledge has changed the way we care for and teach young children, was discussed. We then examined ways the early care and education program can support children’s sincere attempts to achieve initiative and described the critical importance of outdoor play. Use of a vast array of com- munity resources to provide an outlet for initiative was considered in detail. The next chapter will cover the cultural contexts in which families operate and children develop.
Chapter Summary The Third of Erikson’s Stages is Initiative Versus Guilt
• Children at this stage want to explore, risk, try out new words and ideas, learn how to do new things, and master physical abilities.
• Children who are striving to achieve initiative do not always know socially acceptable ways to behave, and must learn these important skills.
• Children whose sincere attempts to achieve initiative are met with ridicule, punish- ment, and a lack of adult support will begin to develop a sense of guilt, which in turn leads to children who are hesitant and insecure, and constantly need adult approval.
Chapter Summary Chapter 4
Supporting the Child’s Development of Initiative
• Adults can provide young children with many opportunities to develop initiative, providing opportunities for discovery, supporting natural feelings of frustration, and encouraging children to plan and observe the results of their plans.
• Adults need to give children choices, help children understand the results of their behaviors, and support children in learning to develop rules to live by.
• During this stage, children use their initiative to learn a vast array of words, informa- tion, skills, and behaviors.
• Children who are supported in their desire to achieve initiative develop a positive self- concept, based not so much on who they are, but on what they can do and what they know they can do.
Initiative and Play
• The preschool years are known as the play years, because children at this age love to play, and because they learn a great deal of new information and skills through play.
• Play is defined by five characteristics: positive affect, free choice, intrinsic motivation, nonliterality, and process orientation.
• Piaget’s cognitive play stages describe how children progress in the use of objects in their play, while Parten’s social play stages describe a child’s developmental progress in social play.
Initiative and Aggression
• A child’s need for initiative can result in frustration and even anger.
• Some children learn to believe that aggression is acceptable; others learn aggression by imitation of real and symbolic models, including authoritarian parents.
• There are many things adults can do to help children cope with feelings of frustration and aggression at this age.
• Exposure to TV and other electronic media can encourage aggression and violence in young children, and thus exposure to TV should be limited. Conversely, play, talking to others, art and music activities, being read to, and learning about nature should be encouraged.
Brain-Based Learning and Initiative
• Advances in technology and research methods have revolutionized our knowledge of how the brain develops and works.
• Our new knowledge about how the brain works has changed our understanding of the best way to support young children’s development and learning.
• Brain-based approaches to development and learning should include play, the arts, a whole-child approach to instruction, and a safe, secure, stress-free environment.
Key Terms Chapter 4
Supporting Initiative in the Early Care and Education Environment
• Curricula approaches used in early care and education programs should match the child’s need for development and expression of initiative, which is a whole-child, inte- grated approach that focuses on physical development, the arts, and play.
• Indoor environments for young children should encourage and enable children to select and replace toys and other materials, with minimal adult support.
• Outdoor environments in early care and education programs should encourage all kinds of cognitive and social play, support risk-taking, and enable children to explore nature in a safe, supervised manner.
• Both indoor and outdoor environments need to be designed to meet ADA require- ments for children with various physical disabilities.
Use of the Community to Support Initiative
• All communities provide an array of resources that families and early care and educa- tion programs can use to support young children’s development and exploration of initiative.
• Many indoor and outdoor museums are tailored to the needs and interests of young children and their families, while providing opportunities to explore what nature can offer a growing child.
• Local libraries and bookstores provide a resource for both parents and early care and education programs.
• Early childhood programs and families can work together to maximize the use of com- munity resources by informing each other of resources and working collaboratively with agencies that provide opportunities for children and families.
Key Terms associative play The third stage in Parten’s social play levels, in which children play with peers but still focus on their own individual needs and interests.
cause and effect The relationship between what a child does and its effect; the gradual understanding that everything we do has consequences, good or bad.
constructive play The second of Piaget’s cognitive play stages, characterized by children using objects and materials to construct new and different combinations: playing with sand and water, art, woodwork, etc.
cooperative play The last of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play together, have specific roles, and have a shared purpose. In this type of play, children are able to con- trol their own individual needs for the overall play activity.
developmentally appropriate practice (DAP) An approach to curricula and activi- ties that matches the ages and stages of each child; a whole-child, integrative approach. A developmentally appropriate approach carefully considers each child’s social, emotional, cognitive, and physical development in writing objectives, developing activities, and creating expectations.
Key Terms Chapter 4
extrinsic motivation Motivation that is encouraged by external rewards such as praise, stickers, and candy. This approach is the foundation of behavioral psychology, in which a child’s behavior and learning is modified by the external environment: rewards.
fall-zone materials Absorbent material placed under swings and climbing structures on playgrounds to prevent head and other injuries when children fall.
false belief The inability of young children to understand there is a difference between what children imagine and believe things to be, and what they really are. This is one reason why young children repeatedly hide in the same place when playing hide-and-seek: If it is a good place to hide, they will continue to hide there.
free choice Allowing children to make their own choices from a controlled number of options, such as learning centers and art materials. It is up to the teacher to establish the options.
free play Play opportunities in which children choose how they play, with whom they play, and what they play with. Teachers can still control much of the play by arranging the envi- ronment and limiting the choices.
functional play The first of Piaget’s four cognitive play stages, in which children play with objects based on their physical properties, such as bouncing a ball and stacking blocks.
games with rules The last of Piaget’s cognitive play stages, in which children can play games while following external rules, such as duck duck goose, t-ball, and soccer.
guilt The feelings young children may develop if they are not supported in their sincere attempts at initiative; the failure to achieve initiative in Erikson’s third stage: initiative versus guilt.
initiative According to Erikson, this is the stage at which the child is interested in learning about the world, mastering new skills, and making new friends.
intrinsic motivation Motivation that comes from within; the desire to master skills, make friends, learn new worlds, and experiment with new ideas.
No Child Left Behind A federal law that has resulted in the focus of the K-12 curriculum on literacy, math, and science and the extensive use of standardized assessments. Many of these ideas have found their way into early childhood programs, because educators and parents want children to be ready for school.
nonliterality One of the characteristics of play, in which objects, people, and scripts do not need to follow the real world. Fantasy play is a good example.
object play Use of objects in play, such as blocks, puzzles, and crayons.
onlooker play When children passively observe other children playing. Many children choose to watch others play before they attempt to play themselves, or before they enter the play activity with the other children.
parallel play The second of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play next to each other but do not influence each other’s play. Children like to be in the presence of others their own age, even if they do not need to communicate with them.
Key Terms Chapter 4
play years The preschool years (ages 3 to 5 or 6), during which children love to play and learn a great deal through play.
positive affect One of the characteristics of play, which is a positive, affirming feeling.
process orientation One of the characteristics that define play: The pleasure and purpose is the process, not the end product. Most children enjoy playing because the process is enjoyable; research suggests that imposing an end product on play reduces children’s inter- est in it.
real models People whom children imitate to learn new behaviors, such as parents and teachers.
self-concept A child’s view of himself or herself. It is neither good nor bad; at the pre- school age, it is based largely on what a child can do.
self-efficacy A child’s belief in what the child can do, learn, and accomplish. Children with a high level of this belief are willing to try out new things and to risk new endeavors; chil- dren with a low level of this are reluctant to try anything new.
social cognitive theory Bandura’s theory that explains how children learn from real and symbolic models. According to Bandura, children learn from role models if they believe the model is competent in what they are doing, and if the model is rewarded for what they do (vicarious reinforcement).
sociocultural theory Vygotsky’s theory of learning, which emphasizes the role of others (adults and children) and language in the learning process.
solitary play The first of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play alone, ignoring anyone close to them.
symbolic models Role models in books, movies, computer games, and TV whom children imitate and learn from.
symbolic/dramatic/fantasy play The third stage of Piaget’s cognitive play stages, in which children use objects and each other as symbols for other things: A block is a phone; a child is a doctor.
theory of mind The ability of young children to understand that mental states, such as beliefs, desires, and fantasies, are separate from reality.
whole child A curricular approach that encourages development and learning in all domains—physical, cognitive, social, and emotional—in an integrated manner. Many believe this is the ideal approach to teaching preschool-aged children, because it stimulates many different parts of the brain while developing important nerve connections.
The Family’s Culture
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Describe the difference between the melting pot, salad bowl, and cultural pluralism views of diversity.
▸▸ Explain the complex constructs of culture and cultural contexts.
▸▸ Explore how cultural contexts influence the early education setting and how teachers and caregivers respond to families and children.
▸▸ Describe how families’ child-rearing practices are an expression of their culture, includ- ing independence and interdependence.
▸▸ Explain how to resolve conflicts between parent values and program practices by using the RERUN process.
▸▸ Apply the anti-bias and ecological diversity model.
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The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism Chapter 5
Introduction Each one of us is a unique individual comprising a variety of cultural characteristics. These include gender (what it means to be male and female in different cultures; the ways dif- ferent societies and cultures acculturate girls and boys), age (generation), where one was raised, profession, income, race, ethnicity, religion, education, sexual orientation, abilities and disabilities, and so on. Further, our personal characteristics are influenced by situations and experience, including our job, family/partnership, groups we belong to, personal interests, hobbies, politics, and issues we avidly support. While these characteristics may be shared by many other people, our own combination of them is unique. When you enter an early care and education program—as a teacher, caregiver, administrator, or other position—you bring this unique combination with you.
By the same token, each family you serve—children, parents, and other adults—bring to the program their unique combination of cultural characteristics, which may be the same as or different from yours. For example, teachers and parents may have the same gender and race or ethnicity; in other cases, they may differ with respect to language, age (generation), and religion. This chapter examines these different contexts and explores ways the early care and education program and the families they serve must work together closely to honor and sup- port these differences, while collaborating to provide for the children they serve.
The United States has been a multicultural nation since its inception. During recent years, however, many early childhood classrooms have seen an increase of diversity in the children and families they serve. For early care and education teachers and caregivers to be able to work effectively with children in their classrooms, they need to understand diversity and how it affects children and their families.
5.1 The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism The United States is a multicultural nation, much like Brazil and the countries of contemporary Europe. People came to the United States from all over the world and brought with them a rich diversity of languages, foods, customs, religions, and traditions. However, U.S. history also includes the persecution of Native Americans; discrimination against Mexican residents who lived legally in the Southwest before it became part of the country; slavery of Africans; discrimination against Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino immigrants; internment of Japanese people in camps during WWII; and persecution of the Irish. Both the rich cultural characteris- tics that immigrants brought to the United States and its history of racism and discrimination comprise the multicultural nature of this society.
The original European settlers to the United States wanted to make sure everyone who came to live there would become what they viewed as true Americans (Spickard, 1989). They viewed America as a radical experiment in democracy and religious freedom and did not want people bringing bad ideas, habits, and loyalties from their home countries. Thus, new immigrants were expected to become Americans—to reject their previous loyalties and melt into an over- all American identity. Out of this belief developed the concept of the melting pot.
The United States became known as a melting pot. Immigrants came from Northern Europe, Southern Europe, and Eastern Europe; from China, Japan, and the Philippines; and from
The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism Chapter 5
Ireland and the Scandinavian countries. After they arrived, they were expected to learn English, have their children attend public schools and learn about American history and val- ues, and become loyal Americans. Many actually changed their names on entering America through Ellis Island. American thinkers and political leaders felt this shift to an American identity, and loyalty was critical for the very survival of the new country (Spickard, 1989). Americans observed other new countries and disapproved of what happened when immi- grants maintained a loyalty and alliance to their old-world homelands (Ladle, 1999). The concept of all immigrants leaving behind their own culture to become Americans is assimi- lation. U.S. schools focused on teaching children of immigrants what it meant to be an American and how this new country superseded the countries and cultures from which they came (Wiles & Bondi, 1989).
These new Americans tended to gravitate to parts of the country and neighborhoods in large cities where people like them lived—Italians, Jews, Scandinavians, Germans, Chinese, Slavs, Irish—but they were still expected to become true Americans and to change their primary loy- alty to their new country. However, this new America began to look very much like Northern Europe—white, male, and Protestant (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010). Thus, what was thought to be a melting pot became instead a push to become Northern European—what we now call the dominant culture.
This also had a profound impact on minorities, including Mexicans and Native Americans. Many Native American children were taken away from their homes and tribes and placed in Christian mission boarding schools, and certain Native American customs—such as burial, worship, and dress—were outlawed as being uncivilized (un-American) (Wilson, 1992). Non- English languages were banned in public schools (Crawford, 2008; Crawford & Krashen, 2008). African slaves, of course, posed their own dilemma to a country that proudly professed equality and the right to individual happiness to people in the rest of the world.
The concept of the melting pot as a metaphor for the United States’ multicultural population and vision was perpetuated until the civil right movements of the 1960s.
Cultural Pluralism
Today, advocates of diversity and educational equality use the term salad bowl instead of melting pot. According to Nieto (2004), the salad bowl metaphor is “a model based on the premise that people of all backgrounds have a right to maintain their languages and cultures while combining with others to form a new society reflective of our differences” (p. 437). Another term that has the same mean- ing is cultural pluralism. The idea is that the United States is made up of distinct cultural groups that should be empowered to main- tain their unique identity, customs, values, and languages. Individuals are expected to remain tied to their unique cultural groups (for identity, meaning, and belonging), while also
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▲ The term “salad bowl” is now used to represent the array of culturally distinct groups living in the United States.
The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism Chapter 5
identifying with U.S. society. They are then considered bicultural—functioning within two cultures simultaneously and effectively (U.S. HHS, 2010).
Thus, the trend today is for new immigrants to maintain their home language, culture, religion, and traditions; to celebrate their unique cultural identity; and to raise their children within this unique set of cultural attributes (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; U.S. HHS, 2010). However, certain legislation, such as that supporting more rigid educational and early childhood stan- dards, is making this difficult to achieve, especially within the early care and education pro- gram (DuBois, 2007).
Cultural Pluralism and Early Care and Education Programs
The public school was an important place where immigrant children and their families could be socialized into the American way—the melting pot (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010). New immigrant students and their families intermixed with a wide variety of other families, and American traditional values and expectations were stressed in these schools. New families and members of existing minority groups were forced to learn the dominant ways of doing things as quickly as possible, from learning English to learning about school rules, athletics, cheerleading, and assemblies (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2008).
Early care and education programs, while much more diverse than public schools (Neugebauer, 2008), still functioned as a place where new immigrant families and those not belonging to the dominant society were socialized with ideas about how to raise and educate their children. Licensing requirements required children to be immunized, child abuse laws set discipline expectations, and USDA food programs assumed everyone had the same food preferences. State licensing regulations supported a dominant cultural view; state health policies similarly perpetuated a Western concept of health. Head Start’s federal performance standards per- petuated a single, universal view of development and education, and teachers believed in the view of care and education taught in their college education classes (Dyson, 2003; Howard, 2007). Immigrant families were expected to learn the rules, policies, and norms of local early care and education programs (Bang, 2009).
Now, with the shift from the melting pot to cultural pluralism, the role of the early care and education program is changing. The programs are still community agencies responsible for disseminating information about raising children, from referrals to Child Find (the agency attached to local public schools to identify children who may need special education services), to immunization information and advice about reading to children and limiting young chil- dren’s exposure to inappropriate media. But the challenge now is that there is no one agreed- upon way to raise and educate children in the United States; there is no universal approach. Early care and education programs are now expected to respond sensitively and effectively to the cultural diversity of all of the families who use the program and to address a range of cultural ideals about families, children, discipline, food, health care, and religion (Bang, 2009; Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; Lee, 2005; Ngo, 2008). This new role of the early care and education program can result in conflicts, disagreements, and even arguments with local government agencies, which are still required to enforce a dominant view of how to care for and educate young children.
Culture Chapter 5
5.2 Culture Although culture can be defined in a variety of ways, there is no universally agreed-upon definition (see Chapter 2). In general, definitions point to the impact groups of people have on the values, behaviors, interactions, and symbols of individuals within those groups. One of the central ways cultures manifest in families is how children are raised (U.S. HHS, 2010). To understand culture and its impact on families and children, consider Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1995) ecological systems theory (see Chapter 1), and specifically the concept of macrosys- tem, which includes the cultural context, or broad cultural conditions, of a society. Cultural contexts can be the product of a vast variety of groups, including but not limited to geo- graphic regions, ethnic and racial groups, national peoples, Native American nations, nation of origin, professional associations, and economic and religious groups (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; U.S. HHS, 2010). Each one of us operates within a variety of cultural contexts at the same time. For example, a person may be a woman, a U.S. citizen, Jewish, and a member of a specific profession.
However, cultures are not static—they are dynamic (Bang, 2009; Bhabha, 1994; S. Hall, 1989). In part, this is caused by cultures continually encountering other cultures and changing as a result. This is particularly true of diverse cultures such as Brazil and the United States, where dif- ferent cultural groups coexist and continually interact with each other (Alves-Silva, et al., 2000; HHS 2010). Many factors have led to the creation of cultural groups. One of these was the need for people to band together to fend off hostility from dominant and powerful groups. In the United States, such groups have included Native Americans, blacks, Hispanics, and women. While laws and progress have lessened discrimination, there is still prejudice in the United States, and some believe these groups still must band together for their survival and progress (Smedley, 2002; Tatum, 1997).
However, minority and majority groups differ from coun- try to country. For example, while Latinos are considered a minority group in the United States, they are the ruling class in Guatemala and also part of the ruling class in Brazil and other countries in South America (Alves-Silva et al., 2000).
Some cultural contexts change over the lifespan. This includes age-based contexts, such as teenage culture and the specific cultures of young parents and of seniors. One’s cultural con- text can also change due to educational attainment, marriage, job advancement, and chang- ing religion. Further, the influence of specific cultural contexts changes over historical time (Bronfenbrenner, 1967). For example, women in the United States today have more freedoms than they did 100 years ago. African-American cultural frameworks have radically changed since the 1960s (the civil rights movement), and everyone’s contexts have been affected by the advancement of technology during the last 20 years. The U.S. Census Bureau predicts that
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▲ Culture grows out of cultural contexts such as racial groups, professional associations, and religious groups. Culture manifests in families most notably in the way children are raised.
Various Cultural Contexts of Children Chapter 5
by 2040, whites in the United States will be a numerical minority, which will change cultural dynamics (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2011).
For the individual, contexts can change by traveling to different regions of the United States or the world. For example, when a biracial person who is considered black in the United States travels to Brazil, that person’s race changes to pardo (brown-mixed race) (Fish, 2002). When American minorities travel to Europe, Europeans tend to see them less as belonging to a minority group and more as an American. Some American multiracial children—those belonging to more than one racial category—who immigrate to Europe have discovered they are viewed differently by Europeans.
Cultural Contexts of Individuals
Each of us places differing weight on each of our cultural contexts due to a variety of factors, including upbringing, where we live, and our parents. For some, gender is the most important context; for others, it is family; and for still others, nationality, race, ethnicity, or disability is paramount. Some of this emphasis is determined by society in the 21st-century United States, but it also can be influenced by other cultural contexts and individual behaviors (West, 2001). Each cultural context affects all other cultural contexts. For example, religion influences the concept of gender roles, gender roles affect views of family, and professional education tends to change values. No cultural context operates in total isolation of all others. Further, any single cultural attribute—e.g., gender, religion, race, or nationality—has within it tremendous variability. Thus, while we are all products of a variety of cultural contexts, it is inappropriate to stereotype someone based on the cultural contexts to which they belong and adhere (Ngo, 2006, 2008).
All the different contexts we have experienced are integrated within our own unique identity (West, 2001). While some of these contexts are imposed from outside, each of us still con- tinually negotiates our own unique view of how these contexts define who we are and how we view the world (Bowman, 1994; Root, 1996). Even the impact of contexts that are fairly stable—e.g., race and gender—change as society and individuals change. Other contexts, such as economic status, fluctuate radically due to a variety of factors (e.g., the economy, divorce, losing a job, marrying, and so on); still others can be manipulated by personal choice (e.g., changing one’s religion, marrying someone from another racial background, or moving to another country).
Values embedded within different cultural contexts often conflict with values in other cultural contexts. For example, some religious groups oppose gay marriage and believe in strict and sometimes unequal gender roles, and individuals in some racial and ethnic groups are preju- dicial toward those in other groups. Colorism is also powerful for many members of minority groups. This is a hierarchy of color and facial features, with white skin and European features viewed as superior to dark skin and Indian or African features, a preference also prevalent in Latin American racial coding systems (Fish, 2002; Haizlip, 1994).
5.3 Various Cultural Contexts of Children Families that attend early care and education programs throughout the United States come with a vast diversity of cultural contexts that interact differently, providing rich complexity within ECE programs. Here, a few of the main cultural contexts are described; however, it
Various Cultural Contexts of Children Chapter 5
is critical to remember that no context operates by itself. Each family integrates a variety of contexts differently, and every person within a family, including the parents and children, are unique individuals (West, 2001).
Immigrant Status
Immigrants bring to early care and education programs a rich diversity of cultural contexts. First, they have not lived within the overall U.S. cultural framework for their entire lives and thus may have different views and behaviors regarding democracy, religion, education, and gender equality (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006). Immigrants may not subscribe to the official view of race and ethnicity codified by the U.S. Census categories (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006, 2008). For example, while Somalis living in the United States are African, they may or may not consider themselves African American (Fish, 2002). Mayan immigrants, categorized by the U.S. Census as Latinos, may consider themselves indigenous people of South Mexico and Central America (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). In fact, when new immigrants settle in the United States, they tend to settle near others from their own national or religious groups, rather than in racial groups: Somalis with Somalis, West Africans with West Africans, Koreans with Koreans, and Brazilians with Brazilians (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006). Jewish immigrants from Eastern Russia and Eastern Europe are fully embraced within existing Jewish communities in cities throughout the country, and other groups settle within neighborhoods of similar national backgrounds.
Some of the cultural richness and possible challenges that some immigrant families bring to early care and education programs include the following:
• Food preferences and rules about what their children can and cannot eat
• Different religious traditions and practices
• Differing views on gender roles, both for children and their parents
• A variety of non-English languages
• A range of expectations regarding appropriate behavioral and the academic skills to be taught (Ahmad & Szpara, 2003; Syed, 2007)
• Differing views regarding the role of religion in education, which may conflict with traditional views of religious neutrality in schools
• Conflicting views about teachers and toward female teachers (as opposed to male teachers) (Bang, 2009; Rodriguez, 2008)
Income Status
In the first two decades of the 21st century, the number of poor families has increased. Some of these are single, female-headed households; others are families in which both parents have lost their jobs. Poverty causes a variety of problems that can affect young children attending early care and education programs and their families. Poverty can have a dramatic impact on how families are able to provide necessities for their children, the choices they have for early care and education, and their ability to support their children’s programs (Engle & Black, 2008). Furthermore, many low-income families cannot access quality early care and education programs (Boyd-Zaharias & Pate-Bain, 2009; Howard, 2007; Rothstein, 2008) and many can- not easily participate in quality parent-involvement programs (Hill & Craft, 2003).
Many programs serve low-income families. The best known is Head Start and Early Head Start. Most states also have some form of low-income state-funded preschool program (Scott-Little,
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Kagan, & Frelow, 2006); young children with disabilities can receive free and reduced-cost educational services. The federal government provides free and reduced child care. While Head Start and state-funded programs are mostly part time, subsidized child care is full day. Some programs provide wrap-around care and education, with a child attending Head Start and state-funded or disability programs for part of the day and then subsidized child care for the remainder of the day. Other services for low-income families include free and reduced fee lunches, commodity foods, food banks, child health insurance, and mental health services. Early care and education programs usually can provide information regarding these agencies and programs.
Religious Status
Religion is an important cultural context for many families (Lippy, 2004). Religion determines a person’s values, religious traditions, behaviors, and attitudes. Further, a person’s religion tends to determine the kinds of people one interacts with socially, through churches, syna-
gogues, temples, and mosques, both for religious services and for important community and even political activities. Some people attend colleges and universities supported by their religious faith. Many parents have their children attend religious early care and education programs.
Historically, the United States has recognized a vari- ety of mostly Christian religions, including Protestant, Quaker, Catholic, and Jehovah’s Witness, in addition to the Jewish religion and some Native American practices. Now, with more recent immigrants, this list includes Confucian, Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu, Shinto, Sikh, Taoist, and other religions. Further, as mentioned earlier, some new immigrants do not believe religion and the state (e.g., schools and early childhood programs) should be separate. This includes people from Brazil and other parts of South America, whose Catholic faith intertwines with the practices of their local and national governments and public schools (Ladle, 1999).
As noted by Neugebauer (2005), nearly 1.5 million children attend early care and education programs
housed in religious facilities; almost one in four early childhood centers is operated in a reli- gious facility, and the largest providers of child care services in the United States are the Roman Catholic Church and the Southern Baptist Convention. While many of these programs accept children from other faiths, program practices reflect the religious values, traditions, and rituals of the particular faith (Neugebauer, 2005).
Depending on how devoted parents are, religion can have a very strong influence on how they raise their children, from educational goals and gender expectations, to moral values and beliefs. These parents’ values can have a dramatic influence on the early care and education program.
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▲ More than 1 million children attend an early care program that operates in a religious facility.
Various Cultural Contexts of Children Chapter 5
Race and Ethnicity
The U.S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB), which is the federal agency that deter- mines employment, school entry, and the U.S. Census’s racial and ethnic categories, specifies five racial categories and one ethnic category. The racial categories are American Indian or Alaskan Native, Asian, black or African American, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, and white. A person can also select more than one race or “some other race.” The ethnic category is Hispanic or Latino (which can be any race) (U.S. Census, 2011). The U.S. Census categories are unique to the history, politics, and social dynamics of the United States. Every country collects demographic information on its citizens using its own unique system of cat- egories (Fish, 2002).
Further, wide diversity exists within each of these very broad U.S. Census categories. Whites include Germans, English, Irish, Eastern Russians, French, Italians, European Jews, and so on. Hispanics include Cubans, Puerto Ricans, people from Argentina and Mexico, and Hispanics who have lived in the Southwest of the United States of America for generations. African Americans include people from the rural south, the Caribbean, and South America. Asians include people from China, Vietnam, Japan, Korea, Cambodia, and the Philippines, along with Asians from South America. Native Americans include all of the tribes/nations recognized by the federal government, along with native peoples from Canada, the Caribbean, Mexico, and Central and South America. Each of these groups has a very different history and culture (and often language). Some countries that exist within the same broad racial category have long histories of animosity (for example, Korea and Japan, or Japan and China) (Lee, 2005; Ngo, 2006).
Two trends are blurring views of race and ethnicity in the United States. The first has already been mentioned: increasing numbers of immigrants who view race from the perspective of their own nation and culture, and not that of the U.S. government or society. The second is an increasing number of interracial marriages, resulting in children who do not identify with a single racial or ethnic group. According to Hodgkinson (2000-2001), it is estimated that 40% of American citizens have some racial mixing in the last three generations. Of this group, young people are the fastest-growing segment.
Many argue that the broad terms so popular in U.S. parlance, such as black and Hispanic, are over- generalizations that obscure real diversity, variation, and deep cultural understanding (Fish, 2002; Ngo, 2006, 2008; West, 2001). Further, these terms do not recognize the number of immigrants and multi- racial children who do not fit neatly into these broad groups (Baxley, 2008).
Language
According to the U.S. Department of Education, more than 400 languages are spoken in K-12 schools (U.S. Census, 2007). According to David et al. (2005), the average Head Start program has 10 different languages spoken by families served. Language
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▲ The continued prevalence of immigration as well as an increase in interracial marriages has some- what blurred the perception of race and ethnicity as rigid categories in the United States.
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diversity in early care and education programs can be very challenging, with the most dif- ficult part being communication. Most curricular materials are not produced in all of the languages used by children attending a program, and communication and language issues greatly confound a program’s ability to accurately assess a child who may have a develop- mental delay and needs targeted services, because assessment instruments for young children are available in very few languages (NAEYC, 1996). Some suggestions to address language diversity in early care and education programs include the following:
• Teach English language classes to parents who wish to learn. Make sure to teach func- tional language (for example, teach the language needed to function in the program and to communicate with teachers) (Bang, 2009).
• Recruit people who can help translate in parents’ home languages. These may be peo- ple associated with local churches or businesses where the same language is spoken, members of language clubs, or international students attending local colleges.
• Make your own curricular materials. With the availability of computers, digital cameras, and printers, it is now easy to make classroom materials (see Think About it: Materials and Activities Checklist).
• Use parents to help teach caregivers and teachers some basic words and phrases in the child’s language.
• View non-English language use in the program as an asset to the English-speaking students. Research is clear regarding the positive impact of second-language learning; it is also a wonderful multicultural tool (NAEYC, 1996).
Listen to parents’ wishes concerning whether they want their children to learn English. The kind of language learning provided in the program depends on the program and its curriculum.
Gender
A direct result of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was an increased effort to provide equality for everyone in the United States. This effort included voting rights, antidiscrimina- tion laws in housing and employment, racial and ethnic equality, integration of public schools, and gender equality. Through multicultural education, this effort spread to K-12 schools. In the 1980s and 1990s, with the publication of the Anti-Bias Curriculum (Derman-Sparks and the ABC Task Force, 1989), Roots and Wings (York, 1991), Teaching and Learning in a Diverse World (Ramsey, 1987), and Diversity in the Classroom (Kendall, 1996), the movement came to the early childhood community (Copple, 2001).
One of the areas that multicultural education is concerned with is gender equality (Boldt, 1996; Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010). Early childhood programs seek to make sure girls have the same opportunity to succeed that boys do and that no limitations are placed on girls’ potential and their view of success. Both boys and girls are expected to play in the block area and in the dramatic play areas, girls are expected to do well in math and science, and boys are encouraged in art and music (Sadker & Sadker, 1994).
However, some of the new immigrant families served in early care and education programs have a very different view of gender separation and equality. For example, some cultures and religions hold the belief that education for boys is more important than for girls. Because of religious and cultural views regarding gender, some families believe that the genders should be kept separate in early childhood programs and schools. Parents from other cultures support
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stereotypical gender differences, with males expected to be assertive, dominant, strong, and protective, and women expected to be docile, gentle, nurturing, and employed in the home (Ahmad & Szpara, 2003). These gender distinctions include different gender role behaviors by parents, with only mothers expected to work closely with the early care and education program (Bang, 2009).
Gender role expectations of children in ECE programs, and distinctly different gender behav- iors of the parents of children they serve, can pose a challenge to programs that have worked hard to address gender equality and stereotypes in curriculum, learning materials, and teacher behaviors and that are committed to working closely with all adults involved in a family, including men.
Family Structure
Throughout this book, we have discussed the vast variety of forms of contemporary families. These include interracial and interethnic families, extended families, blended families, foster and adoptive families that include transracially adopted children (adopted children who are of a different race or ethnicity from their adoptive parents), homeless families, families in which more than one language is spoken, grandparent families, and teen parents. Gay and lesbian families, in which children have two fathers or two mothers, are another example of the family diversity discussed throughout this book. These families may also be any of the above forms (e.g., dual language or interracial).
According to Clay (2004), gay and lesbian parents want the same for their children as all parents and want to make sure their children do not experience homophobia, either direct discrimination or exclu- sion. Further, lesbian and gay parents would like for their children to have teachers and caregivers with experience working with gay- and lesbian-headed households. These families also would like their children to feel they are a part of the school and not outsiders. It is instructive to note this desire is the same for any family in a minority position in the program, be it through race, language, adoption, or immigration.
Interracial families, in which parents each belong to different racial categories, challenge the sin- gle-race idea prevalent in American society (Root, 1996). As such, they provide a place where there is an emphasis on racial unity and harmony (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). These families often have to educate others in the community, including the early care and education program, about their children’s mixed heritage and the way they are raising them to embrace it. Interracial and interethnic families must be very proactive in helping their children withstand indirect and direct harassment from single-race
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▲ Though gay and lesbian parents share many of the same concerns for their children as any minor- ity group, the fact that many of them begin their families much later in life presents additional chal- lenges in early childhood education.
Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program Chapter 5
children and adults (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Transracial foster and adoptive families have similar issues. Additionally, these families must struggle with the child’s feelings about their biological parents and being adopted. In foster homes, there are often tensions between the foster family and biological family. Geographic dislocation is often an issue for children in foster homes that can affect the child’s relationship with the early care and education program.
Children being raised in blended homes face a special kind of challenge, as do the parents in these homes. Early care and education programs need to be especially sensitive to these fami- lies as they try to create a new culture from their two combined families. As families blend, there can be role confusion, loyalty conflicts, step-parent/step-child discipline problems, and conflict between step-parents and step-children (Sailor, 2004).
Single-parent families have their own set of challenges. While our society has broadened its definition of a family, single-parent families are still viewed by many as incomplete and flawed. Parents often feel isolated and need advice and assistance in raising their children (Sailor, 2004). They also often have extreme financial challenges, and relationships with the noncustodial parent can often be difficult.
Homeless families, grandparents raising grandchildren, and teen parent families all bring unique issues to raising children and require early care and education programs to be sensitive to family diversity and to find ways to serve children within these various family structures. The vast diversity of family structures poses challenges for early care and education programs. They can no longer assume a child comes from a two-parent, single-race family; the pro- gram’s communication, procedures, policies, and problem-solving approaches with families need to reflect this diversity.
5.4 Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program
Our early care and education programs are becoming more and more diverse. This requires program staff to be able to respond appropriately and supportively to many different situa- tions, issues, and challenges. Because children exist within the various ecological contexts of family, community, religion, and culture, staff members need to understand these contexts to meet the developmental and learning needs of each child in their care. Here are some ideas for professionals who work with young children from diverse racial, ethnic, and linguistic backgrounds.
Start with the Child
Teachers and caregivers should first get to know the individual child. They should avoid focus- ing on the racial, ethnic, or cultural groups they think the child belongs to. Further, a child should not automatically be assigned to a group because the child has characteristics or attributes that are assumed to be stereotypical of a group, be they racial, disability, gender, or income (West, 2001). We should carefully and authentically learn about individual children, their families, their communities, and their other important ecological contexts.
Early childhood professionals often focus on children primarily as individuals. We carefully observe children to determine their strengths and areas in which they need extra assistance.
Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program Chapter 5
Emergent curriculum approaches require that we carefully observe children in natural set- tings—play, peer interactions, private speech—to discover their interests, language skills, past experiences, and dispositions. Further, with the focus on early identification of children with developmental delays, early childhood staff members are encouraged to use a variety of developmental checklists and other screening tools with their children (Barerra, 1994). While it is important to use these skills to assist with the development and learning of individual children, teachers and caregivers should consult with the family regarding the child’s race, ethnicity, culture, and language.
Let the Child and the Child’s Family Inform You
Staff members also need to allow the child and the child's family to inform them about the values, behaviors, and beliefs important to the family:
• How does the child acknowledge and celebrate his/her skin color and nation of origin?
• How do parents want their child’s first language to be acknowledged and supported?
• How does the family support the child’s race and ethnicity outside the early care and education program?
• How does the family want children to respond to older people outside their commu- nity and to people in authority at the program?
• How important is religion in the lives of the family, and how important is religion in how and what the family wants the program to teach their child?
Further, the child and the child’s family can inform staff about their culture and community: religion, food, traditions, male and female roles, importance of grandparents, role of the child in the home, and so on. A variety of methods can be used to collect this information:
• Questionnaires
• Questions on application forms
• Open discussions at parent- (and other adult) teacher conferences
• Input from parents or other significant adults during parent-education activities
• Casual, informal discussions between teachers and parents or other significant adults
• Visits to the communities where families and children live, both through field trips and by teachers and caregivers frequenting local stores, restaurants, museums, cultural centers, and activities
View the Whole Child
All of the ecological contexts that make up a child’s identity—race, ethnicity, language, per- sonality, income, gender, culture, disability, family structure—should be integrated through- out the curriculum. We should not use a tourist approach to multicultural education or a curriculum by celebration approach either (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). When tourists visit other countries, they often sample the local foods, attend performances of authentic dances and songs, visit stores that sell crafts and artifacts made by the locals, and maybe explore native villages, reservations, or other tourist spots. Then the tourists come home. In a similar vein, a tourist approach to the curriculum views cultural diversity only in terms of food, costumes, songs, and dances, rather than also examining the rich, lived experiences of the diversity of the family and the country (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; U.S. HHS, 2010).
Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program Chapter 5
A curriculum by celebration approach uses monthly themes based on celebrations or festi- vals. December’s curriculum is all about Christmas, February centers on Martin Luther King, Jr. Day and Black History Month, March focuses on St. Patrick’s Day, and May is dedicated to Cinco de Mayo activities. This approach teaches young children that the important cultural and religious differences are food, drink, and celebration; it also tends to reinforce the idea that everyone who belongs to a large cultural group is the same. Clearly, there is a place for celebrations in early childhood programs. However, additional care must be taken to make sure these celebrations do not contribute to the United States’ problem with childhood obe- sity (U.S. HHS, 2000) and that these celebrations are authentic culminations of meaningful, focused projects and community activities (Katz & Chard, 2000).
Avoid Imposing Your Views
A child should never be prejudged based on racial, ethnic, or cultural identity, including behav- iors, academic expectations, and specific skills or dispositions. We all have preconceived ways in which we see the world, based on our own cultural and other experiences, and while these allow us to make sense of our world, they are not necessarily accurate from another person’s cultural perspective (Copple, 2001; West, 2001). Allow children—and their families—to define
their race and ethnicity, language they prefer to use, important values, likes and dislikes, and behaviors. Avoid filling out the federal racial categories required for programs such as free lunches without first consulting with the family. This is especially important when considering children with complex and unique identities— multiracial and multiethnic children, transra- cially adopted children, and immigrant children who do not fit into the typical U.S. Census categories.
One of the best ways to encourage children to be everything they can be is through model- ing. Modeling includes images in books, pic- tures, posters and curricular materials, videos and computer programs, visitors to the class- room, and visits to the community—work- places, museums, stores, and so on (Davidman & Davidman, 1999).
Finally, all policies, procedures, curricular content, and curricular materials and activities used in the program should be evaluated carefully to determine if they are good for all children, and not just for specific groups of children. Criteria to consider include the use of all of Gardner’s eight intelligences, cooperative and individual activities and projects, and enac- tive, iconic, and abstract-symbolic learning. While we have traditionally viewed the ability to learn and solve problems using a single construct known as an intelligence quotient (IQ), Howard Gardner has proposed that people think and learn using preferred approaches, what he calls intelligences or learning styles (Gardner, 1983). He has proposed eight distinct learning styles:
• Logical/Mathematical. This intelligence involves the ability to reason logically and think in a linear fashion, and it is most associated with math and science.
© Digital Vision/Thinkstock
▲ Care must be taken to celebrate children’s cultural differences in a meaningful way that avoids giving the impression that the most important cultural differences revolve around food, dress, and dance.
Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program Chapter 5
• Verbal/Linguistic. This includes the mastery of the use of language—spoken and written. It enables children to be proficient at the many literacy requirements that dominate most public school education today.
• Visual/Spatial. This is the ability to create, use, and remember iconic mental images to solve problems and to engage in projects: artistic, geometric, and architectural.
• Musical. This is the ability to hold a pitch, recognize musical rhythms and melodies, compose, and harmonize.
• Bodily Kinesthetic. This intelligence is exhibited by children who learn through move- ment: dance, athletics, hands-on learning, and tactile as opposed to visual or auditory stimulation.
• Interpersonal. This intelligence is shown by children who are in tune with the emo- tions and feelings of others and who can work effectively in a variety of groups. They are often classroom leaders.
• Intrapersonal. This is the ability to look inward for motivation and direction. These children are very attuned to their own feelings and wishes and tend to be introspective.
• Naturalist. This intelligence is exhibited by those with a heighted sensitivity to the natural world—gardeners, observers of birds and animals, children who like to raise animals, and so on (Gardner, 1983).
Gardner (1983) states that all children have one or more preferred ways of learning and pro- cessing information. Information and activities should be provided so that children can learn by using their preferred intelligences, while also being helped to be able to use other learning styles to learn and solve problems.
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Materials and Activities Checklist
This list can be used to select materials and activities that support diversity. These materials and activities should be developmentally appropriate. The first section requires a yes answer.
• Do the materials and activities enhance children’s self-acceptance, knowledge, and understand- ing of their heritage and identity by showing their culture in a positive light?
• Do the materials and activities enhance children’s understanding and acceptance of people and cultures different from them by showing those cultures in a positive manner?
• Do the materials and activities expand children’s view of the world by exposing them to new ideas, people, and viewpoints?
• Are the materials carefully designed with sensitivity and respect toward children and diversity through the use of acceptance and understanding?
• Do the materials and activities address several areas of diversity in a positive manner?
• Are the activities and materials part of the overall curricular and classroom materials, and do they integrate naturally into a variety of classroom activities and experiences?
• Does the activity require children to face prejudices, stereotypes, labels, assumptions, and mis-
(continued)
Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture Chapter 5
5.5 Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture A family’s culture has a marked impact on the way children are raised and socialized. One of these cultural factors is in the area of independence versus interdependence. According to Gonzalez-Mena (2008), most parents place an emphasis on independence or interdepen- dence in raising their children, based on the cultures to which the parents belong. By viewing cultural child-raising differences within a contrasting dichotomy, such as independence versus interdependence, it is easier to study cultural differences.
Independence
According to E. T. Hall (1976), Western Europe, North America, and Australia are cultures that value independence and individual success. Thus, families in the United States who originated from these countries value individualism, independence, and success as the highest possible
conceptions that they are developing by challenging their thinking and behaviors?
• Does the activity show diversity in realistic, contemporary settings (for example, Native Americans doing real jobs in contemporary clothes, rather than dancing in headdresses)?
• Do written materials introduce all children to a variety of new languages, while also reinforcing the primary languages of the non-English-speaking children in the program?
The following questions should be answered with a no:
• Is the material or activity token (for example, one minority doll, one book representing each tra- ditional racial group, or one day each year to celebrate Asian culture)?
• Do the materials and activities emphasize differences among groups and cultures without addressing common bonds, histories, and aspirations, such as collaborations between blacks and Native Americans or Hispanic-Jewish cooperation?
• Do the materials or activities convey that people who belong to the same ethnic or racial group are all the same (no diversity of diversity)?
• Does the activity stress membership in a particular cultural group at the expense of each child’s total and unique background, including language, culture and family, nation of origin, com- munity, and religion? Does it imply that racial and ethnic diversity are the most important or the only areas of diversity?
• Do the activities force multiracial and multiethnic children either to be invisible or to choose an incomplete identity? Must these children select only one of their backgrounds for their racial or ethnic identity?
• Do the activities and materials indicate in some way that one group, culture, religion, language, or art form is the best or better than another (for example, the preferred jobs are held by white men, the less preferred by women and minorities)?
• If a second language is used in written materials, is the assumption made that the only non- English language spoken in the program is Spanish?
Wardle, Francis, Introduction to Early Childhood Education: A Multidimensional Approach to Child-Centered Care and
Learning, 1st, ©2003. Printed and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle
River, New Jersey.
Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture Chapter 5
virtues. That the United States Declaration of Independence declares “all men are created equal” and have a right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” is one example of this idea. Parents in independent cultures believe in developing independence in young children. Parents expect children to feed themselves and dress themselves; they also expect children to sleep alone in a crib in a separate room from them. They focus on independence, raising children to do things for themselves, and teaching each child to learn to care for his or her own needs and wants (Rogoff, 2003). Further, parents and teachers with this cultural perspective emphasize individuality and the building of individual self-esteem by focusing on the individual child’s behaviors and accomplishments.
These parents and caregivers also expect children to learn to be toilet trained, but they understand that there are important maturational and individual fac- tors involved in this difficult task and are therefore willing to wait until the child is able to control his bladder and bowels and is ready to go to the potty on his own. Finally, these parents and caregivers are very concerned that young children learn to cope with separation and consider learning healthy sepa- ration a good thing to achieve (Erikson, 1963).
According to Delpit (1995) and Raeff (2010), parents and caregivers with an independent orientation to child care and education belong to the dominant culture in the United States, have their roots in Northern Europe, and are powerful in the political, business, and professional world. And the child-care program matches this view, by focusing on the indi- vidual needs of each child, providing a private space for children, and protecting each child’s private property (Raeff, 2010; Raeff, Greenfield, & Quiroz, 2000). Further, this dominant culture is the architect of our educational institutions, including colleges where child-care providers and teachers are educated, and the guiding principle behind early care and education philosophies and policies. Thus, it is the source of our body of knowledge and best practices in working with young children (Boykin & Toms, 1985; Gilligan, Brown, & Rogers, 1999; Price-Williams, Gordon, & Ramirez, 1969).
Interdependence
On the other hand, in cultures that value interdependence, a person’s value is based on the individual’s positive contribution to the group and group consensus. Individual achievement and desires, especially when they conflict with the group needs and values, are devalued (Kaiser & Raminsky, 2003). According to Hall (1976), people with this orientation come from Asia, Africa, Southern Europe, and Latin America. They consider the individual an important member of a group—family, extended family, community, racial group, ethnic group, religious group, and so on. Parents from these cultures are focused on interdependent relationships such as co-sleeping with infants and giving their children time to be babies, and they do not focus on children becoming independent. They pamper their children and teach them how to care for the needs of others. They teach them that their needs are dependent on others and that they need to learn how to help and care for others (Stewart, 1972).
© Brand X Pictures/© Getty Images/Jupiterimages
▲ Parents from Western Europe, North America, and Australia value independence and thus emphasize building their children’s self-esteem by praising their individual accomplishments.
Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture Chapter 5
People who belong to interdependent cultures—historically underrepresented groups in the United States—are more concerned with the welfare of the group than with the individual. Individualism is valued only as it enhances and supports the group; children are taught to blend in, and they see their identity and worth as defined by the group. Mutual dependence and obedience are stressed (Harwood, Miller, & Irizarry, 1995; Lynch & Hanson, 2004). Parents of these children focus on keeping children within the family and group, rather than encouraging independence. Because groups collectively care for young children, teaching group belonging and interdependence is more important than teaching separation and independence.
From Cultural Dichotomies to Cultural Complexities
The aforementioned discussion presents a clear cultural contrast between independence and interdependence (individual and collectivistic orientations), represented in child-raising prac- tices between the dominant, mainstream European culture and minority cultures within the United States: Native Americans, Asians, African Americans, Latinos, and people from the Middle East (Hofstede, 2001). Recently, however, several researchers have argued that label- ing cultures as either individualistic (independent) or collectivist (interdependent) is not a valid way of looking at cultures and cultural practices of child rearing and child care. According to Raeff (2010), reasons for this view include the following:
• Research shows that both independence and interdependence are valued in diverse cultures (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002).
• All cultures are dynamic, heterogeneous, and complex. Cultures change historically; viewing cultures as either independent or interdependent reflects a static view of culture.
• Independence and interdependence can be viewed as compatible and co-existing aspects of child rearing (Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008).
A view is emerging that independence and interdependence should not be viewed in opposi- tion; diverse cultures value both. Further, it is not always appropriate to assign independence and dependence to people based on their cultural and geographic backgrounds. For example, the Amish and Hutterite religious groups in the United States and Canada comprise homoge- neous peoples of direct European heritage, yet both groups shun individuality and indepen- dence, focusing rather on the communal and collective good and on interdependence. The collective Amish barn-raising activity is a well-known example of this orientation. An increas- ing number of middle-class American parents are also adopting the practice of co-sleeping, and more middle-class, white mothers breastfeed than do minority mothers in the United States (Sloan, Sneddon, Stewart, & Iwaniec, 2006). Breastfeeding is an interdependent rela- tionship between the mother and child (like co-sleeping); use of milk banks is extending this idea to the community of breastfeeding mothers.
Sleeping Arrangements
One example of this dual independence-interdependence argument is the sleeping arrange- ments of parents and young children. Studies show Western children sleep independently, thus fostering the development of independence, a behavior considered important in Western societies (Keller, 2007; Rogoff, 2003). Alternatively, co-sleeping fosters close family relation- ships and is practiced around the world—especially in Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Rogoff, 2003). Nevertheless, at about 5 years old, Mayan children can choose where, for how long, and with whom they sleep (Gaskins, 1999), allowing individual choices. Research also shows
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that European-American parents support separate sleeping arrangements mainly to improve their own sleep (to be ready for the typical high-intensity, 8-hour Western work day) and improve their intimate relationships (Shweder, Jensen, & Goldstein, 1995). Structuring chil- dren’s sleeping practices to meet adult sleep needs means that children are often put to bed before the child is ready, thus forcing individual children to conform to parent authority and the needs of others. In both cases, there is a clear balance between independence and inter- dependence; thus, there are cultural differences in how behaviors are structured within the context of children’s sleeping practices (Raeff, 2010).
The increased use of co-sleeping by many American families, including recent immigrants, has caused many in the medical and child-care fields to become concerned about safety issues. While co-sleeping is the norm in many countries where Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) is considerably lower than in the United States, it is associated with higher SIDS in U.S. families (Nelson, Schiefenhoevel, & Haimerl, 2000; Nakamura, Winds, & Danello, 1999). Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) is the death of a young child during sleep (before age 2), due to unknown causes. SIDS is one of the leading causes of infant death during the first few months of life.
Contexts of Early Care and Education Programs
Many practices and expectations in American early care and education programs and schools reinforce independent, competitive cultural values (Derman- Sparks & Edwards, 2010; Dyson, 2003; Rogoff, 2003). Practices and activities in early care and education programs that support independence include developing activities to develop individual self-esteem, providing private cubbies for each child, teaching children to feed themselves, and licensing requirements that require children to sleep separately during nap time and a focus on individual child assessment. Other typical practices and activities in early care and education programs support interdependence, such as everyone having to nap at the same time, universal rules for all students, supporting the authority of the teacher, family-style meals that many pro- grams promote, teaching sharing and social skills, and programs that use multiage groups (Katz, 1998).
Other ways early care and education programs support interdependence and cooperation include creating a classroom community, working closely with families and extended fami- lies, teaching children prosocial skills and group norms, and using curricula that focus on group projects in which children must work together collaboratively. Even our discussion of cooperative play (Parten, 1932, 1933) noted that cooperative play succeeds only when children suppress their individual desires for the needs of the group (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005).
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
▲ Many European-American parents prefer sleep- ing separately from their children to improve the quality of the parents’ sleep and enable intimate relations.
Conflicts Between Parents’ Values and Program Practices Chapter 5
Two cautions must be addressed in relationship to any discussion of independent and inter- dependent cultural contexts. The first is a reminder that all families and children served in ECE programs exist within several dynamic, interacting cultural contexts (Bhabha, 1994; S. Hall, 1989). One of these is the greater U.S. culture—even for families who have only recently come to the country. And, while the family may come from an interdependent culture, they are exposed to many aspects of the independent, overall American culture: laws that protect indi- vidual rights, TV commercials that focus on individual needs and desires, employment rules and regulations. In fact, this greater American culture causes considerable generational con- flict in new immigrant families (Bang 2009; Ngo, 2006; Podeschi & Xiong, 1994). Secondly, while children develop within a variety of cultural contexts that have a profound influence on development and learning, their development is also driven by maturation (Erikson, 1963; Piaget, 1952). Maturation is the understanding that the development of children in all areas, from physical and emotional to linguistic and cognitive, is greatly affected by the child’s age. This means that developmental stages such as Piaget’s cognitive stages and Erikson’s psycho- social stages function for all children, regardless of the context in which they develop and learn (Siegler & Alibali, 2005).
Thus, while it is important that early care and education teachers and caregivers are aware of different cultural aspects of raising children, they must be sensitive to the complexities of cultural difference and adhere to the above cautions regarding communicating with parents about parents’ desires and wishes for their children.
5.6 Conflicts Between Parents’ Values and Program Practices
As has been discussed throughout this chapter, the United States is becoming more and more culturally diverse, and our early care and education programs reflect this increased diversity. Most people who work in early care and education programs—directors, teachers, and care- givers—are women (Neugebauer, 2008), and, because of the very poor benefits of the field, many are poor, minority women, especially African American and Latina (Neugebauer, 2004). However, our body of knowledge and best practices tend to be grounded in European theo- ries and ideas about child development, learning, education, and how to raise children; pro- fessionals who work with young children and their families are also trained with this particular cultural perspective (Delpit, 1995; S. Hall, 1989).
But, regardless of the cultural orientation of the early care and education program and the increasing diversity of cultural backgrounds of families using these programs, conflicts will arise. Some families do not want their children to take naps during the day, as this makes it more difficult to put them to sleep at night. Other families do not want their children to watch TV and other media while in the program, due to the increasing evidence of the negative effect of technology on brain development in young children (American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Public Education, 2001). Conflicts can also often arise around children getting sand in their hair, paint on their clothes, mud on their shoes, and in clashes with other children. Most of these conflicts have to do with typical daily issues or lack of communication between parents and staff. But some are also a result of cultural expectations and behaviors.
Communication is the secret to developing and maintaining a healthy relationship between the family and early care and education program. There are more effective and less effective ways to communicate. One effective way is to use dialoguing and the RERUN process.
Conflicts Between Parents’ Values and Program Practices Chapter 5
Dialoguing
When a conflict between a parent or other caregiver and someone at the early care and edu- cation center arises, it can be resolved in a variety of ways. According to Janet Gonzalez-Mena (2008), the best approach to addressing these conflicts is to move away from the traditional argument approach, in which someone wins and someone loses, to a dialoguing approach, in which both parties come away satisfied. The differences between an argument and dia- logue are the following:
• The objective of an argument is to win; the objective of a dialogue is to gather information.
• The arguer tells; the dialoguer asks.
• The arguer tries to persuade; the dialoguer seeks to learn.
• The arguer sees two opposing views and considers the most valid or best one; the dialoguer is willing to consider and understand multiple viewpoints.
A person committed to dialoguing is interested in the other person’s reasons for his or her position and wishes to listen to and understand the reasons for the conflict. There can be— and often are—many reasons for a conflict, including a misunderstanding of what was read, seen, said, or overheard.
The RERUN Problem-Solving Process
One approach to solving problems through dialogu- ing is to use the RERUN Problem-Solving Process (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). While the conflict might involve a parent or any other member of the fam- ily, including a grandparent raising a child, the term parent will be used to simplify the explanation of the process. This process involves five steps:
Reflect. In this step, caregivers and directors seek to understand the reasons for the parent’s emotional response and disagreement. Expressions such as “I see you are really upset” or “I can see why you look at it that way” show the person that you have heard his or her concern and understand where it is coming from. Reflect also means that the caregiver, teacher, or director needs to reflect on his or her own position and emotional response to the con- flict. Why is he or she upset? Why is he or she unwill- ing to change the rule or agree with the parent?
Explain. In this step, the caregiver, teacher, or director needs to focus on listening to the parent to understand the parent’s point of view and the parent’s reaction to the situation or issue. Only when the parent’s view has been understood should the teacher or caregiver try to explain her side of the story.
Reason. Part of the discussion must include a specific reason for the teacher’s or director’s point of view—a rule, licensing regulation, best practice, or acknowledgement that that is the way it has always been done in the program. An attempt should be made to separate the
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ Problem solving between parents and the teacher or caregiver can take place using the RERUN approach, which requires both parties to reflect, explain, reason, understand, and negotiate.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
rational reasons from emotional responses. And the teacher or director should try to deter- mine why she has the emotional responses she does. It may have little to do with the issue or event and more to do with the parent, other problems in the program or with a fellow teacher, or a frustration in life outside of the program.
Understand. In this step, the goal is for both people involved to understand the other person’s point of view rationally and emotionally. This step does not require any action or communica- tion; it requires clarity of purpose and reason. This necessitates an understanding of both the parent’s and the staff person’s point of view and emotional response. Self-reflecting is a critical part of this process—to understand the parent’s viewpoint and the staff person’s viewpoint.
Negotiate. In this final step, a solution to the conflict is sought. Both parties should look for a mutually satisfying solution. Do not take an either-or position: either my way or your way. An either-or approach prevents communication and a mutually acceptable solution. Instead, try to find a win-win solution that combines both views or a totally different solution that satisfies both of you. Often, a creative solution exists that neither one originally considered. According to Gonzalez-Mena (2009), the kind of solution sought “goes beyond compromise and includes both positions. It’s not a meeting in the middle, but finding a different space altogether” (p. 144).
Often, a solution is not found the first time this process is used. On these occasions, parties should return to the beginning of the process and redo the steps until a solution is found.
The RERUN process can be used to resolve any conflicts that arise between families and the early care and education program. These can include simple disagreements around common issues such as student conflicts, misunderstandings about what teachers did and said, or dis- cipline. But it can also be used for conflicts that arise from cultural differences between the family and the early care and education program. This is particularly true when the program and family clearly come from different cultural contexts. The process can also be used to address conflicts within programs, such as between teachers or a teacher and director.
5.7 The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Early care and education programs—and people who work in these programs—need to be able to work effectively and constructively with people of ever-more diverse backgrounds. This ability is known as culturally responsive teaching. For culturally responsive teachers, any aspect of a child’s context is important to consider in planning instruction, working with the family, addressing discipline issues, and other program policies and instructions. However, people working with young children and their families must be careful to avoid the tempta- tion of thinking in terms of broad, stereotypical diversity categories, and worse yet, respond- ing to children and families based on these broad stereotypes (Wardle, 2011b).
To assist teachers in positively and accurately responding to diversity in early care and educa- tion programs, the anti-bias and ecological model was developed (Wardle, 1996). This model takes Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model as its starting point (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; 1995). As with Bronfenbrenner’s model, the child is placed in the center. However, unlike Bronfenbrenner’s concentric circles expanding out from the center, this model uses seven overlapping circles in a Venn diagram (see Figure 5.1). These circles represent seven fac- tors: race/ethnicity, culture, gender, ability/disability, family, socioeconomic status, and com- munity. Note that these circles overlap each other, encompassing the other six factors, and all influencing the child’s unique identity.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
Figure 5.1: Factors of the anti-bias and ecological model
The anti-bias ecological model uses overlapping circles to represent the fact that all factors of a person’s identity overlap and simultaneously influence a child’s overall identity.
Gender
Race/ Ethnicity Culture
Child
Child
Ability/ Disability
Community
Family Socio-
economic Status
Wardle, F. (1996). Proposal: An anti-bias and ecological model for multicultural education. Childhood Education, 72(3), 152–156.
Before each of the seven factors is described in detail, a little more needs to be mentioned about the model:
• While each circle is shown to be the same size, in reality they will be different sizes for each child. For example, for one child, art ability may be very important to his or her sense of identity, and thus the ability/disability circle will be large; for another child, the largest circle might be the cultural factor, due to his or her identity as belonging to a family that practices Islam in a predominantly Christian community.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
• Each child processes his or her reality differently. As West (2001) reminds us, humans construct their own reality, and as such create their own ideas about the world. Thus, each child will respond differently to each factor; even children in the same family will have different impressions of their complex cultural contexts.
Each of the factors has been discussed in detail in this chapter. Here, they are presented within a model to help teachers and other caregivers respond sensitively to each child in their care. Thus, each factor will be reviewed as a way to structure information from our previous discus- sion into a usable framework (see Figure 5.1).
Race/Ethnicity
While race and ethnicity are social and political constructs with no biological basis, they are still important ways children and their families are categorized in America. As such, programs
need to be aware of the racial groups children and parents belong to and how parents instill in their children racial pride and identity (U.S. HHS, 2010). However, we must also be sensitive to diversity within diversity and, because many immigrant families come from countries where race and eth- nicity are defined differently than in the United States, it is important to find out carefully how families identify themselves and how they wish us to fill out federal racial forms.
Culture
Providing a separate factor for culture in this model enables us to view the tremendous vari- ability that exists within any large racial/ethnic group. Some of the characteristics that interact to create a family’s culture include the following:
• Religion
• Language
• Traditions
• Location, which includes the geographic region of the United States, part of the world, and area of a continent a person or family is from. For example, Guarani Indians from Paraguay have a very different culture from that of Chickasaw Indians from Oklahoma. African Americans from the Caribbean have a very different culture from that of fifth- generation African Americans from Louisiana.
• Parents’ education and profession
• How long the family has lived in the United States
• Immigration status
• Social and political activities and advocacy in which family members participate
• Small-group affiliations
Additionally, it is critical to remember that cultures—and cultural groups—are constantly changing (Raeff, 2010).
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ It is important for early childhood educators to rec- ognize the diversity of their students and be sensitive to the ways in which the children and their families wish to identify.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
Gender
In this model, gender is not so much about whether a child is a boy or a girl as it is about how families, communities, and early care and education programs respond to the child’s gender. There is an increase in the number of same-sex families—both two men and two women— who have children attending ECE programs (Clay, 2004). There is also an increase in the num- ber of families from cultures that view genders very differently (Syed, 2007). Additionally, more than 97% of staff members in early care and education programs are women (Neugebauer, 2008). Do parents have different behavioral expectations for boys and girls, and do they dis- cipline them differently? Do teachers and caregivers treat boys and girls differently when they are upset, hurt, or angry, and do they encourage outdoor activities and rough and tumble play for all the children? Further, do official communications from the center to the home recognize that in some families there are no mothers, and in others there are no fathers? Do curricula activities for Mother’s Day, Father’s Day, and other family activities take into consid- eration the current diversity of American families?
This category is also critical in combination with other factors, and because views of gender differences and practices used to raise children are so closely tied to religion, culture, and eth- nicity, gender is often an area in which conflict between the home and the program can arise.
Ability/Disability
Ability/disability has not been covered in detail in this chapter and will be covered in Chapter 7. However, we know that everyone is good at something and struggles with other things. And, according to Erikson’s first three stages, trust versus mistrust, autonomy versus shame and doubt, and initiative versus guilt, children must be encouraged to develop trust, autonomy, and initiative. Children’s abilities and confidence in those abilities will help in this process; what they struggle with can hinder them. These characteristics include developmental delays and accepted abilities such as a talent in art or a diagnosis of being gifted. But they also include strengths and challenges that are not labeled but that affect a child’s home, com- munity, and program life. Some children are easygoing and make friends effortlessly, while others struggle socially (Thomas & Chess, 1977). Some are very good at physical activities and master playground behaviors and skills, but they struggle academically. There are a few things to keep in mind regarding this factor:
• All children have strengths and challenges.
• All children need to feel successful in some things (Erikson, 1963).
• Children should never be denied access to what they can do well as a punishment for what they struggle with, such as being denied outdoor play time as a punishment for not completing a math activity.
• Both boys and girls should be encouraged to engage in all kinds of activities, including those that challenge gender stereotypes.
Community
Communities include segregated religious communities, small rural towns, Indian reserva- tions, segregated and integrated neighborhoods, suburban communities, military bases, and distinct neighborhoods within larger cities. Some families stay in one place for several gen- erations; others—such as military families—are very mobile. And some families, for example Maya immigrants in Houston, have essentially two communities—their home community in Guatemala or Southern Mexico, and their new community in the United States (West, 2001).
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
A community contains elements that directly influence families: mental health centers and hospitals; libraries, museums, and stores; churches, synagogues, and mosques; parks, schools, and early childhood programs; or youth recreation leagues. Some communities have more agencies that directly and indirectly affect children and families, while other communities have few. Communities in rural areas, inner cities, and Indian reservations have fewer services for children and families, and those they do have are often of poor quality and limited effec- tiveness (Boyd-Zaharias & Pate-Bain, 2009; Engle & Black, 2008).
Family
During a child’s first five years of life, the family is the first and most important influence (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1989; Shore, 1997). However, the term family comprises a vast diver- sity of structures, including teen parents, grandparents raising grandchildren, various kinds of extended families, blended families, foster and adoptive families, multiracial and multiethnic families, new immigrant families, families in which more than one language is spoken, and families in which more than one religion is practiced (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). The fam- ily also includes the home in which the family lives—an apartment, single-family home, farm,
trailer, military housing, condominium, welfare hotel, or even homeless shelter. Also included in this fac- tor is the family’s use of the media—TVs, computers, video games, cell phones, and so on.
None of these different family structures and contexts is good or bad, healthy or unhealthy. Family stress, due to alcohol and drug abuse, unemployment, fam- ily conflicts, or economic hardships, can exist in any family. Finally, when we discuss families, we are also talking about parenting styles—authoritarian, author- itative, and permissive (introduced in Chapter 4).
Socioeconomic Status
A family’s socioeconomic status has a huge impact on young children (Engle & Black, 2008). We know that poverty produces stress that can have a devas- tating influence on a child’s development—including brain development and preparation for school suc- cess. Lack of health insurance, poor nutrition, crime, and inadequate opportunities for outdoor play and recreation are often associated with poverty (Boyd- Zaharias & Pate-Bain, 2009; Howard, 2007; Rothstein, 2008). While poor families can access subsidized nonprofit early care and education programs, such as Head Start and Early Head Start, because of anti- immigrant laws passed in some states and the reduc-
tion of many safety-net programs due to the bad economy, it is difficult for some families to get these services. In the past, middle-class and wealthy parents could choose to have one parent stay home, nannies, campus early childhood programs, child-care chains, employee- based programs, suburban school early childhood programs, and private/religious preschools (Neugebauer, 2008). With the worsening of the economy, and more single-parent homes, many middle-class families with children are also struggling.
© George Doyle/Thinkstock
▲ The term family comprises many different cir- cumstances including blended families, foster and adoptive families, and multiracial families.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model Chapter 5
Lack of adequate transportation, living in a low-income neighborhood or rural community, and poor recreational options can pose challenges for families with children. Schools in low- income areas tend to be of lesser quality, and parent involvement programs less effective (Hill & Taylor, 2004; Epstein & Dauber, 1991). Libraries, museums, and other resources are often located in middle-class communities, some distance from poor families (Boyd-Zaharias & Pate- Bain, 2009).
P E R S O N A L S T O R I E S :
Anti-Bias and Ecological Model: A Case Study Example
Joao Meira, father of 5-year-old Isabella, complained to the director that his daughter was very unhappy in her public school preschool. She had few friends, disliked the teacher, and was strug- gling with the academic work. Isabella complained that the teacher used her as an example when teaching some Spanish words and expected her to be friends with the Latina girls from the neigh- borhood. The teacher gave Isabella basic instructions in computer use and seemed confused when Isabella asked to use specific computer programs. Isabella could not find books that interested her in the classroom; she could find only books about famous athletes and African-American and Hispanic heroes. And she was very upset that the teacher punished her struggles with academic work by limiting her time painting and drawing, which were her favorite activities.
Because Isabella is a dark-skinned child with dark eyes and straight, black hair who attends a school that serves primarily low-income, Latino children, the teacher made some inaccurate assumptions about her and her abilities/disabilities. Here is a brief use of the anti-bias and ecological model to help the teacher effectively meet Isabella’s educational needs:
• Race or ethnicity. The teacher assumed Isabella was Hispanic; the reality is that she is Brazilian, speaks Portuguese, and has a Portuguese colonial heritage.
• Culture. Again, the teacher assumed that Isabella came from the low-income, Hispanic neigh- borhood, spoke Spanish, and came from a Hispanic family. The reality is that she is from a Brazilian professional cultural background.
• Gender. The teacher assumed that Isabella’s gender role models were mothers, aunts, and elder sisters who stayed home to care for the other children—a stereotypical view even for other chil- dren in the class. The reality is that Isabella’s mother is a psychologist with a private practice who also teaches at a local university.
• Ability or disability. The teacher believed that Isabella was not good at anything in particular. The reality is that she is quite competent in computer skills and very gifted artistically. Unknown to the teacher, Isabella has a development delay that inhibits her ability to do math and makes learning to read difficult.
• Family. Isabella comes from a professional family in which education is stressed and all children, including girls, are expected to go to college.
• Socioeconomic status. Isabella’s father is a doctor who recently immigrated to the United States. Her mother, as has been indicated, has a private practice and also teaches.
Isabella will continue to struggle in school, and may even drop out, if the teacher does not change her expectations, instruction, and approach, based on the seven factors of the anti-bias and eco- logical model.
Wardle, Francis, Introduction to Early Childhood Education: A Multidimensional Approach to Child-Centered Care and
Learning, 1st, ©2003. Printed and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle
River, New Jersey.
Chapter Summary Chapter 5
Chapter Summary The Melting Pot, Salad Bowl, and Cultural Pluralism
• Initially, the United States was viewed as a melting pot where all new immigrants were expected to become fully American.
• The dominant group in the United States was English-speaking white Protestant men.
• Today, the view has shifted to cultural pluralism, where each group is expected to maintain its cultural identity while also contributing to the greater American society.
• Schools and early childhood programs traditionally were agents to help Americanize all children to “the American way.”
Culture
• Culture is hard to define; it has to do with the impact of groups on individuals.
• Cultures are complex, dynamic, ever changing, and overlapping.
• Each of us integrates various dynamic cultural contexts in a variety of ways, making each of us unique.
Various Cultural Contexts of Children
• Children in early care and education programs bring a variety of complex cultural con- texts with them.
• Cultural contexts include immigration status, income diversity, religion, race and eth- nicity, language diversity, the ways gender is developed and supported, and various family structures.
Responding to a Child’s Diversity in the Early Childhood Program
• To work effectively with children from diverse backgrounds, teachers and caregivers must start with knowing each child they care for.
• Each family should be encouraged to inform teachers and other caregivers about the various cultural contexts important to them and their children.
• A child’s full identity should be acknowledged and supported.
• Teachers and caregivers should avoid making judgments about children from their own perspectives and instead should consult with the family.
Child-Rearing Practices: An Expression of Culture
• In some cultures, parents emphasize the development of independence; in others, they support interdependence.
• An alternative view is that all parents, regardless of their culture, develop both interde- pendence and independence in their children.
• Early care and education programs support independence and interdependence.
• Regardless of cultural contexts, teachers and caregivers need to be aware of matura- tional stages and developmentally appropriate practices.
Key Terms Chapter 5
Conflicts Between Parents’ Values and Program Practices
• Conflicts between parents and early care and education programs will occur, for a variety of reasons.
• Dialoguing is an approach to addressing problems that gives each side a chance to be successful.
• The RERUN Process is a step-by-step process to Reflect, Explain, Reason, Understand, and Negotiate.
The Anti-Bias and Ecological Model
• The model enables teachers and caregivers to consider the various contexts that con- tribute to each child’s unique identity.
• The model has seven factors: race/ethnicity, culture, gender, ability/disability, commu- nity, family, and socioeconomic status.
• Each factor has a different value for each child and interacts in a way that makes each child unique.
Key Terms anti-bias and ecological model A model similar to that of Bronfenbrenner, but with seven overlapping circles representing race/ethnicity, culture, gender, ability/disability, family, socioeconomic status, and community.
assimilation The expectation that new immigrants will reject their own cultural identity and adopt the values and attitudes of their new country. In U.S. history, this was the official expectation of new immigrants, and it led to the idea of the American melting pot.
bicultural The ability to live and function successfully in two different cultural settings, such as a home and school with different cultural contexts.
Child Find The agency attached to local public schools charged with identifying children who may need special education services in preschool. They are also required to help find appropriate educational services for the child and family.
collectivist A society in which the good of the group is valued and the individual is down- played. It is a view that values group achievements and loyalty over individual achievements and pride.
colorism A system of hierarchy within communities of color that gives preference to people with lighter skin and European features.
cultural context The various cultural groups to which a family and a child belong, and which influence the family’s and child’s behaviors, values, and worldview. Because cultures are dynamic, and children grow through development stages, these contexts and the way they interact are continually changing.
cultural pluralism Another name for the salad bowl; the view that a society should be composed of many groups that maintain their culture and identity while contributing to the greater society.
Key Terms Chapter 5
culturally responsive teaching An approach to teaching and caring that is sensitive and effective with people from a variety of different cultural backgrounds.
curriculum by celebration approach Determining curricula themes by celebrations, such as Christmas, St. Patrick’s Day, and Cinco de Mayo. This approach tends to reinforce a tourist approach to diversity and does not help young children learn to understand both the deeper significant cultural differences, and the universal nature of all people.
dialoguing A method of solving problems that seeks win-win solutions; the opposite of arguing or debating, where one person is seen as the winner and the other person the loser.
diversity within diversity The vast diversity that exists within any large group, be it racial, gender, age, language, etc.
dominant culture The group in any society that has the most power and control; it may or may not be a numerical majority. In the United States, it has been white, Christian men; in Guatemala, it is Catholic Latinos; in Brazil, it is descendants of the Portuguese.
Gardner’s eight intelligences A view that people (and children) process information using a variety of approaches, or intelligences, as opposed to using a single intelligence quotient. These intelligences include: Logical/Mathematical, Verbal/Linguistic, Visual/Spatial, Musical, Bodily Kinesthetic, Interpersonal, Intrapersonal, and Naturalist.
gender What it means to be male and female in different cultures; the ways different soci- eties and cultures acculturate girls and boys.
independent cultures Cultures that value independence, in which parents raise their chil- dren to be independent.
individualistic A focus on the value and importance of the individual in society, as opposed to the group and the ability to function effectively within a group.
intelligence quotient (IQ) The measure of a child’s intelligence, based on a single score on the IQ test and the child’s age. Considered by some to be a measure of potential learn- ing. Others consider it a culturally biased view of a child’s potential.
interdependent cultures Cultures in which the focus is on people depending on each other and raising children to be considerate of others and loyal to the group.
interracial families Families in which the parents belong to different traditional U.S. Census categories, such as African American and white.
language diversity The variety of languages spoken in the United States and in U.S. early care and education programs.
learning styles Another name for Gardner’s eight intelligences (Logical/Mathematical, Verbal/Linguistic, Visual/Spatial, Musical, Bodily Kinesthetic, Interpersonal, Intrapersonal, and Naturalist).
maturation The understanding that the development of children in all areas, from physical and emotional to linguistic and cognitive, is greatly affected by the child’s age.
Key Terms Chapter 5
melting pot The original view in the United States that all new immigrants were expected to reject their own cultural heritage and assimilate, or melt, into a single American cultural identity.
multiracial children Children whose biological parents come from two or more traditional U.S. Census categories, such as African American and white, or Native American and Asian.
RERUN Problem-Solving Process A step-by-step process to address conflicts between parents and the early care and education center.
salad bowl Another name for cultural pluralism; the view that a society is composed of many groups that maintain their cultural identity, while contributing to the greater society.
Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) The death of a young child (before age 2) during sleep due to unknown causes. SIDS is one of the leading causes of infant death during the first few months of life.
transracially adopted children Adopted children who are of a different race or ethnicity from their adoptive parents, such as Chinese and Korean children adopted by white parents.
Approaches to Family-Program Collaboration
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Understand the importance of family-program partnerships to the development and learning of children.
▸▸ Explain the family systems theory of working with families.
▸▸ Describe Project Head Start’s approach to working with families.
▸▸ Discuss the ecological systems theory concept of family-program partnerships.
▸▸ Explain frameworks for school, family, and community partnerships.
▸▸ Identify the National Standards for Family-School Partnerships of the National Parent Teacher Association.
▸▸ Discuss the various challenges of partnerships with families.
6
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Theoretical Models and Research Chapter 6
Introduction Partnership between family and the early care and education program is critical to the success of young children. Research continually shows that family involvement is an important com- ponent in a child’s school success (Epstein et al., 1997; Hill & Craft, 2003; Hill & Taylor, 2004). While families come in many forms, all families need to feel comfortable and confident about their children’s educational programs. The secret to effective family involvement is creating a partnership between the family and program. While these partnerships involve many things, including communication, clear policies, use of volunteers, parent classes, and activities, they begin with respect and trust between the program and the family.
Early care and education programs need to operate in equal partnership with families, pro- viding support and advice while listening to and soliciting ideas and input from the families. Parents—and other important family members—must be viewed as equal partners in the care and education of their children. These partnerships are built on two realities: (1) families come in a vast array of configurations (Christian, 2007), and (2) research indicates a strong positive correlation between family involvement in early care and education programs and the later school success of their children (Epstein, et al., 1997; Ramey & Ramey, 1999). In this regard, the early care and education program has two significant roles: to support each family’s hon- est effort to help their child develop, mature, and learn, and to assist the family and child in the transition from the early care and education program to formal K-12 educational experi- ences. This latter point is particularly critical for families who have their first child entering school and for new immigrant families (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006).
The family-early care and education partnership acts as the mesosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, enhancing ways the family and early care and education program can work together for the development and education of the child (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).
All families need to feel they are a positive part of the partnership; while families can use the services of the early care and education program, they should also believe they can contrib- ute positively to the program. In this way, the early care and education program becomes a community comprising parents (and other family adults), children, teachers and caregivers, administrators, and other staff. This chapter focuses on the vital nature of family-early care and education partnerships and explores ways to develop and support these relationships for the vast diversity of families we serve.
6.1 Theoretical Models and Research The traditional parent involvement model for early care and education programs was a profes- sionally driven parent-education model, with educators using parents to improve the child’s home environment and to implement what educators believed to be good educational and parenting practices. This model was based on the belief that educational and human service professionals knew what was best for the child and family, based on their education and expertise. The parent component of an early care and education program was designed to teach parents good education-related practices and to improve the home environment as a place to develop good behaviors and optimal learning. This practice of parent involvement was also the accepted approach used by professionals working with families of children with developmental delays (Gargiulo & Kilgo, 2005).
Theoretical Models and Research Chapter 6
To inform our understanding of effective partnerships between programs and families, it is important to examine approaches that have been shown to work. To do so, current research findings on effective family-program partnerships must be explored. Unfortunately, however, research in effective ways to enhance family-program partnerships is quite limited, particularly in early childhood programs.
There are many reasons why there is so little research in this area. Because there is a variety of ways to involve parents in the care and education of their children in a program, there is no agreed-upon definition or measurement of effective parent involvement. For example, are we looking at parents volunteering in the program, supporting their children at home, or effective communication between the home and program (Hill & Taylor, 2004)? Further, we do not know how one kind of involvement may positively influence another and thus have a multiplying, additive effect on children’s development and learning. For example, how might parent involvement in the early childhood center increase the quality of parenting skills prac- ticed in the home?
There is also a lack of agreement regarding who should be the subject of the research. Who should be questioned and given surveys when studying parent involvement: parents, teach- ers, or administrators? This dilemma is compounded by several factors, including research that indicates teachers tend to evaluate the involvement of African-American and low-income parents more negatively than that of European and higher-income parents (Epstein & Dauber, 1991). Finally, the research available has been conducted largely in elementary schools and not early childhood programs. As presented later in this chapter, this is also a dilemma when examining the various family-program partnership models. From a research perspective, the more different an early care or education program is from a traditional public elementary school, the less valid are these elementary school-based results for family-program collabora- tion in early care and education settings (Hill & Taylor, 2004).
Policies and Programs That Increase Partnerships Between Families and Early Care and Education Programs
The evidence we do have strongly supports the ben- efits of policies and programs that increase family- program partnerships. A large body of research has consistently shown that low-income families are less likely to be involved in their children’s early care and education programs than are middle-class families; further, early childhood and school programs in poor neighborhoods are less likely to promote par- ent involvement than are programs in middle-class neighborhoods (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Hill & Craft, 2003; Hill & Taylor, 2004). Thus, the children who could most benefit from these partnerships are least likely to receive them. Family-program partnerships for low-income (and often minority) families in low- income communities require much more effort and deliberation than do programs in communities that are more affluent. For example, these programs must:
© Cusp/SuperStock
▲ Early childhood education programs in low- income areas must make concerted efforts to promote parent involvement in the classroom, because research has shown that low-income fami- lies are less likely to be involved in their children’s school lives.
Theoretical Models and Research Chapter 6
• provide more information to parents about how they and other family members can promote appropriate behaviors and learning achievement in their children.
• teach parents and other caregivers specific techniques to use in working effectively with teachers and other program staff, including special education specialists. In Chapter 5, the RERUN process and dialoguing were explained as ways program staff can work effectively with parents (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008); these processes can also be used in helping parents effectively work with staff in early care and education programs.
• provide training for new immigrant parents in the policies, protocols, and hidden cur- riculum of the typical American early care and education program (Bang, 2009). Bang also suggests teaching functional English to parents who wish to learn.
• support training for teachers and other staff in cultural, economic, and linguistic issues that often prevent low-income parents from becoming effectively involved in their chil- dren’s care and learning in the program (Hill & Taylor, 2004). This training should occur at the college level, when students are learning to become teachers and caregivers, and through in-service training in programs.
Some parents and other adults in the home have very negative feelings from their own school experiences, either in this country or in the country from which they emigrated. Early care and education programs can offset these feelings in a number of ways; volunteering is one such approach. The best kind of volunteering occurs when parents and other significant adults are asked to contribute a project, activity, or lesson to the students. Making a piñata, sharing a favorite childhood song, bringing a family’s favorite book to read, helping youngsters at the workbench, and conducting a cooking project in the classroom are all excellent volunteer activities.
Parents can also be asked to volunteer on the playground, again providing specific expertise rather than just supervising students. This might be showing children how to care for veg- etables or harvest the latest crop of tomatoes; demonstrating how to trim, water, and care for the playground’s trees; or helping a child with a physical disability because the parent has experience working with special needs children. Finally, volunteers can help with larger school projects and field trips. One program successfully involved parents in providing wood- work instruction, building a playground for one of the centers, and making puppet stages for each classroom.
Due to a variety of reasons (e.g., busy work schedules, young children who need to be cared for at home, etc.), some parents cannot volunteer in their child’s program. There are things they can do from home, such as helping to set up field trips by phone, making class- room materials, assisting with fundraisers, or developing the schedule for the next parents’ meeting.
Programs can also involve parents and other adults in the home with a variety of social and educational activities at the center. These might include celebrations, festivals, or support groups (e.g., for first-time parents, fathers, or parents of children with ADHD or autism). Educational programs can include classes on parenting, appropriate discipline, language learn- ing for parents who do not speak English, budgeting, or job searching.
Simply replicating programs that are effective with middle-class parents in middle-class com- munities is not sufficient. Research shows that early childhood programs must make a par- ticularly concerted effort in working with families that differ in one or more ways from typical
Family Systems Theory Chapter 6
middle-class American families (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Howard, 2007; Hill & Craft, 2003; Hill & Taylor, 2004).
Theoretical Models
To serve young children well, we need to find ways to work effectively with their families. This requires an ability to understand the ever-increasing diversity of families and to be able to conceptualize and understand positive, dynamic relationships between families and institutions (Christian, 2007). Previously in this book, we examined the first three stages of Erikson’s psychosocial theory, and discussed how the relationship between the family, early care and education program, and community fit within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Further, in examining how children develop and learn, Piaget’s cognitive theory and Vygotsky’s socio-cultural theory were explored, along with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. To help understand the best ways to work effectively with diverse families and to create constructive family-program partnerships that provide for the developmental and learning needs of each child, several theoretical models will be examined. These models reflect our current understanding of partnerships between the family and early care and education program, a recognition of the tremendous diversity of American families, and an understanding that both families and programs are composed of unique, dynamic systems (Epstein & Dauber, 1991).
Five of these models will be examined: the family systems theory; Project Head Start; the ecological systems approach; Frameworks for School, family and community partnerships; and the PTA’s National Standards for Family-School Partnerships. While some of these models were developed for elementary schools, they provide useful ideas for working with programs that serve children and families, age infant to 5 years old.
6.2 Family Systems Theory While families come in all forms, all families also have certain characteristics in common (Christian, 2007). One way to examine these common characteristics is to use the family sys- tems theory. This approach to understanding families is used extensively in family counseling and therapy, and is based on the work of Ackerman (1959), Jackson (1965), Minuchin (1974), and Bowen (1978). Family systems theory examines how all family members influence each other in predictable and recurring ways (Van Velsor & Cox, 2000). Families are the primary socialization agent that teaches children how to function in the larger society; families prepare children for expectations of how the world works outside the family, and how it will interact with them (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006). Family systems theory focuses on the family unit rather than on individual family members. It examines the various roles of individual family members, family dynamics and communication styles, and how the family responds to stress (Christian, 2007). This approach enables teachers and caregivers to examine the family as an organized unit and to explore reasons members behave as they do under specific conditions (Fingerman & Bermann, 2000).
Early childhood teachers, directors, and caregivers can use their understanding of family sys- tems theory to serve families and their children more effectively. To this end, six characteris- tics of the theory are examined: boundaries, roles, rules, hierarchy, climate, and equilibrium. For each of these characteristics, family behaviors fall along a continuum, with most families somewhere in the middle (Christian, 2007).
Family Systems Theory Chapter 6
Boundaries
The concept of boundaries in a family relates to the extent to which each individual family member operates independently, and how much they oper- ate as a unit or group (Christian, 2007). Within this concept, the continuum runs from disengaged to enmeshed. People in disengaged families value individual autonomy, with each member acting inde- pendently. These families are also open to new peo- ple, information, and ideas. In enmeshed families, togetherness, belonging, and emotional connected- ness—even conformity—are emphasized. Behaviors of individual family members in enmeshed families are viewed as a reflection of the family and not as a characteristic of the individual (Christian, 2007).
Families tend to fall on a continuum regarding these extremes. Neither is good or bad (as we discussed in the previous chapter). Further, a family may change boundaries based on a variety of circumstances— for example, during times of stress, families tend to become more enmeshed. Ideas to help early care
and education teachers, caregivers, and directors work appropriately within each family mem- ber’s boundaries include the following:
• Understand and recognize different parenting styles and family boundaries. More importantly, do not make judgments about parents’ care and involvement with their children based on their styles, or the fact that the family’s boundaries are different from yours.
• Avoid stereotypes. Do not make any assumptions about children and parents; learn the specific backgrounds of each child and each family in the program.
• Recognize that for some families, everything is a family affair. Thus, when you have a parent conference or a family activity in the program, you may end up with uncles, aunts, cousins, friends, and grandparents (Christian, 2007). You may also have a vari- ety of people dropping off and picking up the child. (Obviously, you must make sure they are legally allowed to do so.)
• Balance children’s activities and curricular experiences to incorporate both individual and group identity. Regardless of the family’s style, all children need to have the opportunity to explore their individual uniqueness and to function productively as part of a group.
• Respect families’ need for control, and involve the whole family when introducing new ideas and materials. Also, as discussed earlier, some family members may have had negative school experiences. Thus, they might transfer these feelings to the teacher or whomever they feel officially represents the school. When a conflict arises between the family and the program, family members may feel frustrated because they cannot seem to find someone to address the problem to their satisfaction. In some families, parents will share information (including what may appear to be confidential) with all family and extended family members.
© Buccina Studios/Thinkstock
▲ Family systems theory concentrates on the family unit by exploring family dynamics to understand how the individuals work together, and why they behave in certain ways.
Family Systems Theory Chapter 6
Roles
In all families, members have specific roles (Fingerman & Bermann, 2000). Roles might be a peacemaker, clown, rescuer, or victim. Each role has certain expectations from others in the family—the responsible person solves conflicts; the victim gets blamed for everything (Christian, 2007). These roles can transfer to work, school, and social settings. A child who is the peace- maker at home brings these skills to the class; however, this may prevent other children from learning appropriate social skills and may limit the child’s risk-taking and other natural childhood behaviors. Obviously, whatever the role a child brings to the early care and education program, it is critically important to expose children to all the kinds of learning they need, including a range of social skills. Ideas for working with family roles include the following (Christian, 2007):
• Give children ample opportunity to role play in structured and unstructured situations. Dramatic play enables children both to explore existing roles and to try out new ones.
• Observe children carefully. Problems a child experiences in the program may well be the result of the role they perform at home. In this case, the child needs opportunities to be successful in a variety of new and different roles.
• Help families recognize their children’s many varied strengths. Send notes home about what the child does well; begin conferences with the things the child excels at in the program and on the playground.
Rules
Rules are the scripts we use to live our lives—laws, standards, traditions, and history. These rules have a powerful impact on our experiences. For example, people who believe life is predictable will plan ahead, while those who believe most things are out of their control tend simply to respond to life as it happens (Fingerman & Bermann, 2000). Some rules are spoken; most are not. Most unspoken rules are embedded within a family’s cultural contexts. Sometimes these cultural rules conflict with the rules and expectations of the program. Rules can also produce conflicts within families—particularly blended families and families in which parents come from different cultural, racial, national, or religious backgrounds.
Sometimes families experiencing conflict need expert counseling. Early care and education programs can refer these parents, but they must not overstep their own skills and professional responsibilities. Specific ideas for working with families around the concept of rules include the following (Christian, 2007):
• Distinguish between home rules and pro- gram rules. When children challenge you on a program rule, it may be because at home, the rule is different. Let children know that the rules at home and in the program may be different, but that this does not mean those used at home are wrong or bad. In many early childhood programs, teachers actively engage the classroom community in creating rules that everyone can support.
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▲ It is important to distinguish between program rules and home rules if there are differences in practice. However, care should be taken not to tout one set of rules as right and the other wrong.
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• Watch for unspoken rules. These are particularly evident in relationship to gender, power, adults, and authority. While teachers and caregivers need to be aware of pos- sible conflicts between home and program rules, program practices should not neces- sarily be changed.
• Ask families for assistance and input when conflict arises. We have discussed this at length in the last chapter, including using the RERUN approach to solving conflicts. Carefully explain program rules and listen to parents’ concerns.
Hierarchy
Hierarchy is about decision-making and control. In some families, both parents share control, dividing it by their roles; in others, the authority is culturally specific, based on age, gender, or income. The authority may be easy to see, or it may be invisible. Extended families often have untraditional patterns of authority (Morton, 2000). Every time a family composition changes—for example, divorce or remarriage—there can be a shift in the hierarchy, which is confusing to children.
The issue of hierarchy can be addressed by the early care and education program in two ways: (1) collect information from parents and other caregivers at the beginning of the year, and (2) become a keen observer of both children and their families (Christian, 2007). Specific ideas include the following:
• Engage in careful and keen observation. Who signs permission forms? Who returns phone calls? What role does the child assume in dramatic play? How do the children respond to male and female teachers (Bang, 2009; Luz, 2010)?
• Note the signs when a family’s hierarchy is changing. A child who suddenly seems unsure of her role in the classroom may well be experiencing a shift in roles at home. Teachers and caregivers should be sensitive to the development of hierarchies emerg- ing in the classroom and playground.
• Be sensitive to children whose play always seems to involve being the boss or the victim. Change activities so children can try out new and different roles. Work closely with parents and mental health experts if these roles persist.
Climate
Climate describes the nature of the family’s emotional and physical environment. This is described in terms of how warm and supportive, or cold and disorganized, the climate may be. Climate is not determined by income, culture, or education. Is the home a place where the child feels safe, secure, and loved, or scared, angry, and unhappy? Ideas for working with families around the issue of climate include the following:
• Provide opportunities to discuss parents’ beliefs about children. This allows staff to support families as they support their children; it also allows families to learn from each other.
• Create a classroom climate that is safe, provides positive feedback and clear guidelines, and offers a variety of healthy sensory experiences. Children need to feel that the pro- gram is a warm, wonderful, fun place where they want to be.
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Equilibrium
All families, even those with ongoing difficulties and stress, have a sort of balance, or equi- librium, that tells members what to expect in family dynamics. When there is change in equilibrium, either positive or negative, the balance is upset. This is why change is difficult to maintain (Christian, 2007). Ideas for working with families around equilibrium include the following:
• Consider inviting a trained family professional to facilitate a discussion when an event causes a major impact on a member of a family in the program, such as loss of a job or beginning higher education. Provide a safe place for families to discuss the issue and vent their feelings about the change.
• Provide as much consistency as possible when there are radical changes in the family (e.g., a divorce, new baby, or a new partner for a parent). When such changes occur, it is not a good time to make major changes in the program or classroom.
• Encourage families to plan ways to increase stability and security for children. Bedtime routines and some regular quality parent- child one-on-one time are essential for every child, particularly in a time of confusion and change.
Each family is unique, as is every teacher and care- giver. Both parents and teachers respond to issues and problems differently. However, using the family systems theory not only enables staff to establish relationships with parents and understand family dynamics, but also provides perspectives and ideas when conflicts arise—either with the children in the program, or with their parents or other caregivers. Understanding family systems theory can provide insights into different ways to work effectively with diverse families and changing family dynamics.
6.3 Project Head Start
Project Head Start was created in 1965 as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society programs. It is one of the few such programs that remain. Head Start developed out of a national advisory panel of experts convened by President John F. Kennedy. The under- lying belief of the founders of Head Start was that a high-quality early childhood experience would prepare low-income children to enter school “ready to learn,” and to be successful within their local public schools. The framers of Head Start believed that early childhood is a critical time for future school success (Greenberg, 1969). Because the program targeted low-income children, it was believed that it needed to be a comprehensive program including mental, physical, and dental health; parent involvement and training; and nutrition and safety (Greenberg, 1969). Project Head Start also benefited from a cadre of motivated civil rights
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▲ In times of significant change at home, it is important for early childhood educators to provide consistency and avoid making big changes in the classroom.
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workers and the willingness of communities across the nation to donate efforts, resources, and direct services (Greenberg, 1969).
The initial Head Start philosophy included a comprehensive approach, including working directly with parents and an emphasis on social competence. This is a view that focuses on a child’s social and emotional development and disposition to learning. While Head Start is a federal program with national standards, the architects of the program insisted that each program must reflect unique local needs. To address these local needs, each program must have a Head Start Policy Council, a local governing group made up of parents and com- munity volunteers. Larger programs also have center and classroom committees. Community commitment is required for each program. Every program is run by a local grantee—school district, city, county government, single-purpose not-for-profit, or large-multipurpose agency. These agencies have to generate 20% of their budgets through local resources (in-kind and direct services).
The architects of Head Start not only believed that parents are the central socialization agent of their young children, but also that low-income parents should be empowered and shown how to provide the care and education their children need to become successful in school (Greenberg, 1969). One of the initial architects of Project Head Start was Urie Bronfenbrenner, the creator of the ecological systems theory discussed throughout this book (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Initially, Head Start was designed for children to participate in during the year before kindergarten (usually 4 or 5 years old); later, Early Head Start was created, which serves pregnant mothers and young children until they are old enough to enter the regular program.
Head Start’s Approach to Parent Partnerships
Many ideas from Project Head Start’s approach to working with families have found their way into the early childhood literature and have been adopted by other early care and education programs through the country. In Head Start, parents must be directly involved in the gov- ernance of their local program. Opportunities for this include membership in classroom and center committees and the program’s policy council. The policy council’s authority includes development and approval of the annual budget and all program plans, as well as approval of the programs’ hiring and firing decisions. Parents of the program are also required to help conduct the official annual program evaluation and to have direct input into the official three- year review (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2006).
Further, volunteering throughout the program is encouraged and needed to balance the bud- get. Because 20% of the budget must come from the local community, much of this is gener- ated through parents volunteering their time in the program. Depending on the program, this includes bus monitors, classroom volunteers, assisting on field trips, participation in various committees, and other program-related activities, such as building a playground.
Local Head Start programs work with parents to help them with their own education, job training, and job placement. To this end, parents are encouraged to volunteer and be trained within the local program, so that they can eventually become employed. Nationally, 27% of the current Head Start employees were originally Head Start parents (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2006). Some of the top managers in local programs began as Head Start parents.
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Creating Community Partnerships
Head Start recognizes that local programs need to work effectively with a variety of com- munity agencies to meet the diverse and complex needs of low-income families (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2006). Not only do local programs provide training, resources, and information to parents about community agencies, but they also are required to develop official partnerships with these agencies. Thus, the administration of the local program must have a written agreement with local school districts served by the program, mental health agencies, medical clinics and hospitals, dentist offices, food banks, employment and training programs, community colleges, drug rehabilitation centers, social services agencies, and so on. This way, the local Head Start program becomes a dynamic hub connecting low-income parents with a variety of community agencies. These agencies inform the local program of their services, provide assistance and information to parents, train staff regarding services, and work closely with the program to improve services and meet the needs of the Head Start parents (HHS, 2006).
Kindergarten Transition
Head Start was originally developed to prepare low- income children to succeed in the local public schools. According to the federal government, a dispropor- tionate percentage of these children are minorities (HHS, 2006). Today, all local Head Start programs are also required to serve children with variety of developmental delays. A smooth, positive transi- tion from the local Head Start program to the local public school kindergarten is critical. Local Head Starts and public schools develop transition plans where parents and other family members meet with teachers to pave the way for a successful transition. A smooth and successful transition is particularly critical for children who have developmental delays. Poor transitions result in anxiety, uncertainty, and a sense of vulnerability (Conn-Powers, Ross-Allen, & Holburn, 1990; DEC Taskforce on Recommended Practices, 1993).
While some Head Start programs are part of the local public school, and therefore transition activities are smooth and easy, many programs are not. Home- based programs function out of parents’ homes (with some organized activities); other programs are run by cities, county governments, community col- leges, community agencies, and other community not-for-profit programs. Not-for-profit programs are service organizations that do not make a profit and do not pay taxes. Often, local programs serve more than one local school district.
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▲ Of the 20% of Head Start’s budget that must come from the community, much is generated by parents volunteering their time in various roles in the program, such as bus aid, classroom helper, or field trip assistant.
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Parental Input into Plans
In Head Start, parents are expected to have direct and indirect input into their child’s care and education. Direct input involves meeting with teachers at the beginning of the year to plan a child’s educational and behavioral goals. Parents and teachers develop individual plans to work with their children. While these plans focus on classroom activities, they may also include assessments for possible special needs services and ways to address other possible learning and behavioral challenges. Parents, teachers, and community workers also address dental, physical, and mental health needs that the child might have. Indirect input includes parents’ approval of all of the program plans that affect their children. Teachers in local Head Start programs are required to visit each child’s home several times each year. This enables parents to discuss the needs of their children away from the program, where they may feel more at ease. Other members of the extended family might also have some input at these meetings. At this time, teachers and social workers explore additional family needs that the program can help address, or recommend local community agencies to help the family.
The approaches that Head Start families use are codified in specific Head Start Performance Standards. These are federal standards that require all local programs to be directly involved with their families; further, program implementation of these performance standards are reviewed every three years by a federal program evaluation team (U.S. Health and Human Services, 2006). There are many other services that local programs provide for the whole family:
• Parenting classes. Examples of parenting classes include teaching effective discipline procedures, information on local kindergarten-entry requirements, advice for new immigrant families on how American schools operate, and information regarding laws on suspected child abuse and neglect.
• Referrals for job training/employment. Many Head Start parents are underemployed or unemployed. Local Head Start programs have official agreements with local train- ing and placement services, so they can provide parents with important information. Representatives from community colleges and state, county, and city training and employment programs can visit the local Head Start and make parents aware of their services.
• Classes on family budgeting. Budgeting is difficult for many families, including low- income families. Experts in budgeting (from either the local program or a local com- munity agency) provide ideas to help Head Start families with this important practice. These experts also provide ideas to families about ways to save money, such as using food banks and WIC programs, buying in bulk, and buying from community gardens.
• Classes and referrals for drug and alcohol abuse. Local Head Start programs have direct connections with local mental health centers, substance abuse clinics, and other community programs dedicated to addressing drug and alcohol issues. Because Head Start is for low-income families, the programs they work with are sensitive to cost and other barriers that can affect low-income families.
• Classes to learn English. Many Head Start families are new immigrants who speak a variety of languages other than English. Parents are very interested in learning English so that they can function effectively within American society and support their chil- dren as they progress through school. Local programs work closely with community colleges, language associations, and community groups to find people able and willing to teach English to non-English speaking parents.
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• Training and referrals for domestic violence and other family issues. Similar to the discussion under alcohol and drug abuse, local Head Start programs have contact with agencies and programs that address domestic violence and other family issues. They can refer parents to these agencies or bring someone to the center from the program to provide classes.
• Classes/activities on Head Start-kindergarten transition. Kindergarten transition is something all Head Start parents are interested in learning about, and local Head Start programs have developed effective programs to address this issue. Many Head Start programs serve more than one school district, so programs must be developed for each district being served. Good program practices include parents visiting the local kindergarten, talking to the child’s prospective teacher, and listening to information from the district’s kindergarten coordinator.
• Advice/support for families with children with specific developmental delays. Classes to help parents work effectively with children with autism, learning disabilities, ADHD, and other disabilities might be provided for parents of children who have disabilities. Additionally, classes could be provided on the transition of children with disabilities into the local public schools. This is a very different challenge for these families than it is for families of children without disabilities. Specialists from the local public schools who work with children with disabilities usually provide these classes.
• Training in nutrition and low-cost food preparation. Childhood obesity is a national epidemic; childhood obesity is particularly high in low-income families and immigrant families. Thus, it is important that local programs provide parents with information and advice regarding the negative effects of childhood obesity and ways to buy and prepare healthy foods for their family.
• Classes on discipline. Effective ways to discipline children is a very popular topic for Head Start parent classes.
• Weight loss classes, advice, and referrals. This class might address obesity issues for children or dieting for parents. Obesity is an issue for many adults in the United States, especially low-income adults, for a variety of reasons. These classes can cover diet, exercise, and lifestyle information.
6.4 Ecological Systems Theory Approach Focusing on the mesosystem, the second basic structure of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological sys- tems theory, enables us to examine family-program relationships. The mesosystem consists of linkages between two or more of the child’s microsystems, such as the child’s family and early care and education program, or the family and various community agencies (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). According to Bronfenbrenner (1979), the nature of the influence of the meso- system on the child depends on the number and quality of these relationships. Thus, if there are few linkages between the home and the early care and education program, in terms of values, experiences, objectives, and behavioral style, then there will be little positive effect on the child’s development and learning. The more numerous the qualitative links between the child’s microsystems, the more positive an influence they have on the child’s socialization.
If a mother or other caregiver has a positive relationship with the child’s teacher, is welcome and feels important when she enters her child’s early care program, believes the program’s social worker truly cares about the welfare of her child and family, and knows that when the
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special education teacher phones about her child, she is genuinely concerned, then the child’s development and learning will be positively affected. On the other hand, if the mother simply drops off and picks up her child at the program, with no other interactions or involvement, then there is little positive impact (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
There are many ways to examine the qualitative and quan- titative links between the family and the early care and education program. Two of these are ways the program supports basic family functions, and the various compo- nents of quality early care and education programs.
Basic Family Functions
What are the basic family functions all families perform, and how can early care and education programs enhance these functions? As we have discussed throughout this book, there are a vast variety of family structures—for example, two parents, single parents, step-parents, teen parents, grandparents (see Spotlight: Including
Grandparents), and foster and adoptive parents. None of these structures is necessarily good or bad, healthy or unhealthy. However, all healthy families perform basic family functions— how the family cares for its members. These basic family functions for young children include the following:
1. Providing material necessities. This includes shelter, food, and clothing.
2. Providing adequate medical and dental care. This includes making sure children receive immunizations according to the prescribed schedule.
3. Supporting learning. Learning is a central task for children; families need to support the ever-more complex and challenging learning that all children must achieve.
4. Providing opportunities for success. As children venture into the vast social and practi- cal world, they often become frustrated and disappointed; they may also lose confidence and self-esteem (Harter, 2006b). A central function of the family is to provide children with opportunities for success and feelings of importance and value.
5. Supporting peer relationships. People are social beings, and children have to learn appropriate and proactive social skills. The main way they do this is by developing impor- tant and healthy peer relationships (Harter, 2006b). Parents and other caregivers need to help and support their children in this important task.
6. Harmony and stability. To develop into secure emotional adults, children need a home base of harmony, warmth, acceptance, and support.
7. Socialization. In all societies, the family is the central agent that makes sure children learn society’s values, beliefs, knowledge, and skills. Further, the family is the central socializing agent for children to know their own culture’s values, beliefs, expectations, and traditions (Harter, 2006b).
The early care and education program is more effective when it can help families in as many of these functional areas as possible, and when the relationships between the family and the program are positive. Thus, a program might provide job referrals to parents and other family
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▲ According to Bronfenbrenner, both the quality and quantity of links between the home and early care and education pro- gram matter in creating a positive effect for the child.
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members, assist them in finding affordable medical care and dental care, refer parents to community food banks and food programs, and teach parenting skills. Or an employee based- program might develop ways that parents can come to the program during the lunch hour to eat together and allow children to visit their parents on the job. While the learning-related functions are the most obvious examples of this approach, programs can positively influence many of these areas.
S P O T L I G H T:
Including Grandparents
More than 2.5 million grandparents are raising their grandchildren in the United States. Other grandparents assist their own children in raising their grandchildren in some direct way. Reasons grandparents become the primary caregivers in the lives of their grandchildren can include drug and alcohol abuse by parents, divorce, mental and physical illness, child abuse/neglect, jail, and death. Some of these arrangements are temporary, while parents complete their education or a military assignment, recover from an illness, or serve a short jail time.
The challenges are unique and often overwhelming. Children may have major health or mental health conditions, while some grandparents are in declining health, lack resources, or are unaware of available resources in the community. However, some are also still young with their own children at home; others are still caring for their own aging parents. Many must continue to hold jobs to provide for their grandchildren.
Sometimes raising grandchildren isolates grandparents from their peers in the community. Further, the very situations that caused the grandparents to have to take on the primary role of parenting may have created severe physical or psychological problems for the children (e.g., abuse, drugs, or crime).
Early care and education programs are in a good position to help grandparents who are parenting for the second time. While the suggestions here focus on working with grandparents, many are also effective in working with other adults who help raise young children in the home. Here are some suggestions for early care and education programs:
• Listen empathetically to grandparents. Introduce them to others in similar situations; suggest community meetings about common concerns.
• Encourage grandparents to avail themselves of community resources. Introduce them to food banks and immunization clinics (for example, for annual flu shots).
• Because issues around custody and guardianship can be common, provide information about where to obtain quality, low-cost legal advice.
• Gather information about community organizations and resources for children with special needs.
Early care and education programs should provide special workshops for grandparents. Further, they can respond to grandparents in their program with the following approaches:
• Using the word family instead of parents in communications
• Providing printed materials to families that use large, black type and clear, white backgrounds
• Asking grandparents how they would like you to answer sensitive questions from other children, such as, “Where is Kyle’s mother?”
• Looking for ways to include grandparents in the classroom and program. Grandparents may ini- tially feel out of place among young, energetic parents.
(continued)
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However, no program can provide families with all of their functional needs; rather, the pro- gram needs to become a hub for information, referrals, advice, support, communication, and understanding.
Quality Early Care and Education
In Chapter 10, we will address in detail characteristics of quality early care and education pro- grams, discuss research on quality programs, and examine several methods used to evaluate and accredit programs. Here, we will describe several characteristics of early care and educa- tion programs that increase the likelihood of quality interconnections between the program and the home. According to the Early Care Research Network, factors that contribute to qual- ity early care and education programs for young children are the following:
• Adequate attention to each individual child. A small adult-child ratio, along with continuity of care, is critical. Continuity of care involves the caregiver moving with young children as they progress from one group to another, for example, from infancy through age 3.
• Encouragement of language and sensory motor development. Infants and young chil- dren need ample language stimulation within natural social contexts and many oppor- tunities to manipulate concrete materials and to play with toys.
• Attention to health and safety. Cleanliness routines (hand washing), accident preven- tion (for example, child-proofing the house or center), and safe areas to explore and play are essential.
• Professional caregivers. Caregivers and teachers have experience and degrees/certifi- cates in early childhood education, turnover is low, and morale is high—necessitating adequate salaries, benefits, and ongoing training.
• Warm and responsive caregivers. Providers engage the children in active play, prob- lem solving, and social and emotional development (NICHD Early Care Research Network, 2005).
• Additional characteristics, based on our understanding of the mesosystem, include responsive, respectful, and collaborative relationships with parents and other caregiv- ers; culturally responsive care and education; and frequent communication between the program and the family.
• Being sensitive to comfort needs. Provide adult chairs for classroom visits and meetings. Provide volunteer opportunities for adults who might have arthritis and other physical limitations.
• Including grandparent props in dramatic play, images in books, curricular materials, puzzles, or miniature people. Provide a variety of assistive devices in the dramatic play area, such as walkers and canes.
• Reading and discussing books that deal with all kinds of grandparent families, including grand- parents as the primary caregivers in the home, along with grandparents with different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Create a book library for families that covers a diversity of topics, including grandparents.
(Birckmayer, Cohen, Jensen, & Variano, 2005)
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On the opposite end, these are some of the characteristics that lead to less than optimal care and education of young children (Fragin, 2000; NICHD, 2005; Whitebook, Howes, & Phillips, 1989):
• Inadequate credentials and training of teachers and caregivers
• High staff turnover, from 25% to 50% turnover per year.
• Poor pay and benefits. As a field, early care and education teachers and care- givers in the United States are poorly paid, with few if any benefits. Quality care and continuity of care are signifi- cantly related to worker compensation (Neugebauer, 2004; NICHD, 2005; Whitebook, Howes, & Phillips, 1989).
Programs that do not provide adequate pay and benefits for teachers and caregivers are less likely to attract and keep teachers and caregivers with proper training and experience, and are less able to provide the quality relationships between staff and families needed to create and maintain effective program-family partnerships.
6.5 Frameworks for School, Family, and Community Partnerships
Several researchers and experts have looked at the way families and early care and educa- tion programs should work together and developed frameworks to help assist local programs in this critically important endeavor. With this in mind, we will examine the frameworks of Douglass Powell and Joyce Epstein. Powell (1998) proposed some specific ideas to guide early care and education programs in working with families. These suggestions are for all programs, whether public school based, religious, Head Start-Early Head Start, campus child care, private community, or family/home care.
Early care and education programs must serve whole families, and not just children. Policies, procedures, and practices must consider how they affect the family and how they include the entire family. Parents and staff should have confidence in and respect for each other. Parents, grandparents, or other adults need to know that teachers and caregivers are skilled, knowl- edgeable, and caring, and thus they need opportunities to get to know the staff. Teachers and caregivers need training to be able to include the families’ cultural perspectives and to appreciate and include the families’ strengths. When communicating with the family, pro- grams need to create individualized approaches. Further, there should be opportunities for parents and staff to develop shared goals for each child, based on parents’ ideas and wishes and teachers’ knowledge of child development and the program’s curriculum. To facilitate communication and collaboration, teachers and caregivers need to be available when parents and other family members are most visible in the program.
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▲ Quality early care necessitates warm and responsive professional caregivers who have been adequately trained in child development and in ways to engage chil- dren in a variety of ways.
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Programs need to view parents—and other important adults in the home—as individuals. Family involvement increases when parents are seen as whole people with unique needs and interests that are both similar to that of other parents and also unique (see Spotlight: Including Grandparents). Thus, programs must make sure to view parents of similar ethnic, racial, reli- gious, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds as having unique interests, needs, and concerns for their children. Critical to involving family members in the program is finding ways to help parents see the importance of their involvement to their child’s security, happiness, and aca- demic success. While early childhood educators and researchers are well aware of the critical importance of family involvement in the development and learning of their children, many parents are not. Some are even told that they are the problem and not the solution (Gargiulo & Kilgo, 2005). All parents need reassurance, encouragement, and support in their efforts to work with their children’s early care and education programs.
Education preparation programs (in colleges) should emphasize teaching students about col- laborating with parents, using current research on effective approaches and field-tested mod- els as the basis for their training. These programs need to provide a focus on ways to develop the skills teachers and caregivers need to work collaboratively with parents and other caregiv- ers, and to appreciate diverse family backgrounds, especially for families that differ racially, economically, linguistically, and culturally from the teacher (Powell, 1998).
To be able to develop effective partnerships with families, early childhood educators and caregivers need to explore each family’s cultural background. This requires understanding each family member’s roles, traditions, and practices and realizing that different levels of family participation in the early childhood program may be due to cultural backgrounds rather than the parent’s desire or effort (Arndt & McGuire-Schwartz, 2008). Also, in some cultures, parents believe teachers should be respected and revered, and thus the idea of an equal partnership is particularly difficult for them to comprehend (Bang, 2009; Luz, 2010; Ngo, 2006).
Some new immigrant parents need specific help in working with early care and education programs. They need to learn about the culture of American institutions and programs, which are often very different from those they are familiar with and those they attended as children. This includes everything from specific program policies, to knowing whom to contact at the program for different kinds of information (Bang, 2009). Many of these new immigrant par- ents also need and want to learn English. However, typical academic English classes taught at community colleges or community centers can be ineffective; what these parents want and need is functional instruction that teaches typical words and phrases used by teachers, care- givers, and directors in their children’s early childhood program (Bang, 2009).
Joyce Epstein’s Framework
Epstein (2001) focused on issues of effective program-home partnerships for many years. She is the director of the Center on School, Family, and Community Partnerships, and the National Network of Partnership Schools (NNPS), at Johns Hopkins University. In 2001, Epstein wrote a handbook called School, Family, and Community Partnerships. In this book, she lists six types of program-home partnerships. Like Bronfenbrenner, she believes there are overlapping spheres of influence on the lives of children, and that the program, family, and community are all interconnected. When partners recognize their shared interests in and responsibilities for children, they work together to create better programs and opportunities for students
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(Couchenour & Chrisman, 2004). In describing her framework for school, family, and commu- nity partnership, Epstein uses specific terms for each partner (see Think About It: Vocabulary for Program-Family Partnerships).
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Vocabulary for Program-Family Partnerships
• Family-like schools: Schools that recognize the unique individuality of each student and welcome all families
• School-like families: Families that recognize children as students and learners and encourage their success
• Community-minded families (including their children): Families that help their neighbors in a variety of ways
• Family-friendly schools and communities: Schools and communities that consider the needs and realities of today’s diverse families
(Epstein, 1995)
According to Epstein, these partnerships should work together to help prepare children for successful school readiness in math, literacy, social competence, and other important areas (Epstein, 2007). Epstein’s framework to guide the development of programs that support families and students was designed for K-12 school programs; however, the framework can be adapted for early care and education programs that serve children, from infants to age 5 years old (Epstein, 2007). The six kinds of program involvement that she recommends are as follows:
Parenting. Offer families assistance with parent- ing skills, in understanding child development and approaches to discipline, and in ways the family can support the child’s overall growth and development. Further, early care and education directors should provide opportunities to help teachers and caregiv- ers understand the diverse nature of the families they serve. Family involvement must be inclusive of a large variety of different kinds of parents and caregivers.
Communicating. Keep families up to date on pro- gram-related issues and students’ progress and other issues (for example, discipline, the need to assess a child for possible special needs services, and so on), through effective program-to-home and home-to- program communications. There are a variety of ways to do this, but a critical issue is to make sure that information is provided in the family’s home language.
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▲ Communication between parent and teacher can take place in a variety of ways, but most impor- tant is the need to conduct said communication in whatever language is spoken in the family’s home.
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Volunteering. To support children in early care and education, and to improve family attendance at the program and program-related activities, programs need to improve outreach and staff training and adapt their schedules to involve families as volun- teers. Programs must be creative in finding ways to involve members of families with a variety of sched- ules and a history of resistance.
Learning at home. Programs should offer sugges- tions and techniques to involve families in a vast array of different learning activities at home, from structuring quality play opportunities and visiting community educational resources, to reading to chil- dren and helping them learn basic math concepts with manipulatives and household items.
Decision making. Include families as participants in program decisions, governance, and advocacy, through parent organizations, policy councils, class- room and center committees, parent advisory boards, and curriculum-related activities. Opportunities for governance depend on the kind of early care and education programs a family uses.
Collaborating with the community. Coordinate community resources for families, children, and the program with businesses, local agencies, and other groups. Also, the early care and education program should provide direct services to the community,
such as entertaining seniors at a senior center, planting flowers to beautify an area of the neighborhood, and growing vegetables and giving them to the homeless.
6.6 National Parent Teacher Association’s National Standards
In 1997, the National PTA used Epstein’s six components of parent involvement to create the National Standards for Parent/Family Involvement Programs. In 2007, the National PTA changed the name to National Standards for Family-School Partnerships and adjusted some of the six items. The changes shift the focus from what schools should do to involve par- ents, to what parents, schools, and communities can do together to support student success (PTA, 2011). Because the National PTA is an organization for public K-12 schools, these stan- dards are written for school-age children and their families. The National Standards for Family-School Partnerships are listed in Spotlight: National Standards for Family-School Partnerships. However, these standards can be adapted for early care and education programs working with infants and preschool children (PTA, 2011). These standards are (1) welcoming all families into the school community, (2) communicating effectively, (3) supporting student success, (4) speaking up for every child, (5) sharing power, and (6) collaborating with com- munity (www.pta.org, 2011).
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▲ Families should be encouraged to engage in their children’s learning, both at home and in the program.
National Parent Teacher Association’s National Standards Chapter 6
S P O T L I G H T:
National Standards for Family-School Partnerships
1. Welcoming All Families into the Early Care and Education Program’s Community
Families are active participants in the life of the early care and education community, and feel wel- comed, valued, and connected to each other, to program staff, and to what children are learning and doing in the program and in class. There are two goals under this standard:
Create a welcoming climate in the early care and education program. When families walk into the program, even if it is home-based child care, they should feel that it is a place where they belong. Are there opportunities for families to develop personal relationships with the director, teachers, and other staff? Is the atmosphere family-friendly for everyone, including people of dif- ferent ethnic and racial backgrounds, parents who do not speak English, grandparents and fathers? Are there many ways to volunteer in the program?
Building a respectful, inclusive early care and education community. All the program poli- cies and rules should reflect, respect, and value the diversity of the families in the community the program serves. Do caregivers and teachers value the contributions of all families, and work together to address barriers to involvement? Are adaptations made for parents who have little money and who work during the school day?
2. Communicating Effectively
Families and early care and education staff engage in regular, meaningful communications about the care and education of each student. For this standard, there is only one goal: sharing informa- tion between early care and education programs and the family. All families should feel they are informed on important issues and events, and that it is easy to communicate with the director, teachers, and other staff. One approach to achieve this is the following (Harvard Research Project, 2006/2007):
• Accommodate parents’ English skills as needed
• Communicate with all families, including those who do not attend meetings and conferences and those who do not respond to requests
• Encourage parents’ input and ideas
• Offer opportunities to volunteer in the program and on field trips
• Assign home-learning opportunities that require parent-student interactions
• Make sure all parent committees reflect the program’s diversity
3. Supporting the Development and Learning of Children
Families and early care and education teachers and caregivers continuously collaborate to support children’s healthy development and learning, both at home and in the early care or education pro- gram, and have regular opportunities to strengthen their knowledge, skills, and abilities to do so effectively. For this standard, the two goals are the following:
Sharing information about children’s development and learning. Families need to be kept fully informed about how well their children are doing in the program.
Supporting development and learning by engaging families. Families should have oppor- tunities to learn how to be active participants in their children’s healthy development and learn- ing at home and in the program. Are families invited to come and observe in the program? What do teachers, caregivers, and directors do to help parents learn ways to support and encourage
(continued)
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development and learning at home? What about connecting families with all sorts of development and learning opportunities outside the early care and education program?
4. Speaking Up for Every Child
Families are empowered to be advocates for their own and other children, to make sure that all children are treated fairly, and to have access to activities, interactions, relationships, and challenges that will support their optimal growth, development, and learning. For this standard there are two goals:
Parents and other family members need to understand how the early care and education program works. Clearly, this differs depending on whether the program is a religious program, a public-school preschool program, Head Start, or Early Head Start. Parents need to know the poli- cies, chain of authority, and state and federal rules that apply to them and their child. Do they know their rights? Do they know whom to contact to resolve issues and answer questions? Are they aware of special programs, such as special education or parenting classes? If they have a child with developmental delays, do they know their rights?
Early care and education program staff need to know how to support and empower families to maximize their children’s growth and learning in the program. Are parents offered training and resources on how to monitor and support their children’s progress? Do they know the choices available for their child, including special education, gifted programs, and other early care and education programs (e.g., state-funded preschools and programs for children with developmental delays)? This is particularly important for families with children under age 5, because the early childhood field is extremely diverse, quite complex, and different from state to state and community to community (Neugebauer, 2008). Finally, does the early childhood program support parent groups and community agencies that assist all families?
5. Sharing Power
Families and early care and education program teachers and caregivers are equal partners in deci- sions that affect children and families, and together they inform, influence, and create policies, practices, and activities. There are two goals for this standard:
Strengthen the family’s voice in shared decision making. Families must be involved in the early care and education program’s decisions and community decisions that affect their child. Do they sit at the table and have a vote? What structures exist to discuss issues of importance to par- ents, such as who is eligible for specific programs, how children are placed in different classrooms, and how teacher selection is made? Are parents with concerns shunned and ostracized by the pro- gram? Finally, are parents nurtured to become leaders in the program and in the community?
Building families’ social and political connections. Programs should provide opportunities for parents to connect with each other around issues of concern, as well as connect with local policy- makers—politicians, community leaders, early childhood advocates, support groups, public officials, and church and business leaders.
6. Collaborating with Community
There is one goal for this standard, and it is that parents and program leaders need to work closely together with neighborhood associations, government agencies, businesses, and colleges to strengthen the early care and education program that the child attends and to make resources available to parents, teachers, and staff to build a family-friendly community. What program- community linkages have been created? How are they maintained? Have community partnerships been organized to support the early care and education program? What are the plans to make the program a hub of community life, especially for all the families it serves? How do these community partnerships support children’s development and learning?
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The National PTA has developed a series of steps to implement these standards and a frame- work to evaluate the success of this process. These documents can be found on the National PTA website (www.pta.org).
6.7 The Challenge of Partnerships with Families Creating effective partnerships between programs and families is particularly challenging with families that differ from traditional, middle-class American families (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Howard, 2007). The diversity of families requires programs to explore a variety of ways to engage these families (Hill & Taylor, 2004). This diversity includes gay and lesbian parents, low-income families, families whose parents do not speak English as their first lan- guage, multiracial families and transracially adoptive families (families who adopt children of a different race or ethnicity from the parents), single-parent families, and blended families (Arndt & McGuire-Swartz, 2004). Of course, these diversities can interact with each other to create all sorts of combinations (e.g., a teen parent who does not speak English, or a gay parent with a transracially adopted child). One form of diversity that has not been addressed stems from the generational culture of parents, which illustrates Bronfenbrenner’s last domain: the chronosystem. These generational differences influence the way parents and other significant caregivers think about gender roles, lifestyles, culture, and future outlook (Rutherford, 2005). As with all ways of categorizing people, these are broad generalizations with obvious variability.
According to Rutherford (2005), the younger end of the Baby Boomers (now in their 40s) might be first-time parents or grandparents. They tend to be workaholics who value success and are career oriented. They often over-commit and need to be reminded to keep their focus on outcomes. The Gen Xers, born between 1965 and 1982, value relationships over organiza- tions; personal touch and immediate feedback are critical, and they seek a balance between their personal and professional lives. Millennials, who were born in the mid-1980s, appreciate time spent with family and personal involvement and tend to have a generally positive out- look. Their preferred mode of communication is email and other forms of technology (Howe & Strauss, 2000).
All families, regardless of their diversity, are embedded within cultures. Thus, teachers and caregivers must understand how culture influences families. It is also important for these teachers and providers to develop their cross-cultural communication skills.
Cross-Cultural Communication Skills
During the early years, children are developing a strong sense of their identity, including their cultural identity (Lally, 1995). Child-rearing practices, beliefs, goals, and values are tied to culture. When children are raised at home, cared for by relatives, or a part of a program that reflects the same cultural values as that of the family, the child’s cultural identity develops in a normal, healthy manner. However, when children are cared for by people from different cultural backgrounds, conflict, confusion, and cultural discontinuity can arise (Lally, 1995).
Each of us exists within a variety of cultural contexts (HHS, 2010). We view the world from the perspective of these contexts (Bowman, 1994). The challenge is to understand that when we interact with someone from a different cultural context, we may feel uncomfortable; we may judge them from our own cultural perspective; and we may not understand why they behave
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the way they do (Hall, 1983). Thus, it is critical that teachers, caregivers, and directors are sensitive to the different cultural perspectives of the families they work with, and to conflicts and misunderstandings that might arise due to cultural differences. However, it is crucial that we do not try to learn about cultures as static behaviors and attributes practiced by everyone who belongs within a traditional racial, ethnic, language, or national group.
Six Areas of Nonverbal Communication
The following are six areas of nonverbal communication that can result in miscommunication and misunderstanding. These cultural differences can be seen in both adults and children.
Personal space. We all grow up with a comfort zone regarding physical proximity while com- municating with others—what is commonly called personal space. Once someone comes too close to us, we may feel uncomfortable. Most mainstream Americans prefer a space of about one arm’s length. People from some countries and cultures are more comfortable being much closer to a person while they are communicating.
Smiling. Smiles are used differently in different cul- tures. For example, Americans tend to see smiling as a way to communicate friendship, comfort, and acceptance; they smile all the time. Russians and other Europeans view smiling as a much more authentic behavior, something to be performed when they are truly happy; anything else is fake (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). However, many Vietnamese smile as a way to communicate to teachers and others in authority that they are good, obedient students who accept the teacher’s authority unequivocally (Binh, 1975).
Eye contact. In some cultures, it is important to look people in the eye directly when talking to them. People from cultures where this is the norm become upset when the other person looks away, thinking they are dishonest. However, in some Asian cultures, looking into someone’s eyes is considered a lack of
respect (Root, Ho, & Sue, 1986). Similarly, some Native Americans view staring and prolonged eye contact to be extremely disrespectful (Matheson, 1986). People in other cultures believe that eye contact is critical when an adult disciplines a child.
Touch. Anyone who has travelled to Central or South America knows that people from these cultures greet each other with a hug and kiss on the cheek. In other cultures, touch is a way of establishing and maintaining power—those in power can touch others, but not vice versa. What is appropriate in one culture can be viewed as harmful or even sexual in another one.
Silence. In some cultures, people are uncomfortable with silence. Teachers even have the term wait time, which is a deliberate pause after a question has been asked, to allow stu- dents relaxed time to process the question and formulate an answer. Other cultures, however, do not need extra time after a person has spoken, because they naturally leave time as an indication of having listened to the speaker. In some cultures, people are apt not to answer questions about themselves, as this is viewed as bragging (Alderete-Baker, 1998).
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▲ The act of smiling is used to communicate differ- ent things depending on the culture.
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Concepts of time. People in highly industrialized societies have learned to follow the clock and plan ahead using precise time calculations. Many view carefully following time as essen- tial to the smooth operation of the workplace, and as respect for the time of others (Lefley & Pedersen, 1986). Others, of course, not only are always late, but seem to see doing anything strictly on time as unimportant: What is done is what is important, not when it is done.
Related to time is how people communicate facts and information. In some cultures, a person is expected to engage in “happy talk” before getting to the point; in others, it is critical to get to the point immediately. And in some cultures, it is impolite to say exactly what you mean; the other person needs to figure it out (Hall, 1983).
Family Strengths and Challenges
All families have unique strengths and challenges. To engage families in program participa- tion, program staff members need to find ways to work with families around these strengths and challenges. For example, one study found that lesbian and gay parents, like all other parents, want their children to be nurtured and stimulated to learn, while also wanting envi- ronments that support diversity (Clay, 2007). These parents appreciate teachers who have experience working with gay and lesbian families. Similarly, we know that multiracial families and transracially adoptive families, while wanting the same general care and support for their children as other families, also expect program policies, teachers, and activities to be sensitive to important multiracial issues, including images in curricular materials and the filling out of federal racial forms (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004).
When examining ways to become culturally competent and work effectively with families of diverse backgrounds, teachers and caregivers need to examine their own backgrounds, cul- tures, education, attitudes, and experiences. How comfortable are they working with diverse families and children with special needs? What biases do they have that interfere with working effectively with all families and children (Arndt & McGuire-Schwartz, 2008)? Once they have explored their own racial and cultural identities and worldview, teachers and caregivers need to explore each family’s cultural backgrounds. Some teachers find this easy to do; for others, they enjoy working with children but may lack confidence working effectively with adults.
Getting Parents Involved
Programs can engage in a variety of activities to develop positive relationships with families at the beginning of the year, or when they first enroll their children, and continue throughout the year (Hamre & Pianta, 2005). Some activities that can be completed before the school year starts include the following (Kersey & Masterson, 2009):
• Send a personalized card to every child, saying, “See you at school. You will make lots of friends and have fun” (p. 44).
• Have an open house for children and families. Let the families explore the room, playground, and rest of the center. Help connect families who have common back- grounds, interests, and issues. Make sure the open house is at a time when all families can attend.
• Soon after the beginning of the school year, hold a Welcome Families meeting at a convenient time for all parents. Use this meeting to solicit ideas from parents about activities and goals for their children. Provide questionnaires (in all appropriate
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languages) to learn about children’s interests, strengths, pets, and hobbies. Also, solicit volunteers by letting parents know all the possible ways they can volunteer. In the meeting, provide time for parents to connect and get to know each other. Let parents know about you—your personality, what you like to do, and so on.
Many children enter a program while the school year is in progress. With these families, make sure they fill out the same questionnaire (in their language), help them make connections with other parents, and give them a relaxed tour of the facility.
Once parents have become involved with the programs, they need to be continually engaged and included throughout the year. Additional activities that can be used to achieve this include the following (Kersey & Masterson, 2009):
• Send home Great Moments certificates. Attach a photo of the child to the certificate, along with highlighting something the child has done or made—helped another child, used a new word, completed a task, etc. Make sure all children receive a certificate (send out about 3 to 5 a day).
• Provide parents a time they can call you to talk about their child, when it is convenient for them. If a translator is needed, include him or her in the planning.
• Send email communications, reporting positive experiences of each child.
• Record the positive things a child does on a 3x5 card in a notebook, or in a personal journal for each child. These can then be shared with a parent at parent-teacher con- ferences, during informal interactions between teachers and parents, or at the end of the school year.
• Send home weekend project packs with activities parents can do with their children. Keep them simple, and make sure both the instructions and the activity are provided in the language spoken by the adults in the home.
• Create a class newsletter or webpage on the program’s website to engage students in communicating with their families. Include students’ writing, art, photos, and other material.
Specific Challenges in Working with Diverse Families
Because most best practices come out of our dominant cultural beliefs, and because many early care and education teachers also come from the dominant culture, special attention must be devoted to families and children who are different. However, regardless of diversity, studies indicate that all families have common goals for their children (Henderson & Mapp, 2002). All families want their children to do well academically and they want their children to have a successful school experience. Finally, one of the goals of many parents is for the chil- dren to learn appropriate social skills and to avoid risky behaviors as they grow up and develop (Henderson & Mapp, 2002).
Research has continually documented that impoverished and minority families are less likely to be involved in their child’s early care and education programs than are white and wealthier families. Further, early childhood programs in impoverished communities are less likely to pro- vide active parent collaboration than are programs in middle-class and wealthy communities (Boyd-Zaharias & Pate-Bain, 2009; Hill & Taylor, 2004). It is important to note that this lack
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of involvement is usually not due to the motivation and concern of these parents, but to a variety of factors that cause barriers to partnerships. Because parents in low-income and minority communities are often affected both by the memory of their own negative school experiences and by negative feelings regarding their own abilities as parents and provid- ers, effective partnerships in high-risk programs need to be radically different from those that work in more advantaged programs and communities (Hill & Taylor, 2004). Negative experiences affect par- ents when their children begin to attend a program, while memories of positive school experiences are likely to enhance involvement. Further, poverty has a direct, negative effect on the involvement of families in the care and education of their children (Howard, 2007; Hill & Taylor, 2004).
Teachers and caregivers often believe that parents who volunteer in their child’s early care and edu- cation program value education more than parents who do not. Further, teachers and caregivers tend to think more highly of the involvement of parents whose children are doing well (academically and behaviorally) in the program (Hill & Craft, 2003). We also know that early care and education pro- gram polices directly influence parents’ involve- ment (Epstein & Dauber, 1991), and that parents will respond positively to a variety of ways to support their children in early care and education programs (La Paro, Kraft-Sayre, & Pianta, 2003).
Three Specific Activities to Use with Low-income Families
Like all families, low-income families have incredible variety: new immigrant families; newly divorced; single mothers; struggling two-parent families; minority families; and teen parents trying to finish their high school education. Three specific kinds of activities that have been effective with low-income families include building respectful relationships, engaging families in supporting learning at home, and creating cultural memoirs (Allen, 2008).
Building Respectful Relationships
Programs need to learn about and incorporate family funds of knowledge—what families know and pass on to their children. This approach challenges the deficit model of low-income families. Through home visits and using families as a resource for projects, activities, and cur- ricular ideas, teachers build on family funds of knowledge, which develops trust and a healthy partnership between the program and the family. Teachers also learn about all the knowledge
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▲ Despite coming from diverse cultural origins, research has shown that all families have common goals for their children, such as being successful in school and attending college.
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and skills students bring to the program and meet together on a regular basis to determine ways these family funds of knowledge can be incorporated into the curriculum and other meaningful learning experiences for children (Allen, 2008).
To build positive relationships, teachers and caregivers need to learn specific information about each of their families. This is best achieved through home visits and open communica- tion. Further, teachers and other caregivers cannot assume they know a family simply because they come from the same racial or ethnic group, or because they have somehow learned some information about a certain racial and cultural group. The dynamic cultural contexts to which our families belong are much more complex than simply belonging to large racial, ethnic, religious, or linguistic groups.
Engaging Families in Supporting Learning at Home
Another approach that works is program-home reading journals. To connect with the family, teachers design journals that children take home with them. These journals are exchanged throughout the year, two or three times a week. The spiral-bound notebooks are sent home with carefully chosen children’s books from the library. Parents read the books to their chil- dren (and some children may read these books to their parents), talk to their children about the books’ content, and then write together in the journal. Teachers then respond to each parent’s journal entries. This approach establishes a deep relationship between parents and teachers, which supports emergent readers and writers in the home, without parents or other family members even coming to the program (Allen, 2008).
Creating Cultural Memoirs
We have discussed throughout this book the issue of cultural richness and differences. One idea to help families embrace their identity is to create cultural memoirs. These are records that answer the question “Who am I as a cultural being, and what are the influences in my life that have made me who I am?” Parents, other important family members, and teachers can engage in this activity. Memoirs are created through the following activities:
Reading and discussing examples of cultural memoirs. These are stories that are built around deeply contextualized information of time and place. Television biopics, radio broad- casts of historical and cultural biographies, and magazine bios are short and accessible exam- ples. There are also longer books, films, and TV programs that focus on the lives of people embedded within place and time.
Gathering photographs and other cultural artifacts. These can answer the question “What are my cultural influences in terms of race, class, gender, ethnicity, geography, nation- ality, language, and religion?” Look at old photos, digital files, newspaper clippings, family and personal diaries, or photo albums.
Sharing cultural memoirs. Develop a form to present your multicultural self and to enable parents to do the same: a photo essay, picture book, scrapbook, poem, or computer slide- show presentation. In some programs, parents are invited to share their memoirs with other parents and with staff. This activity not only legitimizes the rich cultural contexts of each parent and family, but it also enables staff to learn about a variety of cultural contexts and to respect and trust families and children who are different from them. It also provides a wonderful way for teachers and other caregivers to explore and share their own rich cultural backgrounds.
Working with Fathers Chapter 6
6.8 Working with Fathers Historically, early care and education programs have viewed parent communication and involvement as mother communication and involvement; fathers were often ignored. Even when fathers attempted to become involved—or were forced to because they became single parents—they experienced considerable frustrations. Some fathers still report that staff mem- bers use them simply as a link to their wives or girlfriends and show a decided preference for communicating with the child’s mother (Cunningham & Dorsey, 2004; Fagan, 1996). A father can be a biological father, foster/adoptive father, a father in a blended family, grand- father in a family where grandparents are raising the children, or any significant male in an extended family.
Like mothers, fathers can be engaged, loving, and exhibit effective parenting skills, while oth- ers have poor parenting skills and may be too authoritarian (Baumrind, 1971; Wright, 1998). There are a variety of barriers that make it dif- ficult for fathers to become involved in the care and education of their children. One particular challenge is that many early childhood/special education specialists are simply more com- fortable communicating with mothers. While many women now work full time, the image of the mother as the child’s caregiver and the primary contact with the early care and edu- cation program still persists (Coltrane, 2004; Cunningham & Dorsey, 2004).
Today, there is increased awareness of the importance of father involvement in the lives of children. Married fathers spend more time with their children than they did in the past (Coltrane, 2004), more fathers are becom- ing primary caregivers while their wives work outside the home, and even with regular jobs outside the home, many fathers are likely to care for their children when their wives work (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Fathers who have good parenting skills and are actively involved with their children help reduce gender stereo- types and foster greater cognitive skills, self- control, and empathy in both preschoolers and adolescents (Coltrane, 2004). School-age children whose fathers participate in program activities are more likely to receive high grades and participate in extracurricular activities (U.S. Department of Education, 1997). Further, chil- dren whose fathers are directly involved in their early care and education programs are less likely to be expelled or suspended, or to engage in violent and antisocial behaviors, and are more likely to do better in academic activities (Horn, 1998). When fathers become involved in their children’s early childhood programs, they are also likely to become involved in their school programs.
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▲ It is important for early childhood caregivers and educators to communicate just as readily with fathers as they do with mothers to avoid frustration and misunderstandings.
Chapter Summary Chapter 6
Chapter Summary Family-Program Partnerships
• Family-early care and education partnerships are critical for the development and learning of young children.
• Partnerships are based on two realities—the diversity of contemporary families, and strong research support.
• Families must believe they can positively contribute to the early childhood program.
Theoretical Models and Research
• The traditional model for working with families was based on the expert knowledge and skills of teachers and specialists.
• There are no agreed-upon definitions of parent involvement.
• Most research on parent involvement programs has occurred in elementary schools.
• Low-income families are less likely to be involved in parent involvement activities in their child’s programs, and early care and education programs in low-income neigh- borhoods are less likely to have quality parent involvement programs.
• Some parents have negative feelings toward their child’s early childhood program, based on the parents’ own negative school experiences.
Family Systems Theory
• Family systems theory comes from the field of family therapy and counseling.
• Family systems theory examines how individuals interact within families as a dynamic unit, not as unique individuals.
• Family systems theory examines six characteristics of family dynamics: boundaries, roles, rules, hierarchies, climate, and equilibrium.
• Teachers and caregivers use knowledge from the family systems theory to help them work with children and their families.
Project Head Start
• The federal Head Start program was one of President Johnson’s Great Society programs.
• Head Start was originally a preschool program, but now it also serves pregnant moth- ers and infants/toddlers in some programs.
• Head Start stresses the active involvement of parents, both in the care and education of their children, and in the governance of the local program.
• Local programs provide a variety of programs to train and directly assist families.
Ecological Systems Theory Approach
• The mesosystem examines the amount and quality of links between the family and the early care and education program.
Chapter 6
• The local program is involved in helping the family meet its basic family functions.
• High-quality programs provide a variety of quality links with their families.
• A central role of the early care and education program is to connect families with agencies and resources in the community, depending on the needs of each family.
Frameworks for School, Family, and Community Partnerships
• Several frameworks have been developed to help create effective parent-early care and education partnerships.
• Powell provides specific ideas for how programs should work closely with families, including serving the whole family, parents and teachers having trust and confidence in each other, two-way communication, and cultural sensitivity.
• Epstein proposes six types of involvement—parenting, communication, volunteering, learning at home, decision making in the programs, and community collaboration.
National Parent Teacher Association’s National Standards
• The National PTA adapted the Framework for School, Family, and Community Partnerships to create the National Standards for Parent-School Partnerships.
• The National Standards for Parent-School Partnerships, adapted for programs working with infants and preschool children, describe six standards for effective partnerships: welcoming all families into the early care and education program’s community, com- municating effectively, supporting the development and learning of children, speaking up for every child, sharing power, and connecting early care and education programs with community resources.
The Challenge of Partnerships with Families
• The more a family differs from the typical middle-class, American family, the more effort programs need to make to explore creative ways to include the family. Teachers and caregivers need to examine their own beliefs, childhood experiences, biases, and comfort with diversity.
• All families bring with them specific strengths and challenges, and programs need to capitalize on strengths and find ways to overcome challenges.
• Three ideas for working with diverse families are building respectful relationships, engaging families in supporting learning at home, and creating cultural memoirs.
Working with Fathers
• Historically, early care and education programs have worked exclusively with mothers.
• Today, there is increased awareness of the value of father involvement in the lives of children.
• Fathers face a number of barriers when trying to become involved in their children’s early care and education program.
Key Terms Chapter 6
Key Terms boundaries In family systems theory, the extent to which each individual family member operates independently and how much each member operates as a unit or group.
climate In family systems theory, the nature of the family’s emotional and physical environ- ment; how warm and supportive or cold and disorganized they are.
continuity of care Having the caregiver move as the infant matures, so the child and care- giver remain together over a significant time period (e.g., from infant to age 3).
cultural memoirs Records that answer the following questions: “Who am I as a cultural being, and what are the influences in my life that have made me who I am?” These might be books, pictures, oral histories, and so on.
developmental delays Disabilities that negatively affect learning.
disengaged families Families in which each member values individual autonomy and act- ing independently.
enmeshed families Families in which togetherness, belonging, and emotional connected- ness of members within a family—even conformity—are emphasized.
equilibrium According to family systems theory, a sort of balance that tells members of a family what to expect in family dynamics, despite ongoing difficulties and stress. It allows families to function effectively under stress and other difficulties.
family functions The essential things all families do, regardless of their structure, to care for and support the development and education of their children.
family systems theory An approach to working with families that examines how all fam- ily members influence each other in predictable and recurring ways. This approach examines patterns and strengths of family interactions.
funds of knowledge What families know and pass on to their children. This includes tra- ditions, values, histories, and family stories.
Great Society programs Federal programs enacted during the 1960s designed to reduce poverty in America. Two remaining programs are Head Start and No Child Left Behind (which used to be called the Elementary and Secondary Education Act).
hierarchy In family systems theory, who makes the decisions and has the control in the family. In some families, both parents share control; in others, the authority is culturally spe- cific, based on age, gender, income, etc.
Head Start Performance Standards Standards used to establish the level of performance required in local Head Start programs, for every component area. These standards are used for self-evaluation and the official federal triennial program review.
Head Start Policy Council The governing body of a local Head Start program, made up of parents and community members. The policy council is one example of giving real power and control of Head Start to low-income participants.
Key Terms Chapter 6
National Standards for Family-School Partnerships Standards developed by the National PTA to evaluate the effectiveness of program/school-family collaborations.
not-for-profit programs Programs designed to serve people without making money, such as schools, Head Start programs, and religious programs. Some early childhood programs are not-for-profit; some are for profit.
personal space A comfort zone regarding physical proximity while communicating with others; it differs from culture to culture. People from different cultures meeting for the first time are often uneasy about what they view as violations of personal space.
Project Head Start A federal program initially for low-income preschool children, begun in 1965. Now the program also includes Early Head Start, for low-income families with infants and toddlers.
roles In family systems theory, the specific function each family member has; roles might be peacemaker, clown, rescuer, or victim. Each role has certain expectations from others in the family.
rules The scripts we use to live our lives—laws, standards, traditions, and history.
social competence The ability to function effectively in a variety of social contexts, from family and neighborhood to school and workplace.
wait time Providing silence after a question has been asked to allow students to carefully reflect on the question and develop an answer. Providing wait time also communicates to students that their response has value, and that the question is not simply being asked for the teacher to give a predetermined answer.
Discipline and Guidance
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Explore a variety of issues involved with discipline, guidance, and the development of emotional regulation in young children.
▸▸ Explain why young children struggle to behave appropriately.
▸▸ Discuss adult expectations of young children.
▸▸ Recognize a variety of approaches to the guidance and discipline of young children, including the use of positive reinforcement, punishment, and modeling.
▸▸ Identify ways the early care and education program can work with families concerning issues of discipline, guidance, and emotional regulation.
▸▸ Explain the theory of moral reasoning and its influence on the development of young children's moral behavior.
▸▸ Describe how the unique characteristics of exceptional students pose discipline and guidance challenges both for parents and for early care and education programs.
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Introduction Chapter 7
Introduction Erikson’s stage theory focuses on resolving children’s developmental needs and motivations with social and cultural expectations (Erikson, 1963, 1981). As children progress through distinct developmental stages, they must learn how to resolve their internal motivations and desires with societal expectations. Adults involved in the lives of young children—parents, teachers, volunteers, coaches, caregivers, friends, grandparents—spend considerable time and energy trying to help children develop prosocial behaviors. These attempts often involve various approaches to discipline and guidance.
Looking at the development of young children through an ecological perspective allows us to see how various institutions and agencies within Bronfenbrenner’s microsystems directly affect the development and learning of young children. Adults in all of these programs and venues struggle with issues of discipline and guidance, as do the parents of young children.
Adults caring for young children in a variety of settings must address discipline and guidance issues, and they often have very different views of appropriate ways to guide and discipline young children. This conflict is often most evident when families and early care and education program staff disagree on the best ways to guide the development, learning, and behavior of young children. Parents, teachers, and caregivers want children to be safe and secure and to learn socially and culturally appropriate behaviors.
Exceptional children add an additional level of challenge for families and teachers in early care and education programs. Exceptional learners include children with developmental delays, gifted and talented children, and twice exceptional children. Sometimes approaches to disci- pline and guidance that work with other children do not work well with these children; also, because exceptional children have unique physical, emotional, social, and cognitive needs, they often frustrate both parents and the staff of early care and education programs. And, as previously noted, young boys in particular struggle to exhibit appropriate and acceptable behavior at home and in early care and education programs (Whiting & Edwards, 1988b; Skelton, 2001). To best provide the structures, information, and support families and early care and education programs need to help children develop important social behaviors, a variety of community agencies and programs must work together. The more difficult the task of guidance and discipline (for example, a young boy with learning disabilities and severe behavioral problems), the more these programs need to work together effectively, in a truly ecological spirit (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994).
This chapter begins by examining what we mean by discipline and guidance, discusses a vari- ety of approaches commonly used to discipline and guide children in the home and program, and then addresses potential conflicts between programs and families around this impor- tant issue. Teachers and caregivers in early care and education programs struggle with two critically important issues around guidance and discipline: (1) cultural differences that families bring to the program regarding discipline, including expectations and behaviors that differ from those of the teachers and the program; and (2) finding effective and mutually accept- able ways to resolve conflicts around discipline between the program and the home. We then explore theories of moral development and how they can help us understand the behavior of young children; finally, we explore how children with developmental delays, gifted and tal- ented children, and twice exceptional children affect approaches to discipline and guidance.
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7.1 Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation Many early childhood texts attempt to differentiate between discipline and guidance. Others view both terms as interchangeable. The true goal of any discipline and guidance approach is to enable children to develop self-regulation, thus being able to control and direct their own behaviors in a prosocial manner. Here we define discipline/guidance as attempts by adults to guide children into learning and internalizing socially appropriate rules and behaviors. This is a developmental task that cannot be achieved overnight. The central tension in providing discipline/guidance for young children is to address the conflicts between what a child wants and desires to do, and the way the adult world expects young children to behave. Again, the desire is to help young children progress from impulsive, immature behavior to self-control and self-regulation of their behavior.
Brain Development
Throughout this text, we have discussed the development of the brain in young children. Based on revolutionary research methods, a great deal of information about brain develop- ment has been collected. Some of this information includes the following (Schiller, 2010):
• After birth, brain development occurs through the creation of billions of neural con- nections, based on important experiences during the first years of life
• Brain development is a complex interaction between genes and individual experiences
• Early experiences (the first five years) have a profound impact on the development of the brain and on our cognitive capacities as adults
• Early human interaction (the first five years) provides the context for both development and learning and directly determines how the brain is wired
• Brain development is not linear; there are optimal times to learn certain skills and knowledge, such as language
• The brain of a 3-year-old is two and a half times as active as an adult’s brain
• Brain development is very susceptible to emotions (positive and negative) and stress. These emotions produce chemicals in the brain that enhance and delay brain development.
The prefrontal cortex is the front part of the brain that controls executive functions such as judgment, impulse control planning, and emotional regulation. The prefrontal cortex con- tinues to develop through adolescence (Society for Neuroscience, 2007), and some research suggests that the prefrontal cortex develops at a slower rate in boys than in girls (Linroot et al., 2007; Sax, 2007).
Achieving Self-Control and Self-Regulation
Three overlapping developmental tasks combine to help children achieve self-control and self-regulation: brain development (executive function), effortful control skills, and emotional regulation. Efforts by adults to assist children in learning appropriate skills need to focus on developing these three dispositions in children. Adults need to base behavioral expectations on the maturation of the brain and each child’s experiences.
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Executive Functioning
Children’s emotional, social, and cognitive activities are all directed by the prefrontal cortex of the brain. However, in the preschool age the prefrontal cortex is still quite immature, which accounts for some of the struggles and limitations young children demonstrate with problem solving and social behavior (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2009).
During the infant and preschool years, the brain is making billions of connections. The nature of these connections depends on the child’s experiences, interactions, and emotions (Schiller, 2010). Brain development through play, exploring nature, interacting with peers, and develop- ing important emotional relationships with significant adults increases a child’s brain capacity for attention, learning, memory, and reasoning. Multisensory experiences, along with learning how to learn and learning to enjoy learning, further increase preschool children’s ability to control their thinking, emotions, and behavior (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2009).
Preschool children also have little experience with the world, so they have not learned what to pay attention to, how best to remember important information, and various ways to regulate their behavior. As children progress through preschool and kindergarten, they improve in all these and other important areas. However, temperament (as we have discussed) and devel- opmental delays, especially in the area of emotional development, can have an impact on this progress (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007).
Effortful Control Skills
It does little good for children to know the appropriate behaviors they should display if they cannot control them. Effortful control is the ability of a child to regulate his or her impulses to respond to a developing conscience (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007). These are tech- niques and skills that children use to delay temptation and to inhibit immediate impulses (Eigsti et al., 2006), which grow as a result of brain development and experience. Only then can children of elementary age pay more attention to what they are doing and delay grati- fication. Children are motivated to delay gratification because they have learned that, by delaying now, they can get more of what they want in the future. Adults can help children see how delaying immediate gratification can lead to bigger rewards later on. The ability to self-regulate also enables children to exhibit more prosocial behavior, as they can control their initial impulses and enjoy playing with peers.
Effortful control develops throughout the preschool years, and thus children this age struggle to delay gratification and engage in prosocial behaviors. Preschool-age children observe how older peers and adults regulate their emotions and behaviors, and they begin to imitate them. Young children also engage in self-talk, such as when trying to do a puzzle. Instead of becoming frustrated, they say something to themselves like: “No, it won’t fit; try turning it until it fits.” Brain maturation, brain-based learning, and lots of rich and positive experiences all help children develop effortful control (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007). For example, a child at age 2 might throw a tantrum when frustrated because he cannot get what he wants. At age 5, however, he has learned to ask for something he is more likely to get (experience), use appropriate words so the adult knows exactly what he desires (brain-based learning), and moderate his response if it is not satisfied (brain maturation).
Emotional Regulation
The development of both cognitive and social-emotional processes is called emotional regu- lation (Blair, 2002). Emotional regulation is the culmination of brain maturation and effortful
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control; it involves the child’s ability to mediate his or her immediate impulses—those driven by emotional responses to the environment—to engage in more socially acceptable behaviors (Harter, 2006a). Emotional regulation is directly related to overall emotional development and emotional intelligence or “EQ” (Goleman, 1995).
To aid in emotional regulation, children must first participate in behaviors guided by others (Wertsch, 1979). Children are aware of rules and when others break those rules, and they get confused when adults do not consistently model the expressed behavioral expectations. Children understand when certain expected behaviors are reinforced through rewards and punishments (Bodrova & Leong, 2009). The goal is to help children learn how to internal- ize these rules and social expectations. A truly self-regulated child is one capable of internal behavior, who can think, process, and then act. Emotional regulation improves emotional responses and social behaviors, along with attention, memory, and cognitive processing skills (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007), and it is directly influenced by the caregiver’s approach to the discipline and guidance of young children.
Why Young Children Struggle to Behave Appropriately
Because preschool-age children are developing emotional regulation, they struggle with their ability to conform to the rules and expectations of adult society. Further, young children are learning about the rules and regulations of a society, adult expectations, and how to resolve innermost desires with external limitations. In doing so, they often appear to be purposely misbehaving, but in fact they are most likely confused or simply incapable of doing what the adult expects.
One reason a child might misbehave is that the child does not understand the adult’s expecta- tions. This may be due to a limited language abil- ity, rules and expectations being poorly explained or inconsistently reinforced, or because the child receives mixed messages from different people in authority. Another possible reason for a child’s inappropriate behavior is that the expectations are not developmentally appropriate. The young child may be behaviorally, cognitively, or emo- tionally incapable of engaging in the expected behavior. For example, a child might be incapa- ble of controlling impulsive behaviors and unable to fully understand the reason or purpose behind an expectation.
Because of their immature executive functioning, children are not always able to focus on impor- tant things in the environment while ignoring other stimuli. For example, a novel toy or another child wanting to play will distract the child. Sometimes children are aware that certain behaviors are inappropriate, but they simply do not know what the appropriate alternative behavior is. Further, children need adult acceptance and want to please others; sometimes a child will engage in certain behaviors that conflict with adult expectations because he or she has observed that other children who break the rules and ignore adult requests receive reinforcement (rewards), while he or she is ignored.
© Jupiterimages, Creatas Images/Thinkstock
▲ Children test limits because it gives them a sense of power and importance, though sometimes they are simply interested in seeing how adults will react to their behavior.
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Alternatively, some children do not see the reason to act in a certain way. As we have sug- gested, children’s brain development and problem-solving abilities are still developing at this age, so they often do not understand the reasons why they are expected to engage in certain behaviors or follow certain rules.
Finally, children like to test all sorts of limits, including adult authority, to determine just how concrete and consistent they are. This is not always devious or oppositional behavior; this is how they learn about the physical and social environment. Some children are also very inter- ested in their impact on the environment: It gives them a sense of power and importance. Sometimes they just want to see how an adult will react to certain behaviors. In the simplest sense, young children do not necessarily know how the physical and social world works: They do not know the laws of physics or behavior. They lack experience, and their emotional regu- lation is not fully developed. Thus, in many cases they do not know how to act appropriately.
7.2 Adult Expectations of Young Children There are many reasons adults need young children to behave in certain ways. Some of these reasons are purely practical—it is unsafe allow a child to run out into a busy street, or to pull a pot of boiling water off the stove. Other reasons are more developmentally focused. For example, certain behaviors help young children learn to interact appropriately with peers and adults so they can function effectively with others. Adults—particularly parents—are considered socializing agents in society. This means a central task of parenting is to teach young children the values, mores, behaviors, and expectations of a society and a culture (Hall, 1976).
Health and Safety
Health and safety are central concerns for any adult caring for young children. An underly- ing purpose of state and local child care and school regulations is health and safety. Poisons, choking hazards, strangulation, burns from hot water, traffic accidents, kidnapping, child abuse, and head entrapments are just a few of the safety issues that concern parents and caregivers of young children. Often, children do not see these as health and safety concerns, and it is quite difficult to expect children to engage in discipline that does not make sense to them (for example, most children probably do not understand that running while eat- ing is extremely dangerous because it can cause them to choke). Some of these health and safety issues are addressed through laws, policies, and rules: playground safety, childhood immunizations, fire exits and plans, car seats, and child proofing (at home and in the center) (Martin, 2011). However, many issues must also be addressed through direct guidance and discipline. Adults must ensure that children use a car seat correctly, that playground rules are followed, and that fire drills are practiced. To these ends, there are different approaches to coaching children. One approach is to help children become engaged in safe activities. For example, diaper changing tables now include steps to empower children to climb up to the table themselves, and some parents provide steps to help their children get into their car seats unassisted. Lickona reports that when he tried to get his son to hold his right hand to cross the street, his son protested. When he changed strategies and said, “Pick the hand you want,” his son willingly took his hand and crossed the street (Lickona, 1983). Providing young children with a sense of empowerment and an acceptable safe choice both protects the child and fosters responsibility.
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Learning
A central focus of any early care and education program is learning. Learning usually involves a curriculum, specific curriculum materials, a daily schedule, and goals and objectives for each child to achieve. It might also include special programs for children with various developmen- tal delays. Adults in the classroom use discipline and guidance to implement the curriculum effectively and teach the children. However, sometimes we lose sight of what children need to learn in the most effective way and end up implementing teaching activities that seem designed either to do what we have always done or meet adult needs, rather than to engage in best practices for how children learn.
As Loomis and Wagner (2005) suggest, sometimes what teachers do during the day is designed to meet the needs of adults. For example, circle time is often used to manage a whole group of children and to keep them safe while another teacher prepares a new activity or does important paperwork (DeVries & Zan, 1994); many programs have rather inflexible schedules because this makes it easier to fulfill curricula requirements and structure the teachers’ day. However, while circle time and predictable daily schedules often work well for some children, they may not be effective with others. Some children are not developmentally ready to sit still and listen at circle time; constant transitions from one activity to another necessitated by a rigid daily schedule are extremely difficult for some children and cause a variety of behavioral problems (this is particularly true of children with certain developmental delays). Thus, it is imperative that teachers and caregivers continually evaluate expectations, and the use of guidance and discipline to meet those expectations, to make sure they match the learning needs of each child.
It is clear that the overall curricular expectations, as well as how we structure the day, develop learning activities, and implement the curriculum in the early childhood program, can cause challenging behaviors in some children. Ways to reduce potential discipline problems include matching learn- ing activities and expectations with how children learn, and being sensitive to individual learning styles, temperaments, and pace of learning (Loomis and Wagner, 2005). The more these considerations are built into the program, the less need there will be for discipline. However, children with developmental delays may still require different expecta- tions and activities, and boys may need more physical activ- ities than girls. The solution is to be flexible, differentiate the curriculum, and be continually cognizant of the needs of each student.
In today’s culture of accountability, early childhood content standards, and kindergarten entry requirements, it is some- times easy to forget that learning is a natural process that best flourishes under scaffolding, guidance, and modeling, as well as in rich and challenging environments. Teachers and parents who understand developmentally appropriate ways of learning and teaching, and know the child’s unique learning styles, personality, and disposi- tions, will spend less time and energy trying to discipline the child in learning activities at home and in the community. Child-directed approaches to learning and play (see Chapter 4)
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▲ Concepts such as sharing, cleaning up, and playing safely require guidance from the caregiver as well as an explanation of the importance of these rules.
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still require some adult discipline and guidelines, especially in relation to sharing with other students, caring for and returning materials, using tools and materials (e.g., scissors or paints) appropriately, or playing safely on the playground. This is where teachers and parents need to focus on helping their children see the reasons for these rules and providing appropriate adult guidance.
There are a variety of ways to reduce the amount of unnecessary guidance and discipline in the early care and education program. One way to do this is to make sure activities are devel- opmentally appropriate for all students. This can be achieved by providing differentiation in activities and expectations, both for children who struggle (academically, behaviorally, and socially) and for gifted and talented children (see the discussion on gifted and talented chil- dren and twice exceptional children later in this chapter). A differentiated approach is one where the expectations, activities, tasks, and outcomes are changed by the teacher, depend- ing on the child’s abilities, learning styles, and overall development.
The curriculum and activities should be continually revised, based on the unique learning needs of all the children, which involves observing children’s learning styles, social interac- tions, and comfort with each activity. Carefully assess children who struggle socially, academi- cally, and behaviorally for possible special needs services, and provide screening and further testing for those who need it (Powers & Burton, 2003). Provide ongoing training for teachers on the most effective and developmentally appropriate ways to engage and teach children. Overly restrictive and rigid daily schedules should be adapted and revised, especially if children are having problems with transitions (Loomis & Wagner, 2005), and indoor and outdoor envi- ronments need to be evaluated for potential safety hazards, lack of interesting and challeng- ing opportunities, and elements that can cause discipline problems as a result of their design (Jones & Reynolds, 1997).
Social and Cultural Expectations
Another function of discipline and guidance is to socialize young children in the rules, mores, traditions, and expectations of society and culture. Discipline and guidance are used by teach- ers and caregivers to teach the expected behaviors of the early care and education program; discipline and guidance are also used by parents and other caregivers to teach their children the expected behaviors of their culture and community.
Families who use relatives for child care generally have consistency of expectations regarding their children’s behavior and guidance and discipline approaches used with their children. Research also suggests that one of the main criteria parents use to select family-based care is the culture of the provider. For example, religious early care and education programs tend to be embedded within the cultural expectations of the religion they are associated with, because religion and values are very closely aligned (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). Other programs also have a central focus or unique orientation, due to their financing, sponsorship, or loca- tion; for instance, Head Start serves low-income families due to federal requirements (U.S. HHS, 2006). There are programs dedicated to children with specific disabilities (e.g., autism) and programs in racially, ethnically, and economically segregated communities. When the family and the early care and education program have the same approach to discipline, the same behavioral expectations, and similar approaches to teaching, children do not become confused, are more secure, and know what is expected. Parents are also more comfortable
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when they know that the approaches used at their home and in the center are the same. And, when conflicts arise, parents and program staff will be on the same page regarding discipline and behavioral expectations.
However, many early care and education programs are becoming more diverse racially, ethnically, culturally, religiously, linguistically, and economically. Some of this diversity is influenced by external factors such as licensing regulations, school district policies, and Head Start Performance Standards (U.S. HHS, 1999). One area where conflict between the family and program can arise is regarding adult authority and children’s obedience. In some cultures, adults expect children to adhere to their demands and community norms without reasoning and negotiating, while adults from other cultures use reasoning, model- ing, and examples to try to influence a child’s behavior (see Section 7.3: Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children) (Baumrind, 1971; Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; Wright, 1998).
Adult Convenience and Practicality
Young children tend to be messy, disorga- nized, and into everything. They tend to misuse materials and objects, break things, challenge health and safety rules, and, once they can crawl and walk, be always on the go. It is critical to emphasize that none of these behaviors is used by children to upset parents intentionally (despite what some parents believe) (Kostelnik et al., 2009). However, parents, caregivers, teachers, and others caring for young children need to find ways to address these and other behav- iors for their own sanity and practicality, and for the purpose of the ultimate goal of fostering children’s independence and self- regulation. One way to do this is for adults to remember what it was like to be a child and how they behaved as young children. Programs can provide parent training, newsletters, lending libraries, access to articles by experts, webpage messages (for programs with an Internet presence), and individual discus- sions with parents that address ways parents and other caregivers can find a compromise between what is naturally part of being a child and the needs of adults for order, cleanliness, and consistency.
Some caregivers, including parents, go overboard with convenience and practicality. The TV and other technologies are used as primary caregivers because they eliminate the mess that young children naturally make when they play and explore, as well as some of the adult frustrations or responsibilities that go along with those activities (see Spotlight: The Order in Mess). While adults need to find practical ways to limit a child’s destructive behaviors and the frustrations these may cause, they must also realize that children are naturally messy and disorganized, push limits, and create havoc.
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▲ Often, the TV and computer are used as a substitute caregiver for children, but independent exploration is important, despite the mess children sometimes make when allowed to explore outside or on their own.
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S P O T L I G H T:
The Order in Mess
On a recent visit to a local Head Start program, the director proudly showed me new computers neatly arranged in an empty classroom. They were prominently displayed and carefully situated where they would not be damaged from dirt, water, dust, or flying paint. However, when I looked outside, I was surprised that there were only a few standard pieces of equipment scattered in an open area. It is clear this program believes the educational value of computers outweighs the educational value of good, old-fashioned play.
I have been in many homes that also share this belief. Children are encouraged to sit quietly and watch televi- sion programs or videos or work on the computer. Going into the backyard and digging in the dirt, taking out paints and mixing up a colorful pudding, or splashing away in the bathroom sink with soap and water would make a mess.
Computers and other technology can have educational value, depending on how they are used. But I won- der whether parents are aware of the educational value of toys, play, and enjoying the outdoors. Could this approach be denying children important educational experiences? When young children are manipulating, mixing, discovering, reordering, and making messes, they are learning many critical concepts needed for later school success. Here are some examples:
Ordering Their Environment A central focus of learning is to be able to create order, discipline, and organization out of chaos and disor- der. Computer programs, higher-order math, art, and designing buildings all require this ability. Young chil- dren need lots of experiences in ordering their world—and, therefore, they need experience with disorder. A good example is painting, which can be extremely messy and require very careful adult supervision. Mixing the paints and spilling them onto the floor, getting paint on one’s clothes and hands, and having to wash the brushes afterward in the sink are all messy activities for a 3- to 5-year-old. But the results can be very empowering to children, who can see and appreciate what they have created. Painting activities are also criti- cally important ways to learn writing skills.
Empowerment Self-esteem is largely based on children’s sense of being able to influence their environment. Interaction with objects, adapting reality to match their unique perspectives, creating physical projects, and controlling their small world makes children feel important. Children who are not given many opportunities to influence their world in meaningful and positive ways often end up being very destructive, because this is the only way they can feel a needed sense of power and control.
Discovery A central way young children learn is through discovery. What happens when you mix red and yellow paint? What happens when a drop of food dye is spilled into a water table that contains water mixed with salad oil? What happens when the pool of water in a sandbox breaks? To be told that red and yellow paint makes orange is meaningless to young children—they need to mix the paints together, to explore with their own hands and eyes, to make it meaningful and beneficial.
Basic Knowledge Most of our basic knowledge—especially in math, science, and technology—is not about what things are, but instead about what happens to things under new circumstances (Foreman & Kuschner, 1984). What happens when an orange rots? What happens to a piece of heavy wood when it is placed in water? Children acquire this knowledge by playing and experimenting with all sorts of real things in a physical, not theoretical, way.
(continued)
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7.3 Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children
It is important to remember that the goal of discipline and guidance is to help children inter- nalize important rules and societal expectations. If the discipline or guidance approach a caregiver uses is consistent with Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, success will be higher, and the caregiver will be less frustrated. Further, when all parties involved in dis- ciplining a child are consistent, the results will be more effective. These various approaches are summarized in Table 7.1. An important category of learning is behaviorism, which is an observable change of behavior caused by the environment (Ormrod, 2008). Behaviorism can be roughly divided into two overall categories: rewards (known as positive and negative reinforcement) and punishments. (The exception to this rule is the social cognitive approach [modeling], which is both behavioral and cognitive.)
Rewards/Reinforcements
A reward, or positive reinforcement, is the consequence of a child’s behaviors that increases the probability of it recurring (Marzano, 2003). Rewards can be a smile or a positive personal message, such as “I love how you put the books back on the shelf.” Rewards can also be in the form of external privileges, such as the use of the computer after the child has finished an assignment. Rewards include things like money, toys, candy, dessert (after eating a main meal), tokens, and stickers.
Reinforcing agents, or reinforcers, can be primary reinforcers or secondary reinforcers. Primary reinforcers satisfy a built-in need or desire, such as food, water, air, or warmth, and are essential to our well-being. Other primary reinforcers, such as candy, are not essential, but physical affection, a smile, and cuddling would seem to be (Ormrod, 2008). There are individual differences regarding the effectiveness of these rewards. For example, for someone who does not like chocolate, chocolate is not a reinforcer. Secondary reinforcers are previ- ously neutral stimuli that, through repeated association with another reinforcer, have become a reinforcer. A neutral stimulus is a stimulus that a person does not respond to in any notice- able way. For example, initially ringing a small bell in the classroom causes no response from the children; however, after the bell is continually followed by a snack, the bell will produce a marked response. Other examples of secondary reinforcers are praise, tokens, money, good grades, and a feeling of success.
Mess Is an Important Part of Childhood I remember spending hours as a child damming up mountain streams and planting seeds in my muddy garden. Watching things happen and being a part of something was thrilling. One of the joys of childhood is spending time messing around with the physical world. Adults working with young children need to remember that children need to have many experiences with mess in order to develop a solid academic and emotional foundation for future school success (Foreman & Kuschner, 1984). These experiences cannot be accomplished with computers, TVs, or VCRs alone, and they are worth cleaning up after.
Wardle, F. (2000). The order in mess. Children and Families, (14) 4, pp. 82–83. National Head Start Association.
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Extrinsic Reinforcement
Positive reinforcers are rewards that increase a person’s behavior, such as a smile from the teacher after a child has helped another child solve a problem, or the feeling of sat- isfaction when one has completed a difficult task. They are arranged into two different categories: extrinsic and intrin- sic. Extrinsic reinforcements are rewards provided by the outside environment.
Material reinforcers. These are actual objects, such as food, toys, or candy. While this approach is extremely effec- tive in changing behavior, it can be counterproductive, as it focuses the child’s learning on achieving the reward, rather than on the complexities and strategies required to learn.
Social reinforcers. Social reinforcers are gestures or signs (a smile, praise, or attention) that one person gives to another. Teachers’ attention, approval, and praise are powerful and effective reinforcers (McKerchar & Thompson, 2004).
Activity reinforcers. This is the opportunity to engage in a favorite activity after completing a less favorable one. It is called the Premack principle. The more desirable activity is contin- gent on the completion of the less desirable one (Premack, 1959).
Positive feedback. Positive feedback works when it communicates to the child that he or she is doing well or making progress, and it is particularly effective when it gives students guidance about what they have learned and how to improve their behavior. Students think about this information in an effort to modify their behavior (Ormrod, 2008).
Token economies. A token economy is a program in which individuals who have behaved appropriately receive a token—an item that can later be traded for objects or privileges of the child’s choice. Most children under age 5 cannot benefit from a token economy due to their developmental stage and lack of experience.
Intrinsic Reinforcements
Intrinsic reinforcements are the internal good feelings that come from within the child. Feelings of success, pride, and relief at completing a task or assignment are all examples of intrinsic reinforcement. For many young children, the motivation for achieving a variety of new skills and tasks, from learning to walk and talk to toilet training and holding a spoon, come from a deep sense of accomplishment and personal satisfaction. Rather than generally praising children for what they have attempted or achieved, a parent or teacher can praise the effort: “I like how you kept trying until you were able to tie your shoe” and “I see how care- fully you decided which tomatoes were ripe enough to pick, and which were the ones that needed to stay on the plant.”
Negative Reinforcement
Negative reinforcement increases a response through the removal of a stimulus—usually an unpleasant one. Thus, negative reinforcement occurs when something negative is taken
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▲ A gold star on a student’s paper is an example of extrinsic reinforcement because it acts as positive feedback, praising the child for a job well done.
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away to improve a behavior. Telling children they can leave the classroom to go to the play- ground once they have completed their math activity is negative reinforcement. Other exam- ples include when a parent picks up a crying baby (negative stimuli) and the baby stops crying, as well as the annoying buzzer in your car that keeps going until you put on the seatbelt (you put on the seatbelt [the desired behavior] to get rid of the annoying noise [the negative stimuli]).
Punishment
Punishment is a behavioral approach that attempts to reduce a child’s inappropriate behav- ior (Ormrod, 2008). There are two kinds of punishment: (1) the presentation of a negative stimulus, for example, scolding a child who has misbehaved or assigning a failing grade after a child did not complete an academic task; and (2) removal of a stimulus, usually a pleasant one. This could be, for example, taking away an allowance or the loss of special privileges. Both kinds of punishment reduce the target behavior. Forms of punishment used in early care, education programs, and homes include natural consequences, logical consequences, unrelated consequences, response cost, verbal reprimands, and time out. Punishment does not directly help the child gain emotional regulation or internalize accepted behaviors, but it does help children (if used consistently) know which behaviors are acceptable and which are not acceptable (Bodrova & Leong, 2007).
Problems with the Use of Punishment to Modify Children’s Behavior
Though punishment is a very popular approach used by adults with young children (both par- ents and early care and education staff) and can be very effective (Hall et al., 1976), it tends to be overused and is fraught with problems. For example, a punished behavior is not eliminated. It often reappears when the person doing the punishing leaves, thus requiring constant adult supervision at home and in the program. Further, punishment does not address the cause of the behavior. Often, there are clear and salient reasons why a young child is behaving a spe- cific way in a specific situation, and it is important that these causes be addressed.
In some situations, punishment can actually lead to an increase in the behavior that is being punished. This can occur in two ways. If punishment is the only attention the child gets from the adult, the child will continue to engage in the behavior for attention. Punishment can also increase the behavior in a setting where there is no one to control it; for example, punishing certain bad language in the classroom can increase the use of the same language on the play- ground. Further, young children are often unaware of the specific behavior being punished, and then they believe they are being punished for being “a bad child.” This develops low self- esteem, particularly in young children who take an all or nothing view of personal criticism (e.g., “I am all good” or “I am all bad”).
Punishment can also lead to children avoiding certain places and activities. For example, a child who always does poorly at an assignment, such as math, and is punished for it, may not only learn to avoid math, but may learn to dislike school because he or she learns to associate all of school with math (Smith & Smoll, 1997).
When punishment is used on children, they are not always being shown how to engage in the appropriate behavior. The punishment only tells them what not to do and what they are doing poorly; it does not teach anything about what they should be doing instead. Often, children do not know how to engage in the socially acceptable alternative to aggression (for example,
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how to resolve a conflict without being aggressive). A child who grabs a toy from another child may not understand that there is another way to get what he or she wants; a child who bites another child may not have the language to communicate his or her anger and frustration. Punishment can also lead to aggres- sion and later to bullying (Landrum & Kauffman, 2006), because it models aggressive behavior and the use of power by adults to achieve their goals (see Helping Children Develop: Do as I Do: The Power of Example).
Finally, severe punishment can lead to emotional and physical harm. Punishment can potentially lead to child abuse; many adults with low self-esteem can trace this back to receiving constant and harsh nega- tive putdowns and punishment as children (Smith & Fong, 2004), and parents who were abused as chil- dren are more likely to become abusers themselves (Milner et al., 2010).
Natural and Logical Consequences
Natural and logical consequences are forms of punishment that make much more sense to children and teach them that certain behaviors have consequences, some of which are unpleasant.
Natural Consequences
Natural consequences are the result of a child’s behavior without any direct involvement by an adult. They teach children the causes and effects of certain behaviors. For example, if a child fails to put on a jacket, the natural consequence is that he or she might get cold; a child who comes late to lunch may get cold food or fewer food choices. Natural consequences do not work when a child is too young to make the connection between cause and effect. They also do not work when the adults involved are overly protective and do not allow children to “suffer the consequences” of their actions or inactions.
Logical Consequences
Logical consequences occur when a child must rectify a situation or repair damage caused by his or her behavior. When a child spills milk on the floor, the logical consequence is for the child to help clean up the milk; if a child draws on a table top, the logical consequence is for the child to scrub the table top clean. Logical consequences only work when the following occur:
• Children are able to make the connection between their behavior, the consequences of that behavior, and what they are then asked to do. This connection develops during the preschool years, through experience and brain development.
• The consequence is logical. Preventing a child from going outside to play because he misbehaved in the classroom is not a logical consequence.
• The consequence occurs immediately after the infraction takes place.
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▲ Punishment helps children understand the dif- ference between acceptable and unacceptable behaviors, but it does not help them to internalize those accepted behaviors.
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A logical consequence might be to remove a child from an activity or group, which is called time away. For example, a child who continually knocks down other children’s constructions in the block area may be asked to leave for a while; but again, this consequence must be logi- cal and timely. Because logical consequences require a child to “fix” the problem, they are rarely something the child would choose to do and thus are not often viewed by the child as a reward. However, the child learns that if he or she wants to participate in an activity, or do what the other children are doing, then he or she needs to engage in the appropriate behav- iors. While time away is a form of time out (discussed later in the chapter), its focus is on mak- ing it clear to the child that removal from the activity is directly related to the child’s behavior.
Unrelated Consequences
Unrelated consequences are the punishment of a child’s inappropriate behavior with some- thing that is totally unrelated to the behavior—as in the example of keeping a child from outdoor play after he or she has misbehaved inside the classroom. Because the consequence is not logically related to the behavior, this approach is usually ineffective (Ormrod, 2008). It can also misfire; for example, the child who is kept indoors because he or she misbehaved may need to go outside to burn off energy and take a rest from academic activities; preventing this will cause further classroom disruption.
Response Cost
Response cost involves taking away something the child previously earned. Thus, a child might have earned time at the computer by cleaning up the art area but now loses this privi- lege due to fighting with another child. The response cost approach is most effective when used with positive reinforcement for an appropriate behavior and when the child does not lose everything he or she has earned by only a small infraction (Phillips et al., 1971). When children lose everything they have earned, they will soon not bother to earn anything.
Verbal Reprimands
Verbal reprimands are more effective when they are immediate, brief, and accompanied by eye contact or a firm grip (Pfiffner & O’Leary, 1993). (See Chapter 6 for a discussion on this in relation to eye contact.) A verbal reprimand may also be more effective when spoken qui- etly and close to the child, thus not bringing attention to the child, which would cause guilt and shame. Verbal reprimands should also provide an encouraging statement indicating the caregiver knows the child can engage in the appropriate behavior (Pintrich & Schunk, 2002).
Time Out
Time out is punishment because the child is removed from a pleasurable and enjoyable stimulus due to his or her inappropriate behavior (Skiba & Raison, 1990). Time out differs from time away in that time out is a general punishment for any kind of behavioral prob- lems, while time away is removal of the child when the child’s behavior directly results in the disruption of an activity. Further, in time away, the focus is on the child understanding the relationship between his or her behavior and the resultant disruption, and not on putting the child in a stimulus-free environment (removal is the punishment). In time out, the child is usu- ally removed to another room or a corner of the classroom that is screened off. The time out environment should not be reinforcing, such as the school corridor or principal’s office—or frightening, such as a dark closet (Walker & Shea, 1995). Time out is usually quite short—for example, one minute for each year of a child’s age. A key for using time out is that a child’s
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release from the environment is contingent on the child’s demonstrating the appropriate behavior. Time out has been shown to be effective in reducing a variety of disruptive and inappropriate behaviors (Pfiffner & Barkley, 1998; Rortvedt & Mittenberger, 1994) and does not interfere with the ongoing classroom activities and events. Time out also does not give undue attention (a reward) to the child.
Modeling
Modeling is both a behavioral and cognitive process of social learning by which a person observes the actions of others and then copies them. The academic term for modeling is social cognitive theory. Infants imitate facial expressions of others within a day or two after birth. By 6–9 months of age, they learn new ways to manipulate objects by watching a model demonstrate those behaviors, and by 18 months of age, they remember how to imitate an action they observed a month before (Collie & Hayne, 1999).
Albert Bandura is the theorist most associated with our understanding of modeling. According to Bandura, modeling can teach new behaviors, increase the frequency of previously forbid- den behaviors, and increase the frequency of similar (but not exactly the same) behaviors
(1977, 1986). From a discipline perspective, model- ing can teach and increase desired behaviors, such as putting blocks back on a shelf like a teacher or classmate does. Negative behaviors can also increase through modeling (e.g., teasing Johnny because oth- ers are doing so) (see Helping Children Develop: Do as I Do: The Power of Example).
Modeling works by the learner (child) observing the behavior of the model (adult, peer). After the behav- ior of the model is reinforced, the learner repeats the behavior. The reinforcement of the model’s behavior is called vicarious reinforcement and is the behav- ioral part of the theory. The ability of the child to imitate the model’s behavior (even some time later) and the motivation to do so make up the cognitive part of modeling.
As mentioned, children can learn both appropri- ate and inappropriate behaviors through modeling. A great amount of research has been conducted on learning aggression from real models and from film, television, and video game models. These studies show the powerful effect of models on teaching children aggressive behaviors (Bandura, 1986). However, modeling (both real and symbolic) can also effectively teach prosocial behaviors —those aimed at helping others (Bandura & McDonald, 1963).
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstocks
▲ Modeling occurs in three steps: A learner observes an action from the model; that action is reinforced; the learner repeats the model’s action.
Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
Do as I Do: The Power of Example
It works better than rewards and punishments to change a child’s behavior.
It works better than direct instruction to teach academic skills and concepts.
It explains why children imitate the behavior of people and characters their parents and teachers might find unacceptable.
It is one of the most effective ways for parents to help their children develop important literacy skills.
What is This Miraculous Thing? Social cognitive theory. Commonly called modeling, social cognitive theory is a very powerful, yet often misunderstood, method for teaching young children.
Children will imitate the behavior of a role model, which can be a live person or a symbolic model such as a character from a TV program, movie, video game, or book. Unfortunately, the behaviors they copy may be appropriate or inappropriate—it works equally well for both! But social cognitive theory is more complex than simply copying a role model. The theory is powerful because it com- bines cognition (thinking), behaviorism (rewards and punishment), and motivation. For modeling to work, the following conditions must be met:
• The model must be competent in the area or skill being modeled. While a professional athlete would be a good model for encouraging athletics in children, he or she may not be an effective model for teaching children to read.
• The model must have respect and stature in the eyes of the learner.
• The model must model behavior in which the child is already interested. For example, someone who can speak Portuguese is likely to be a role model for someone who is about to go to Brazil and wants to learn Portuguese. But this same person is not likely to be a role model for someone who has no interest in learning Portuguese.
• The role model’s behavior must be reinforced in some way. Many children look up to professional athletes and rap stars, for example, because these stars’ actions are seen by the children to be rewarded with money and the things money can buy, such as fancy cars, big houses, and expen- sive jewelry and clothing.
Teachers, parents, and even children can become role models for teaching good or bad behavior. If Johnny, a popular boy in the classroom, picks on another child and other children laugh while the teacher ignores his behavior, other children are likely to engage in this kind of bullying behavior. If, on the other hand, when Johnny teases another child the teacher sternly cautions him and removes him from the action for a short while, chances are the other children in the classroom will not mimic Johnny’s behavior, because it is not being rewarded.
Uses of Social Cognitive Theory When a teacher wants a young child to clean up after the child has played with blocks, the teacher can tell the child to replace the blocks on the shelves and threaten him or her with some sort of punishment if the task is not done, or the teacher can get down on the floor with the child and show him or her how to put the blocks on the shelf, making it a pleasant experience. Then, when
(continued)
Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7
Table 7.1: Approaches to guidance and discipline with young children
Type of discipline/guidance How it works Advice/cautions
Reinforcers/Rewards
Material reinforcers These can be primary (e.g., food) or secondary (e.g., money). These are given to the child after the child has exhibited the required behaviors.
Be careful not to create situations where children believe they must be rewarded for everything they do. Never reward a whole group for the behaviors of a few.
Social reinforcers Smiles, hugs, and kind words are social reinforcers, as is adult attention (which is why teachers must be careful when responding to negative behaviors).
This is often the best kind of reinforce- ment because it creates important trust and relationships.
Activity reinforcers/Premack principle
Completing a less-than-desirable activity (e.g., cleaning up the art area) is rewarded by a more favorable one (e.g., playing on the computer).
Caution must be observed to make sure this does not punish a child incapable of completing the first task to the teacher’s satisfaction.
Positive feedback This is verbal feedback that tells the child he or she is doing well and making progress. The more specific the praise, the more effective it is in modifying behavior.
This is an extremely effective approach because it lets children know what they are doing correctly.
Negative reinforcement This is increasing a behavior by removing a negative stimulus. For example, children will complete work more quickly so they can go to the playground sooner.
Rather than using negative reinforce- ment, teachers should determine whether the behavior children are trying to avoid could be made more meaningful and interesting.
Token economy Children’s appropriate behavior is rewarded immediately with tokens, which are exchanged for material reinforcers or privileges.
Tokens must be exchanged for things students really want; a choice should also be provided. Many believe tokens do not work with children under age 5.
the child has finished, the teacher can praise the child for helping. If a parent wants to help a child learn to read, the best thing the parent can do is model reading to the child. Modeling can be done by reading a newspaper or book, reading the directions aloud when a child wants to make some- thing, and reading books to the child on a regular basis. This will help the child realize that reading is a pleasant and rewarding experience.
Finally, if parents and teachers want to know why a child is using bad language or engaging in poor behavior on the playground or in the classroom, they usually only have to look as far as the role models in the child’s life, which sometimes means reflecting on their own behavior and making positive changes.
Wardle, F. (2003). Do as I do: Power of example. Children and Families, (17) 4, pp. 62–63. National Head Start
Association.
Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7
Type of discipline/guidance How it works Advice/cautions
Reinforcers/Rewards (continued)
Intrinsic reinforcement Intrinsic reinforcement comes from within the child: feelings of success or happiness, or a sense of compe- tence or pride.
The ultimate goal of discipline and guidance is that they are internalized. Some people believe using extrinsic reinforcers reduces the power of intrinsic reinforcement.
Punishments
Natural consequences This is the natural result of what a child does or does not do. A child who forgets to put on a jacket will get cold on a winter day. A child who comes late to the meal may miss out on his or her favorite food.
This works only when adults are willing to let go, and to let the child live with the consequences of his or her behaviors. A child needs to be able to make the connection between the behavior and the result.
Logical consequences If a child spills milk, a logical conse- quence is to have him or her clean up the mess; a logical consequence for a child drawing on a table is to have him or her scrub the table clean.
The focus should be on fixing the problem and not on the punishment. The child must be able to see how he or she caused the problem and how the action helps to fix it.
Unrelated consequence A child who does not complete a math assignment is prevented from playing on the playground. There is no logical connection between the behavior and the consequence.
This approach should be avoided as much as possible, because it does not teach anything and can backfire.
Response cost A child’s inappropriate behavior is punished by removing a privilege he or she has earned. For example, a child may earn money for a task and then have it taken away for disobeying.
This approach is most effective when combined with positive reinforcement for appropriate behavior, and when the child does not lose everything he or she has earned.
Verbal reprimands This is a verbal response by the adult to the child’s inappropriate behavior. The response should not be sarcastic, in anger, or degrading. It should inform the child of how he or she can engage in the appropriate behavior.
Verbal reprimands are more effective when they are brief, immediate, and accompanied by eye contact or a firm grip. They should be softly spoken and include a statement acknowledging that the child is capable of exhibiting the appropriate behavior.
Time out This is a punishment that removes a child from a pleasurable, engaging, or enjoyable situation. The setting should not be reinforcing and the duration of the punishment should be quite short.
Time out should be used sparingly and at the highest end of a behavioral continuum. If it ends up being used frequently, it is not working.
Modeling Modeling is a very powerful way to teach both appropriate and inap- propriate behaviors. It works by the child observing an adult or child who has prestige and competence in a certain behavior or skill.
Adults and children whom other children see as behavioral and learning models must be extremely consistent in their behaviors. It is ineffective to say, “Do as I say, not as I do!”
Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance Chapter 7
7.4 Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance
Throughout this text, we have discussed a variety of ways in which early care and education programs can work effectively with families. The subject of discipline and guidance can pro- duce a great deal of friction and conflict between a family and the early care and education program.
Discipline practices used by parents reflect personal characteristics. Mothers with a high level of empathy for their children are less likely to use power, whereas mothers with less empathy are more likely to use power, especially when their children are difficult and stressful to care for (Clark, Kochanska, & Ready, 2000). However, the most important factor in how parents discipline their children is how the parents themselves were raised, which is often determined by their culture (Hoeve et al., 2009). Although there is considerable evidence that using adult power assertion (a discipline technique that relies on adult-oriented, coercive, and harsh punishment) has many negative effects on children’s emotional and behavioral development (Hoeve et al., 2009), 94% of parents in the United States reported spanking their children by the time the child was 4 years old (Campbell, 2002). A 2006 United Nations report recom- mended reducing violence in the home globally, including changing cultural practices that lead to corporal punishment (UN Report, 2006).
Certainly, major conflicts can arise between a home that uses harsh physical punishment and a program that focuses on developing emotional regulation and non-punitive approaches to discipline and guidance. The opposite situation may arise as well, where a parent believes a program’s discipline approach is too punitive, or a parent does not believe in the use of rewards a program employs.
Early care and education staff need to listen empathetically to family members who express frustrations about their children’s misbehaviors. Parents and other caregivers need an oppor- tunity to have someone non-judgmentally listen to their concerns about their child’s mis- behavior. Program staff should provide support and convey interest and concern, but they should not give advice, unless it is requested (see the RERUN process, described in detail in Chapter 5).
Family members sometimes need help recognizing signs that their children are achieving greater self-control. On a regular basis, communicate to family members examples of their children’s increased ability to engage in appropriate and prosocial behaviors. Sending short notes home, making brief verbal comments, and providing reports in more formal situa- tions (e.g., conferences) are all good ways to do this (see Chapter 6 for additional sugges- tions). Show parents how their children are learning and demonstrating important social skills. Parents and other caregivers of children who struggle in the early care and education program are often overwhelmed by other adults telling them about their children’s misbehaviors and giving unsolicited advice. These parents need to hear good things about their children as well.
Sometimes both a family member and program staff members are present when a child engages in inappropriate behaviors—at a family night, home visit, or when parents pick up a child from the program. This can cause confusion and conflict. To address this situation, the following approach often works:
• Parents take control in their home and community
• Program personnel take control in the program and on field trips
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• When parents are volunteers in the program, they should be involved with chil- dren who are not their own; the discipline of their own children should be left to program staff.
The Program’s Approach to Discipline and Guidance
When parents have questions about the program’s discipline strategies, they should be answered openly and honestly. After all, this gives the program an opportunity to describe their approach to the parent. Questions should not be avoided, and program staff should not become defensive. One way to respond to a specific question is to say, “A lot of parents ask about that,” or “That’s a common thing people want to know” (Kostelnik et al., 2009). Give objective reasons for your approach, citing research, best practices, child development, and program policies. While family members may not agree with your discipline approach, at least they will know that your approach is carefully reasoned and thought out, and that there are specific reasons for the approach. Also, if they understand the teacher’s approach, they might try some of the same methods at home.
Program staff and parents should discuss mutually acceptable ways to help children achieve emotional regulation. Parents should be asked to describe approaches they use at home that are effective, and then parents and staff should agree on one or two common strategies that the family and the program can implement together. To help parents understand a program’s discipline approach, and to make sure discipline and guidance are consistently implemented in the program, the program’s approach should be written down in a detailed document, which should be revised annually. This policy needs to be communicated to all parents and other caregivers before their children are enrolled. It is critical that all family members involved in raising the child clearly understand the program’s discipline policy before the child is enrolled, and the program should not encourage parents uncomfortable with their policy to enroll their children. This policy should also include how the program addresses children with a variety of developmental delays. Program staff members need to communicate immediately with par- ents or other caregivers when a child engages in a behavior that might have a negative impact on the child or the program. Have a clearly articulated—and written—policy for addressing students’ behaviors that may result in the child being dismissed from the program. This should be a part of the program’s discipline policies.
Consistency, Developmental Delays, and Diversity
While it is important for a family and early care and education program to be as consistent as possible in how children are guided and disciplined, there are always going to be some dif- ferences. And, of course, children sometimes interpret the same rule or approach differently. Children need to be told—and reminded—that the discipline and guidance approach used in the early care and education program may be different from the approach used by family members and by other programs, such as a church program they may attend. Children can understand these differences so long as they are consistently enforced within the program. If someone in the program suspects that a child might have a developmental delay that is con- tributing to his or her struggles with appropriate behavior, the program should work closely with the parents, and if the parents agree, they should then contact the appropriate agencies for assessments and possible intervention (Powers & Burton, 2003). Later in this chapter, there is a detailed discussion about approaches early care and education staff can pursue to have a child assessed for a possible developmental delay and to provide needed services for the child and the child’s family.
Moral Reasoning Chapter 7
The program should also provide ongoing training regarding cultural differences, gender issues, and other factors that affect discipline and guidance. The specific content of the train- ing will depend on the diversity of the children and families served by the program (addressed in Chapter 5). The program should carefully consider to what extent parent requests regarding discipline can be accommodated without contradicting the program’s overall written policy. Additionally, the program must make sure the approaches to discipline and guidance indi- vidual teachers and caregivers use reflect the program policy, and not the teacher’s own experience and cultural beliefs (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; NAEYC, 1996). If conflicts do arise, the RERUN process can be used to resolve them.
7.5 Moral Reasoning
How do children develop a sense of right and wrong, good and bad? How do they learn appropriate and inappropriate behaviors? How do they learn to act prosocially? In the 1960s, Lawrence Kohlberg was also interested in these questions. Kohlberg (1963) developed a theory of moral reasoning, based on Piaget’s stages of mental development. Moral rea- soning is the thinking children engage in as they determine moral responses and behaviors. In his theory, Kohlberg was interested in the reasoning behind children’s notions of right and wrong. Thus, he posed moral dilemmas to find out how they would respond. These scenarios presented conflicts, such as whether a man should steal a drug that was needed to save the life of his wife but which he could not afford. However, Kohlberg was not inter- ested in what the children believed the man should do, but in the reasons the children gave for what they believed he should do. From these moral dilemmas, Kohlberg developed a six-stage theory of moral reasoning (see Table 7.2: Kohlberg’s six stages of moral reasoning). His three levels of moral reasoning correspond to Piaget’s levels of cognitive development (without the first level, preoperational thought): preconventional level—preoperational
stage, conventional level—concrete operations stage, and postconventional level—formal opera- tions stage.
Kohlberg’s research was conducted only on boys, a fact later criticized by Carol Gilligan, who argued that men and women view morality from different perspectives (men consider a view of justice, while women consider a view of caring) (Gilligan, 1987). Later research has shown that both boys and girls think about morality from both a justice and care perspective (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000). Although cross-cultural research has shown general consis- tency for the first two levels of Kohlberg’s theory, research also suggests a Western bias at the upper (third) level (Gibbs et al., 2007). This suggests that adolescents and adults in some non-Western cul- tures view right and wrong and other moral deci- sions in different ways than Westerners do. For early care and education programs, this may cause some conflicts with immigrants from non-Western societies.
© Image source/SuperStock
▲ Kohlberg argued that children learn morality in six different stages, which progress from being focused on the self to being focused on universal principles.
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Table 7.2: Kohlberg’s six stages of moral reasoning
Level Stages The basis for moral reasoning
One: Preconventional
Get rewards and avoid punish- ments; egocentric
Stage 1: Might makes right
Stage 2: Look out for number one
Do what the authority tells you to do; avoid punishment, and do not get caught.
Take care of your own needs; be nice to others so they will be nice to you.
Two: Conventional
Focus on social rules; community/culture centered
Stage 3: Good girl and nice boy
Stage 4: Law and order
Try to please other people; social approval is very important.
Good behavior means following the laws of society (and school) even if no one is there to enforce them.
Three: Postconventional
Emphasis is placed on moral principles
Stage 5: Social contract
Stage 6: Universal ethical principles
Obey rules because they exist for everyone; if certain rules are not benefi- cial, they need to be changed.
Ultimate moral behavior is based on personal reflection of rules that must apply to everyone, regardless of society, income, or other conditions.
Lickona (1983) has since modified Kohlberg’s theory, creating a progression from egocen- tric reasoning (preschool) to principled conscience (adult). Maintaining six stages, the first of Lickona’s is for preschool-age children (3 to 4 years old); the second, for kindergarten-age children (5 to 6 years old):
• Stage 0: Egocentric reasoning
• Stage 1: Unquestioning obedience
• Stage 2: What’s-in-it-for-me fairness
• Stage 3: Interpersonal conformity
• Stage 4: Responsibility to the system
• Stage 5: Principled conscience
Stages 0 and 1 are reversed from Kohlberg’s 1 and 2, while the rest follow Kohlberg’s stages (1983). Both Kohlberg’s and Lickona’s theories illustrate a progression of developing a sense of right and wrong, good and bad, from externally imposed rules (authority and punishment) to internalized, individual moral behaviors determined by ethical principles. Both theories are based on the idea that children’s moral reasoning and social behaviors increase as their cogni- tive abilities mature.
However, other scholars have focused on the role of emotions in guiding the progression of children’s behavior from externally reinforced behavior to internally controlled regulation (Kochanska & Aksan, 2006). And, as we have pointed out, emotional development is closely tied to brain development, especially the development of the prefrontal cortex (Schiller, 2010). Emotions influence moral behavior in two ways. First, we feel guilty when we have done something wrong or when we have defied authority. Second, we feel good when we have followed the rules and behaved socially.
Grazyna Kochanska and Aksan (2006) define guilty feelings as the feelings that follow a bad response and the inability to do the right thing, even when no one else is around. The ability
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to experience guilt, in turn, is through the development of a conscience. A conscience devel- ops as the result of warm, mutually responsive interactions between young children and their parents, teachers, and caregivers. These warm, mutually responsive relationships are similar to the behaviors required to achieve the critical tasks in Erikson’s theory: trust, autonomy, and initiative (Erikson, 1963; Honig, 2002). Without the development of a conscience, moral reasoning will not occur.
Stage 0: Egocentric Reasoning (Preschool, ages 3–4)
At this age, preschoolers begin to talk about fairness, but to them fairness is getting their own way. Because preschool children are in Piaget’s preoperational stage, they view everything from their own egocentric perspective. Their reasons for being good are that being good enables them to achieve their desires and helps them avoid punishment. Children at this age and stage in their development may lie, cheat, and break the rules of a game to get their own way. These actions do not mean children cannot be compassionate and help others, but they
will only do so if it does not conflict with their own needs, including staying on the good side of adults (Lickona, 1983).
For each stage, Lickona (1983) provides advice to parents and teachers to help them with discipline and guidance. He suggests that teachers, parents, and caregivers allow children at this stage to make choices, but make sure the choices provided are all acceptable. He contributed the earlier example of his son refusing to hold his hand to cross the street (for safety) until given a choice of which hand to hold. Adults should also provide appropriate rewards— especially hugs and praise—when a preschooler is obedient, helps others, and is considerate. Lickona additionally suggests these ideas when working with children at this age:
• Require children to give better reasons for their behaviors than simply, “Because I want to.”
• Assign simple chores at home and in the early care and education program.
• Play simple games with rules (e.g. duck, duck, goose; red light, green light; follow the leader), even though at this age children cannot see the value of following the rules.
• Provide many opportunities to play with peers. In this way, young children learn that sometimes they cannot get their own way (see the discussion of play in Chapter 4).
Stage 1: Unquestioning Obedience (Kindergarten, ages 5–6)
At this stage, children are less egocentric and have a deep respect for authority—especially parents and teachers (Lickona, 1983). They believe adults know what is good and bad, and are motivated to be good to stay out of trouble. Therefore, they do what a parent or teacher says to stay on their good side. However, kindergarteners can handle only one piece of information at a time, so parents and teachers need to be very specific and consistent. At this age, it is adults who determine right from wrong and good from bad, so when adults are not present,
© Comstock/Thinkstock
▲ Children in the preoperational stage of develop- ment have an egocentric view of morality and will break rules to satisfy their own needs.
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children will generally not follow the rules of good behavior (Lickona, 1983). Keep in mind that this is also the age at which children like to tattle about other children to parents and teachers. To help children at this stage, Lickona suggests that adults should
• provide strong and consistent guidance
• provide a few rules, but make sure they are enforced
• reward children’s appropriate behavior with smiles, hugs, and praise
• respond to a child’s questioning of a rule with “I said so because . . .” rather than simply “Because I said so”
• help children understand the reason for rules, but still insist they are applied
• help children understand that fairness is also about being fair to the other children.
To help children’s understanding of discipline and guidance at both stages of moral reason- ing, Lickona recommends a balance between allowing children to act according to their natu- ral development at each stage, helping them understand their own moral reasoning (why they act and do certain things), and expecting appropriate behaviors of the child, regardless of their developmental stage. He advises adults to respect children and require respect in return, teach by example (modeling), teach by telling (why certain behaviors are and should be expected), give children real and meaningful responsibilities, and help them develop a strong, positive self-concept (Lickona, 1983).
7.6 Exceptional Children Exceptional children pose additional challenges for discipline and guidance, both at home and in early care and education programs (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2010). Exceptional children include children with developmental delays, gifted and talented students, and twice exceptional chil- dren. Some children are born with obvious disabilities; in other cases, disabilities begin to emerge at later stages. In 1975, the United States Congress passed a law that later became the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Today, this law guarantees free public education for children with disabilities ages 3 through 21 years old (Powers & Burton, 2003). For children age 3 to school entry, Child Find works closely with local early childhood programs to meet the needs of children with special needs (see Chapter 5). Infants to 3-year- olds with developmental delays are served through various community agencies. These agen- cies work closely with hospitals, therapists, and early childhood special education specialists to meet the needs of these children.
Child Find and other agencies that work closely with families and early care and education programs are part of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). To serve children with developmental delays optimally, these community agencies must work closely and effectively with both the home and the early care and education program. Because teachers, intervention experts, parents, and other caregivers not only work at different agen- cies, but also have very different knowledge and skills, working collaboratively is a challenge (Kaczmarek, 2007). Thus, a true ecological approach is needed.
Programs working with children and families of young children with developmental delays focus on two overall purposes: (1) assisting children and their families in getting the best pos- sible start in their education and development, and (2) encouraging early intervention. Early intervention is the belief that the sooner intervention is initiated with children who have
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disabilities, the more effective treatment will be in addressing their developmental delays, especially in the areas of academics and school achievement and in lessening the child’s need for later services (Carta, Schwartz, Atwater, & McConnell, 1991). While the federal IDEA law stipulates 13 specific disability categories, most states use the general term developmental delay to categorize children, infants to 5 years old, who have special needs. These children may receive services at home, at an early care and education center, or both.
Causes
Some children are born with specific disabilities. These may be genetic, a result of prenatal environmental stress (e.g., alcohol and drug use by the mother), or problems during birth. Often, these disabilities become evident as a child is unable to meet specific developmental milestones, such as walking, talking, problem solving, or learning social skills. Still other dis- abilities are caused by severe illness and accidents during childhood. Additionally, the exact cause of some disabilities, such as autism and ADHD, are unknown (Gernsbacher, Dawson, & Goldsmith, 2005).
However, many disabilities become evident only as children are expected to do academic work, function prosocially with children their age, and abide by strict behavioral rules. Thus, until recently, most children were diagnosed with disabilities after entering K-12 school pro- grams. With the increase of academics and other school-related expectations in early child- hood programs, we are seeing more children, infants to age 5 years old, diagnosed with developmental delays (U.S. Dept. of Education, 1999). Also, the focus on early intervention is resulting in more young children being labeled and served in early care and education pro- grams (Kaczmarek, 2007).
Parents and early care and education teachers and caregivers must work together if they believe a child might have a special need or developmental delay. Programs connected with
local schools (e.g. Head Start and Early Head Start) and large early childhood organizations initially work with children to identify the children’s needs, and then use their own team of specialists to provide the services each child needs. Smaller programs should work closely with Child Find and the disability coun- cil in their community. Further, teachers, early inter- vention staff, and directors should learn how to work with children who have developmental delays, and work with local agencies and families to provide the services needed by these children (Kaczmarek, 2007).
Identifying and Serving Children with Developmental Delays
As we have pointed out, an increasing number of children with developmental delays are enrolling and being served in community-based settings (Powers & Burton, 2003). When considering the possibility that a child may have a developmental delay, or wondering
© Ingram Publishing/Thinkstock
▲ When working with children with developmen- tal disabilities, early childhood educators must collaborate with local disability councils and fami- lies to provide the best support for the child.
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whether a program has the capacity to serve a child with a disability who wishes to enroll, par- ents, teachers, and caregivers need to consider various factors, including the following:
• Parents who suddenly find out that their child has a developmental delay must prog- ress through a huge learning curve. They need to understand the nature and charac- teristics of their child’s disability, the various medical treatment options, and how to pay for services. Further, they must learn about the rights they and their child have regarding services within early care and education programs. A central role of the early care and education program is to educate parents of children with disabilities about their rights and those of their children.
• Young children develop unevenly, in spurts, and unevenly across domains (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009). What may initially appear to be a delay may simply be naturally occurring, developmental variability.
• With increased focus on direct instruction and pushed-down academics, some prob- lematic behaviors of young children may simply be the result of inappropriate expecta- tions—both academic and behavioral. What sometimes aggravates this problem is that intervention experts trained to work with elementary school children are not always knowledgeable of the typical developmental levels and behaviors of infants, toddlers, and preschool children (Johnson & McChesney-Johnson, 1992).
• A disproportionate number of African-American and Latino children are placed in spe- cial education programs, and more boys than girls are diagnosed with special needs. Parents of these children, and professionals working with minorities and boys, must be certain that valid and reliable indicators are used to determine that a child can benefit from special education services. This is especially true for ADHD, which is diagnosed five to nine times as much in boys as it is in girls, and learning disabilities (Rowland, Umbrach, Stallone, Jack, & Sandler, 2002).
• The federal law requires children with disabilities to be educated in programs with their non-disabled peers, whenever the child can benefit. This means that children diagnosed with developmental delays should not be removed from their early care and education programs—even religious and private ones—if at all possible. Private pro- grams and other community programs not directly linked to the public schools (e.g., a Head Start program that is not attached to a public school) must work aggressively to make sure children with disabilities remain in programs with their peers.
• Young children diagnosed with developmental delays must still progress through regu- lar development stages, including Erikson’s psychosocial stages. Of particular concern is the need for all children to achieve initiative (Erikson, 1963). Efforts to address a child’s disability must not prevent the child from engaging in the various ways they experience trust, autonomy, and initiative, including risk-taking, exploring, and inter- acting with peers.
Approaches to Working with Children with Developmental Delays
The nature and amount of interactions between agencies that serve young children con- stitutes the mesosystem of early care and education. The ecological approach to develop- ment suggests that the more quality interactions there are among these agencies, the greater the positive impact on the development and learning of the child (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994). Nowhere is this more evident than with supporting children with developmental delays (Kaczmarek, 2007).
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The key to working with these families is coordinated planning and communication between teachers, early intervention staff, and the family. The goal is to make sure that families have the information they need to understand everything their child will be doing while in the pro- gram, and what they can do at home to support these efforts. An initial meeting with every- one involved with the child’s program best accomplishes this, and the sooner such a meeting can be arranged, the better for all involved (Kaczmarek, 2007). As with any family-program interactions, teachers and intervention staff need to be sensitive to the family’s culture, and open to ideas and input from the family.
Once the initial meeting has taken place, a system of communication should be created. As we have already discussed, communication is the key to program-family partnerships (McWilliams, Tocci, & Hardin, 1998). However, this is often challenging to achieve when serving children with developmental delays. At the onset, teachers and early intervention staff should discuss with parents various communication strategies to establish and maintain positive communica- tion. These include notebook exchanges, telephone calls, home and classroom visits, family- teacher conferences, newsletters, and emails.
Use of Community Resources
A central role of the early care and education program is to inform families about resources available to them in the community. Families of children with disabilities will be interested in family support groups, disability organizations, advocacy and policy-making groups, special- ists, and testing centers. The early care and education program should also inform families of community agencies, providing them with websites and other lists, fliers and brochures, and so on. Parents who already have experience caring for children with disabilities can also be a valuable resource for all sorts of important information.
Learning in an Inclusive Community
The federal law requires children with disabilities to be taught, whenever possible, with nor- mally developing children. The contemporary term for this is inclusion. According to Mara Sapon-Shevin (2008), inclusion is about creating a society in which all children and their fami- lies feel welcomed and valued. Just as it is important to find ways to include children and fami- lies with a vast range of racial, ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity in early care and education programs, so, too, is it with children with a variety of developmental delays. According to Sapon-Shevin, it is not so much about making individual accommodations for children with specific disabilities (e.g., a wheelchair), as it is the need to create a classroom climate that naturally adjusts, embraces, and includes diversity.
Inclusion not only helps all children learn about individual differences, but it also creates a place for students to learn about challenging topics. To do so, a classroom must become a positive community for all students. In order to develop such a setting, it is important to:
• Take time for community building throughout the year.
• Proactively teach prosocial skills throughout the year, including how to make friends, how to give compliments, and what to do if someone teases or hurts your feelings. Do not wait for these things to happen.
• Use specific words to explain why treating people fairly is important, and why com- munity is important. Such words can include: support, friends, community, caring, and kindness.
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• Adopt a zero-indifference policy. Be clear on what is acceptable and what is not; do not expect things to go away on their own. For example, to a student who uses inap- propriate language in the classroom, say, “I don’t want words like that used in my classroom; it hurts people’s feelings.”
• Think about the messages you are communicating about community and differences in everything you do, including the books you read to the children, visitors you invite to the classroom, songs you sing, pictures on the walls, and how you talk about diversity.
• Seize teachable moments to talk about inclusion. For example, when students make fun of another student in a wheelchair for being unable to do certain things, remind the stu- dents that words hurt, and that the child in the wheelchair can do many different things.
• Provide lots of opportunities for children to work together, and teach them how to do so effectively. Dan Olweus (2003) recommends this approach as part of his anti- bullying program.
• Avoid activities in which children compete with each other. Set up an atmosphere in which each student knows he or she is valued for something important the child brings to the classroom.
• Keep in mind that children may remember only some of the specific things we teach them in the classroom, but they will remember everything about how they felt (Sapon- Shevin, 2008).
Gifted and Talented Children
Along with children with developmental delays, there is another group of children who often struggle in early care and education programs: gifted and talented students. These are children whose abilities, talents, and potential accomplishments are so outstanding that they require special provisions to meet their educa- tional needs (State of Colorado, 1994). Gifted children are born with a potential that must be nurtured, chal- lenged, enhanced, extended, and supported by the envi- ronment—at home and in the early care and education program (Tannenbaum, 2003).
Many parents and, unfortunately, some teachers, believe gifted children will automatically succeed in any school environment (Manning, 2006). However, young gifted and talented children often experience frustrations that threaten later school success and greatly damage self- esteem. Often, gifted and talented children are referred to pediatricians and psychologists, not because people think they are gifted, but because they exhibit some of the same characteristics associated with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) (Dooley, 2003). The per- ceived inability of gifted and talented children to stay on task is due to boredom, curricular mismatch, inappropriate instruction, and meaningless activities. This results in discipline problems at home and in the program, and parents and
© Photodisc/Thinkstock
▲ Parents, teachers, and caregivers must work together to identify a plan for children with developmental delays or special needs.
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early care and education staff are often frustrated due to the very different ways these chil- dren think, problem solve, and learn (Manning, 2006).
Characteristics and Behaviors of Gifted and Talented Children
Young gifted and talented children exhibit many of these characteristics:
• Extreme curiosity and intensity and remarkable memories, especially in areas that keenly interest them
• Ability to notice details and nuances that their peers often miss
• Advanced reasoning skills and interest in abstract ideas earlier than their peers
• Long attention spans when they are involved in activities that interest them; a ten- dency to develop a deep interest and involvement in certain learning activities
• Advanced vocabularies
• Use of humor and imagery in dramatic play and storytelling
• Ability to make connections between seemingly unrelated concepts or situations and come up with creative solutions to problems that arise
• Use of everyday materials in new and novel ways
When the unique needs of gifted preschoolers are not met in the classroom, they may become disruptive or experience disillusionment, fear, anxiety, and depression.
Meeting the Needs of Gifted and Talented Preschoolers
Like all children, gifted children have unique needs. When these needs are not met, children can become frustrated and exhibit challenging behaviors that can tax the patience of teachers and parents (Loomis & Wagner, 2005). All children need teachers to respond to their unique physical, cognitive, social, and emotional needs (Jones & Reynolds, 1997). The unique needs of gifted and talented young children often go unmet due to a variety of reasons. Sometimes teachers simply do not know how to meet the unique cognitive, social, and emotional needs of these children; sometimes they believe that gifted children can solve their own problems. Both parents and early care and education teachers and caregivers can meet the needs of gifted and talented children by using a variety of approaches to the curriculum, activities, challenges, and resources. While many of these approaches work with all children, including those with devel- opmental delays and twice exceptional children, they are highlighted here because they have been shown to provide a particularly accurate goodness-of-fit between the needs of gifted children and the approach (Manning, 2006; Tannenbaum, 2003). These include the following:
• Embed complex processing skills within tasks and activities
• Include advanced materials and resources for exploration
• Provide more advanced concepts and ideas in lessons and activities
• Provide activities and materials that allow for in-depth and abstract learning
• Provide opportunities to compare and contrast, to look at ecological habitats and con- texts, and to extend all learning
• Ask questions and provide tasks that require complex thinking, such as classify- ing, comparing, evaluating, summarizing, testing hypotheses, and identifying cause and effect
• Encourage children to create products to demonstrate what they have learned, allow- ing them to integrate new and existing knowledge and learn across many domains (Dooley, 2003).
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When developing a curriculum thematic unit, teachers should provide more complex and advanced books, artifacts, and real experiences. For a unit on animals or birds, provide books on animals; artifacts from nature such as bird nests, samples of fur, feathers, and other pro- tective coverings; enlarged pictures of common and unusual animal tracks; and magnifying glasses and microscopes to inspire exploration and acquisition of knowledge (see Chapter 4 for other ideas using the outdoors).
To encourage creativity and artistic talents in students, provide a variety of materials and encourage open-ended artistic expression. Expose artistically talented children to various styles and famous artists, along with mentors from the local arts community. Changes and additions to material resources, daily routines, and the classroom environment also need to be made on a regular basis. Gifted children require a more flexible schedule and love to learn in an integrated, cross-domain manner.
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Common Myths and Truths about Young Gifted Students
Myths Truths
All gifted children are the same: all are high aca- demic achievers.
Gifted children have fewer problems than other children because they can use their intelligence to solve problems.
Gifted children are self-directed—they know where they are headed.
A gifted child’s social and emotional develop- ment is at the same level as the child’s intellectual development.
Gifted children are nerds and introverted.
The gifted child’s family always appreciates the child’s giftedness.
Gifted children need to be role models to others and should always assume extra responsibilities.
Gifted students can accomplish anything they decide to. All they have to do is apply themselves; those who do not are lazy.
Gifted students are naturally creative and aca- demic and do not need encouragement to suc- ceed in school.
(Dooley, 2003)
Gifted children are often perfectionists and idealists. They tend to equate grades and achievement with self-worth, which prevents risk-taking and causes a fear of failure. They will only attempt tasks that guarantee success.
Gifted children experience heightened sensitivity to their own and others’ expecta- tions, causing guilt over low achievement and grades.
Each domain of the gifted child develops at different rates; their physical development and intellectual development may well be at different levels, along with their emo- tional and social development.
Gifted children may be so advanced com- pared to their peers that they know more than half of the curriculum when the school year begins.
Gifted children are problem solvers—they like to solve open-ended, integrative problems.
Gifted children get bored very easily, espe- cially if the topic or activity is of no interest to them.
Some gifted children struggle with tradi- tional academic tasks.
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Focus on the Whole Child
All of the developmental needs of gifted and talented children need to be supported and nurtured. Gifted and talented children should be encouraged to enter into activities in areas that require more effort and determination and should be helped to understand that not all learning comes easily. This will also help them appreciate the efforts their peers must make when learning new skills and achieving new tasks. Gifted students require parents, teachers, curricula, resources and materials, and approaches to learning and instruction that create an accepting environment in which their individual differences are celebrated (Manning, 2006). Teaching and parenting gifted preschoolers also requires a unique skill. Teachers and par- ents need to ask probing questions, encourage critical thinking, and pose problems to solve. Questions such as “What do you think?” “How did you do that?” “What might happen if you try this?” or “What did you learn when you did that?” must dominate the conversation. Avoid questions with yes and no answers. Although teachers and parents may find this behavior challenging, they must also be prepared for gifted and talented children to know more than they do on certain topics and to challenge what they know and say.
Affective Needs of Gifted/Talented Preschoolers
One reason gifted and talented preschoolers struggle in early care and education programs is that they have unique social and emotional temperaments (Tannenbaum, 2003). Teachers need to be aware of these unique needs, which tend to include the following:
• Likely to be perfectionists
• Highly sensitive to words and actions directed at them
• Have difficulty making friends
• Often get frustrated because their thinking may be more advanced than the rest of their development
Some gifted and talented children have difficulty making friends and do not know how to initiate an activity or join an activity already in progress (Tannenbaum, 2003). They also fail to
understand the reciprocal nature of relationships. Gifted and talented children tend to want to con- trol all social situations, play by their own rules, and expect other children to think and problem solve at their intellectual level. Often, they cannot tolerate mild stress, such as disagreements and letting other children control the activity (Dooley, 2003). Also, they want to engage in meaning- ful activities and projects far longer than other children do; some are accused by their peers of “being bossy.”
Teachers can address these issues in two gen- eral ways: (1) provide opportunities for gifted preschoolers to work and play with other gifted preschoolers and other students who match their level of intellect, and (2) help gifted preschoolers understand how to function effectively with chil- dren who do not share their interests, skills, or
© BananaStock/Thinkstock
▲ Despite being ahead of peers in academic areas, gifted and talented children often experience trouble relating to their peers on a social level and may have difficulty making friends.
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view of the world. This can be done by using role-playing, engaging in conversations, reading books in which characters learn to accept difference, and the use of puppets. Children can also explore their fears and frustrations through journal writing and all sorts of art activities. Some gifted children engage in highly complex, solitary dramatic play (see Chapter 4).
Twice Exceptional Young Children
Some gifted and talented students are also twice exceptional students. As we described in Chapter 1, twice exceptional learners are those students who are both gifted and talented, and who have a disability or developmental delay. Unfortunately, these children are very much underserved, usually because teachers and experts automatically believe that a child who has a disability cannot be gifted and talented, and a child who is gifted and talented cannot have a disability (Davis, Rimm, & Siegle, 2011). For example, boys with very high IQs and boys with learning disabilities have very similar behaviors, making it difficult to discriminate between the two (Shaywitz et al., 2001). Almost any disability can exist with giftedness—autism, hearing and communication disorders, learning disabilities and ADHD—and thus stereotypes regard- ing giftedness and special needs children are not valid.
Challenges in identifying and serving children who are twice exceptional include the following:
• Assessments that address only a child’s disability, ignoring potential talents and giftedness
• A belief by many professionals and parents that children with physical or intellectual gifts cannot have special needs
• Lack of worldly experiences by these children, due to disability limitations and narrow perceptions of those working with children with disabilities
• An incorrect view of giftedness as only being advanced in traditional academic areas
• A focus on disability issues preventing an understanding of giftedness and the needs of gifted and talented students who also have developmental delays
To address these issues, programs and parents need to be strong advocates to make sure all children are properly assessed for developmental delays and giftedness. To achieve these goals, professionals who work with children who have disabilities and professionals who work with gifted and talented children must work closely together at institutions of higher learning, in state departments of education, and within early childhood programs and schools. Some ideas to help parents and teachers be effective with twice exceptional young children include the following (Nielson & Higgins, 2005):
• Offer a variety of learning opportunities and choices that capitalize on each child’s strengths, abilities, and individual interests
• Teach and encourage the use of various accommodations (for example, technology)
• Develop a variety of alternative means to communicate, depending on the specific disabilities of the students
• Emphasize high-level abstract thinking, creativity, and problem solving
• Help children acknowledge and accept a realistic view of their strengths and challenges
• Provide individual differentiation, both in areas of giftedness and for specific disabilities
• Establish high expectations and promote self-directed learning and independence.
Chapter Summary Chapter 7
Chapter Summary Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation
• The goal of guidance, discipline, and emotional regulation is to assist young children in internalizing socially appropriate behaviors.
• Brain development must occur before emotional regulation can develop.
• Executive functioning, effortful control, and emotional regulation lead to a child’s abil- ity to behave appropriately.
• Young children struggle to behave appropriately due to immature brain development, lack of experience, and mixed messages from adults.
Adult Expectations of Young Children
• Adults have a variety of expectations for the behavior of young children.
• Adult expectations regarding teaching and learning, both at home and in the early childhood center, create a variety of different behavioral expectations.
• Adults expect children to behave according to social and cultural norms.
• Adults often forget what it was like to be, and behave like, a child.
Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children
• Rewards can be primary or secondary reinforcers and are used to increase a child’s desirable behavior by rewarding the child after the behavior is demonstrated.
• Rewards can be extrinsic (external) and intrinsic (internal).
• Punishments, including natural consequences, logical consequences, and unrelated consequences, are used to reduce or eliminate undesirable behaviors.
• Modeling is a powerful tool to teach children desirable behaviors, but it requires con- sistent, appropriate modeling by all significant adults in the child’s life.
Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance
• Major conflicts around discipline and guidance can arise between the early childhood program and family.
• Programs must be very clear with families regarding their approach to discipline and guidance.
• The program should have a well-developed discipline policy that is reviewed continually.
• Teachers and other staff should receive ongoing training regarding cultural issues and open communication with families.
Moral Reasoning
• Kohlberg developed a theory of moral reasoning based on Piaget’s cognitive stage theory.
Key Terms Chapter 7
• Lickona modified Kohlberg’s theory, creating a six-stage developmental theory, with the first two stages covering the preschool and kindergarten ages.
• While these theories of moral reasoning focus on changes in how children think and problem solve, other theorists emphasize the role of changes in a child’s emotional development and the development of a conscience.
Exceptional Children
• Exceptional children include students with developmental delays, gifted and talented students, and twice exceptional students.
• Exceptional children can present additional discipline and guidance challenges for par- ents, teachers, and other caregivers.
• Adults working with exceptional children need to find ways to address the unique needs of these children, which in turn will reduce potential discipline problems.
Key Terms behaviorism An observable change of behavior caused by the environment: rewards, removing negative stimuli, and punishments.
differentiated approach An approach that adjusts instruction to match the learning lev- els and styles of all children, including gifted and talented, twice exceptional, and students with developmental delays.
discipline and guidance Attempts by adults to guide children into learning and internaliz- ing socially appropriate rules and behaviors. A combination of rules, consistent adult expec- tations, and helping children understand the relationship between their behaviors, good and bad, and the results they produce.
early intervention An approach to working with children with disabilities that is based on a belief that the sooner a disability is identified and addressed, the more effective treatment will be in addressing developmental delays.
effortful control The process a child uses to learn how to control emotions and delay gratification, which itself is related to the development of a conscience.
emotional regulation The ability to inhibit, control, or maintain an emotional response to accomplish a goal, which is often to behave socially and appropriately in difficult and frus- trating situations.
executive function The development of the child’s prefrontal cortex during the preschool years, a result of maturation and experience, improving the child’s attention, emotional regulation, and memory.
extrinsic reinforcements Rewards for a behavior from outside of one’s self, which increases the prevalence of the behavior occurring. Examples are stickers, smiles from a par- ent or teacher, verbal rewards (“good job”), and candy.
gifted and talented students Students whose abilities, talents, and potential accomplishments are so outstanding that they require special provisions to meet their educational needs.
Key Terms Chapter 7
inclusion Integrating children with developmental delays within the regular classroom; including all children as part of the classroom community.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) A federal law passed in 1975 that guarantees children with disabilities, ages 3–21, certain rights in all schools. Children, birth to age 3, are also included under a separate section of the act.
intrinsic reinforcement Internal good feelings and a sense of success and accomplishment resulting from a behavior.
logical consequences Consequences to negative behavior or a rule infraction that are logically tied to the child’s behavior. For this approach to work, the child has to understand the logical connection.
modeling/social-cognitive approach Modeling works by the learner (child) observing the behavior of the model; after the behavior of the model is reinforced, the learner repeats (imitates) the behavior of the model. A model can be real (parent, teacher, professional ath- lete) or symbolic (book, TV, and movie characters). The model must have status in the eyes of the learner and be viewed by the learner as being competent in what they are modeling.
moral reasoning Moral reasoning is the thinking children engage in as they determine moral responses and appropriate behaviors.
negative reinforcement Increasing a behavior through the removal of a stimulus, usually an unpleasant one.
neutral stimuli Stimuli that a child does not normally respond to. These can be for any of the senses: sight, sound, touch, smell, and taste.
positive reinforcement Rewards to a child’s behaviors that increase the probability of the behavior occurring in the future. These can be intrinsic (e.g., feeling a sense of mastery) or extrinsic (e.g., stickers and grades).
positive reinforcers Rewards that increase a person’s behavior.
power assertion An approach to discipline and guidance that depends on controlling the child’s behavior through physical and nonphysical punishment, based on the absolute power of the adult. Often this form of punishment is unreasonable and illogical (threats, belittling remarks, sarcasm, and physical force).
prefrontal cortex The front part of the brain, which controls planning, judgment, and self-regulation.
Premack principle The opportunity to engage in a favorite activity after completing a less enjoyable one; a form of reinforcement used to modify children’s behavior.
primary reinforcers A reinforcer (reward) that satisfies a built-in, often biological need, such as water and food.
prosocial behaviors Behaviors aimed at helping others; in early care and education pro- grams, this includes sharing, following the directions of teachers, and solving conflicts with other children in a constructive manner.
Key Terms Chapter 7
punishment A behavioral approach that reduces the child’s inappropriate behavior through the presentation of a negative stimulus and the removal of a pleasant stimulus.
response cost Withdrawal of a previously earned reinforcement. For example, a child loses a privilege that the child just earned.
secondary reinforcers A previously neutral stimulus that now acts as a reinforcer, due to becoming a conditioned stimulus (e.g. money, stickers, words, etc).
socializing agent A person or institution (e.g., family) that teaches children the behaviors, values, mores, and norms of a society and culture.
time away Removal of a child from an activity or group to another task or group.
time out A discipline procedure that removes a child from an activity and places the child in a boring, neutral environment for a short period of time. This is also a form of punishment.
unrelated consequences Punishing a child’s inappropriate behavior with something that is unrelated to the behavior.
verbal reprimands Scolding or harsh words from the teacher or parent designed to sup- press undesirable behaviors; may also be threats.
vicarious reinforcement The reinforcing of a model’s behavior with the intent of chang- ing the behavior of the observer or learner. Part of social cognitive theory. One of the reasons modeling is so effective in changing a child’s behavior is that the child believes he or she will receive the same rewards that the model has received (fame, popularity, money, etc.).
Problem Solving
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Describe how the act of problem solving includes decision making, confronting one’s feelings, and resolving conflicts between people.
▸▸ Explain different factors involved in problem solving with adults.
▸▸ Explore the role of parenting styles in how parents solve problems with their children and with the early care and education program.
▸▸ Explain ways to work with families to solve issues between the family and the early care and education program.
▸▸ Describe why it is important for program staff to be able to resolve problems in a con- structive manner within the program, and how this affects children in the program.
▸▸ Explain how young children develop their ability to problem solve, and why it is impor- tant to support young children’s problem-solving activities and behaviors.
8
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Problem Solving with Adults Chapter 8
Introduction We all engage in problem solving every day. Some problems are small, such as deciding on the clothes to wear in the morning, which cereal or fruit to eat at breakfast, and who will pick up the children from day care. Others are more important, such as having to decide about a new job, which school to send the children to after preschool, or how to address a conflict with your child’s first grade teacher. Problem solving includes making decisions, addressing a variety of feelings (anger, incompetence, frustration, and fear), and resolving issues between adults, and between adults and children. For children, most problems are with other children, although they also must make important decisions about their environment and how to relate to significant adults in their life. In this chapter, we use the term problem solving to address the ability of adults and children to work out a solution to a problem or situation, either individually or with someone else. Invariably, problems elicit strong emotions on the part of everyone involved, even if they are individual decisions.
In this chapter, we will explore issues of problem solving that directly affect the development and learning of young children from a truly ecological view (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Everyone who cares for and teaches young children is continually involved in problem solving. And, of course, children address a variety of problems themselves on a daily basis. In this chapter, we will address four areas of problem solving:
• the nature of problem solving among adults
• problem solving between families and early care and education programs
• ways to encourage effective problem solving within the early care and education program
• suggestions for developing problem-solving skills and dispositions in young children
For children, seeing families and teachers process conflicts and differences models to them how to navigate and resolve problems with other children and adults (Keyser, 2006; NAEYC, 2005a). For parents, observing a director and teacher resolve a conflict through mutual respect, communication, and negotiations can inspire them to find solutions to their own challenges. A parent who observes the resolution of a conflict between a difficult child and a teacher may be able to use this example when working with his or her own children. And a frustrated teacher might get some great ideas about working with a particular child in the classroom after seeing how that child and his or her parent problem solve.
Thus problem solving at home, between the family and the program, and in the early care and education program can all have a profound positive impact on the child (Keyser, 2006; NAEYC, 2005a; NAEYC, 2005b).
8.1 Problem Solving with Adults Standard 1 of NAEYC’s Early Childhood Program Standards and Accreditation Criteria (2005a) states, “The program promotes positive relationships among all children and adults to encour- age each child’s sense of individual worth and belonging as part of a community and to foster each child’s ability to contribute as a responsible community member” (p. 9). The rationale for the standard is that positive relationships and a positive, nurturing, sensitive climate are essential for the development of emotional regulation, constructive interactions, and overall learning in children (NAEYC, 2005a). Children develop a positive sense of self, and they are encouraged to respect and cooperate with others.
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However, problems, conflicts, disagreements, and distrust can—and often do—develop. These can occur between the family and the program, between staff within the programs—staff to staff, directors and staff, staff and consultants— and between children in the program. When this occurs, caregivers need to engage in problem solv- ing. While no family or early care and education program is ever totally without conflicts and issues to solve, the goal is, firstly, to create an environ- ment where constructive problem solving can take place and, secondly, to be able to constructively solve problems.
Feelings
Conflicts, confusion, and disagreements can cause intense feelings among those involved. To address conflicts and disagreements, we must try to determine where these feelings come from. In the heat of the moment, this will probably not be possible, but once we have had time to reflect, we need to look at the feelings that disagreements and problems produce.
We all have feelings, and it is very important to accept and appreciate these feelings. We need to reflect on our feelings and on why certain things make us feel a certain way. Feelings are complex, subjective experiences that involve physical and mental aspects of self—they can be felt, expressed, acted on, and thought about (Greenspan & Greenspan, 1985). All feelings have value and are useful—even ones we view as negative. Feelings are how we react to experiences, and they help us organize and make sense of our world. The great works of art, music, drama, and dance are based on feelings—some pleasant, and some dark and tragic.
We learn about feelings from our childhood experiences. When children are young, adults label the child’s emotions: “That bang scared you!” “The dog’s bark upset you!” Part of this socialization process is to help children know how to respond to the environment—for safety, to develop appropriate reactions to the environment, and to teach children culturally appro- priate responses to their feelings. Other feelings, such as those of love, trust, fear, excitement, and surprise, are natural responses to the environment that help us feel good about ourselves and the social environment (Rogers, 1980).
Another way we learn about feelings is through social referencing (see Chapter 3). When a child is in a new situation, such as meeting a person for the first time or being exposed to a new animal or bird, that child will look to a caretaker to know how he or she is supposed to respond. If the adult smiles, shakes the stranger’s hand, and says, “This is a good friend of mine,” the child knows he or she can be friendly and relaxed. If the adult says, “Be careful, that dog might bite if you get too close,” and gently pulls the child away from the dog, the child knows to be cautious and aware around big dogs. The child may also learn to become scared of large dogs.
As we have said, social referencing begins in infancy to help the infant understand and respond appropriately to the world. And part of the socialization process is for the child to learn what we call cultural scripts—dictating to children how they are supposed to feel and to convey those feelings in specific situations. These cultural scripts also tell others whether
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▲ Timely problem solving between teachers, chil- dren, and parents is important to maintaining a healthy education environment for the child.
Parenting Styles Chapter 8
a person is responding in a culturally appropriate fashion, and to which cultural groups an individual belongs.
In this manner, children are taught how to feel in certain situations. As adults, we tend to respond to the physical and social environment in the way we have been taught by parents and other significant adults when we were young, and according to the various scripts of our culture (Hall & Hall, 1976).
Cultural Aspects to Feelings
As the term implies, cultural scripts differ from culture to culture, and adults from different cultures have been raised with the scripts of their cultures. Some cultures affirm expressing one’s feelings—albeit in a socially appropriate manner—and then trying to solve whatever conflict caused those feelings; in other cultures, group coherence and loyalty are more impor- tant than expressing individual feelings (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). In these cultures, while group displays of feelings (anger, frustration, and celebration) are encouraged, individual expres- sions are not. And in some cultures, public exhibition of feelings is taboo, but sharing feel- ings with family and friends is appropriate (Raeff, 2010). In still other cultures, a history of racism and persecution often elicits defensiveness, over-protection, and aggressive problem solving, especially when it involves children (Poussaint, 2007). In early care and education pro- grams, men and other non-traditional caregivers may react in a similar fashion (see Making Caregivers Feel Welcome).
8.2 Parenting Styles Many conflicts between families and early care and education programs begin with disagree- ments about discipline (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009; Kostelnik et al., 2009). The different ways parents discipline their children come from how they were raised, the age and generation of the par- ents, national and regional origin, culture, religion, and so on. These concepts combine to cre-
ate what we call parenting styles. In the 1960s, Diana Baumrind, a professor at the University of California in Berkeley, studied 100 preschool children of white, middle-class, two-parent families in California. From her research, Baumrind indentified three differ- ent parenting styles: authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative (1967, 1971). Later researchers added a fourth style, uninvolved/neglectful parents (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Then Baumrind and other research- ers determined the consequences of each parenting style on children’s behaviors, attitudes, and disposi- tions (Baumrind, 1991; Baldry & Farrington, 2000; Steinberg, Lamborn, Darling, Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994). The focus on the research was on the mothers’ parenting styles (Winsler, Madigan, & Aquilino, 2005).
Below is a detailed description of each of the four parenting styles. The four parenting styles and their consequences on children’s behavior are summa- rized in Table 8.1.
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▲ Parenting styles can take on several forms, but research shows that an authoritative style, which combines control with warmth and encouragement, produces the happiest and most well-adjusted children.
Parenting Styles Chapter 8
Authoritarian Parenting Style
Authoritarian parents are parents who believe the parent’s word should not be questioned: It is the law. Their decisions regarding rules and expectations are not open to interpretation or negotiation by their children. Misconduct produces strict punishment, often physical. These parents hold very high standards—sometimes too high for the developmental age of the child—and expect their children to meet these high standards. They do not expect their chil- dren to give opinions or express their feelings, and the discussion of emotions by authoritarian parents is rare. Also, they do not adjust expectations to each child’s unique needs, but rather treat each child exactly the same.
Children raised by authoritarian parents are not encouraged to think for themselves or to make their own decisions. Authoritarian parenting has been associated with a child becom- ing a bully (Baldry & Farrington, 2000). These parents often rely on physical punishment, and thus model aggressive behaviors to solve problems. These children have lower self-esteem and lower psychological maturity, low levels of moral reasoning, and poor academic achieve- ment (Boyes & Allen, 1993; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, & Roberts, 1987). They tend to be
S P O T L I G H T:
Making Caregivers Feel Welcome
Many types of caregivers are involved in helping to raise young children today, such as male part- ners, “adopted” relatives, aunts and uncles or other extended family, foster parents, and steppar- ents. Here are some ways to include and make these non-traditional caregivers feel welcome in the early care and education program:
• Include all caregivers in all aspects of the program, such as notes sent home, invitations to volun- teer, or opportunities to work on committees.
• Do not create separate rules and policies for men and women or “mothers” and “fathers” who volunteer in the classroom, on the playground, or on field trips.
• Train staff on effective ways to communicate with all caregivers.
• Make the early care and education program inviting. If possible, have male and female bath- rooms, as well as pictures on the walls, magazines in the waiting area, and books on the shelves that are of general interest.
• Provide activities for all that include the whole family and present opportunities for them to talk and interact with other caregivers. Solicit ideas regarding the kinds of activities they enjoy and would participate in.
• Provide positive, affirmative training that highlights the critical significance of all types of caregiv- ers in the lives of young children, and offer a variety of ways in which they can interact with their children—both boys and girls—in the program. Also, teach appropriate problem-solving tech- niques they can use with their children’s teacher and other program staff.
• If you have non-traditional caregivers in your program, have them lead and organize activities, such as building or repairing the playground, volunteering to show the teachers how to use the workbench, or building puppet stages for each classroom.
Wardle, F. (2007). Men in early childhood: Fathers and teachers. Early Childhood News, 16(4), 34–42.
Parenting Styles Chapter 8
conscientious, obedient, and quiet, but they are not in touch with their emotions and often are not happy. In adolescence, they often rebel, leave home early, and may engage in criminal activities (Farrington & Hawkins, 1991).
Table 8.1: Parenting styles and their effect on children’s behaviors and attitudes
Parenting Style Children’s Behaviors and Attitudes
Authoritarian Parenting Style Children are obedient, conscientious, and quiet, but not happy. They internalize feelings and often rebel, leaving home early.
Permissive Parenting Style Children are unhappy, lack self-control, and are disliked by peers. They tend to live at home into early adulthood.
Uninvolved/Neglectful Parenting Style
Children are angry and defiant, and score poorly in tests of social, psychological, and academic outcomes. They may engage in criminal behavior and drugs in adolescence.
Authoritative Parenting Style These children are well adjusted, successful, happy, and liked both by peers and teachers. They are independent, responsible, and take appropriate risks.
Permissive Parenting Style
Permissive parents tend to be very warm and accepting of their children, but they have few expectations and make few demands on them. Discipline is lax, and when expectations are set and punishments determined, children can often talk their way out of them. There is little consistency in applying discipline. Children are encouraged to express their own ideas and opinions, and family decisions are often made in a democratic manner. Though they listen to their children and want to do what they think is best for them, permissive parents rarely moni- tor their children’s activities. They believe children should be free to make their own decisions, and that adults should not impose their views on them. Permissive parents tend to be more friends to their children than parents.
According to Lamborn, Dornbusch, and Sternberg (1996), children of permissive parents gen- erally have low academic achievement, poor psychosocial development, and high rates of deviant behavior. They tend to be self-centered, and their moral reasoning is immature (Boyes & Allen, 1993). These children also tend to be unhappy and lacking in self-control, especially the give and take required in peer relationships. Because they also have poorly developed emotional regulation, and are accustomed to always getting their own way, children raised by permissive parents have few friends, which is often the main reason they are unhappy (Boyes & Allen, 1993).
Table 8.2: Reflecting on your parenting and teaching style
What was the parenting style of your parents? Did both parents use the same parenting style?
If you are a parent, what is your parenting style? Is your style the same as your spouse's/partner's?
What is the parenting style you use as a teacher/ caregiver?
Is there a conflict? If so, how do you address this conflict?
Parenting Styles Chapter 8
Authoritative Parenting Style
Authoritative parents combine high levels of control with warmth and encouragement (Baumrind, 1971). They make high demands on their children, but these are appropriate for the child’s age. Authoritative parents also provide reasons for their rules and expectations, and they listen to their child’s point of view, some- times even adjusting the rules (Heath, 2005). They show respect to each child’s unique characteristics. Authoritative parents are very consistent, and they demand maturity of their children, but they consider themselves more guides than authorities or friends. They are also warm and compassionate, but still believe they are the parents, with specific parental responsibilities that must be exercised.
Children of authoritative parents are generally self- reliant, explorative, and content (Baumrind, 1971). Subsequent research indicates that these children develop better than do children from other par- enting styles, results that extend through adoles- cence. They are more socially skilled, have greater psychological maturity, and experience fewer emo- tional and behavioral problems (Aunola, Stattin, & Nurmi, 2000; Gray & Steinberg, 1999). Also, these children tend to have higher self-esteem and are usually liked by both peers and adults (Abraham & Christopherson, 1989).
Uninvolved/Neglectful Parenting Style
Uninvolved/neglectful parents lack warmth and provide little, if any, control of their chil- dren (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). They do not make rules or have demands for good behavior; they are not emotionally connected to their children. They are disinterested, and may even reject their children. Many parents in this category are consumed with their own problems and challenges.
According to the research, children of uninvolved and neglectful parents have the worst outcomes of any of the four parenting styles, (Miller, Cowan, Cowan, Hetherington, & Clingempeel, 1993). They are angry and defiant and score poorly in psychosocial develop- ment, school achievement, psychological stress, and problem solving. In adolescence, they often engage in drug use and criminal activity and tend to have few close friends.
Cultural Variations in Parenting Styles
As these descriptions make clear, Diana Baumrind and later researchers believe that the author- itative parenting style is the best approach for raising children. However, there are significant cultural and national differences that should be considered. Chinese-American, Caribbean- American, and African-American parents tend to use an authoritarian parenting style (Hill & Bush, 2001; Wright, 1998). These parents tend to use punishments—including physical punish- ment—more than do other parents. On the other hand, Japanese mothers may use reasoning,
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▲ Children of authoritative parents like to explore, but do so within the boundaries set by their par- ents. As such, these children tend to be more self-reliant, and have higher self-esteem.
Parenting Styles Chapter 8
empathy, and expressions of disappointment to control their children’s behavior. They would be considered permissive parents, according to the four parenting styles. However, their chil- dren typically grow up emotionally healthy, and not immature or unhappy, as research would suggest (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000). And many parents who grew up during the 1960s in America are considered by their children to be permissive parents.
Use of physical punishment to discipline children is against the law in Austria, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Israel, Italy, Norway, and Sweden. Yet in the United States, the Supreme Court has said that teachers and parents can use “reasonable force” to punish chil- dren (Bugental & Grusec, 2006), and many parents do, especially those from certain cultural backgrounds (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009; Hill & Bush, 2001; Wright, 1998). Furthermore, some researchers suggest that a person’s parenting style is not the central issue; of more impor- tance is the parent’s warmth, support, concern, affection, and a strong parent-child relation- ship (McLoyd, Kaplan, Hardaway, & Wood, 2007; Rothbaum et al., 2000).
However, we also know that other contextual factors beyond the family have a profound impact on parenting (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). Research indicates that poverty, single-parent families, and authoritarian discipline styles are all factors that increase the risk of child abuse in young children (Bugental & Happeney, 2004).
Parenting styles have a strong influence on problem solving. First, as we have suggested, certain parenting styles encourage and empower children to think for themselves, make their own decisions, and live with the consequences of their decisions. These parents want their children to take risks, and they understand that a result of taking risks can be mistakes. Parents who use other parenting styles often do not encourage their children to think for themselves and make their own decisions, and some may even punish their children when they make mistakes.
An early childhood program that serves children from families who use these opposing parent- ing styles will struggle to help children make decisions and problem solve in the classroom and on the playground. Additionally, parents with one kind of parenting style who have their chil- dren in an early care or education program that practices a different style will eventually have conflict with that program. For example, in NAEYC’s accreditation standards, teachers and caregivers cannot use punitive punishment, threats, or derogatory statements (NAEYC, 2005a). Along the same lines, a permissive parent may object to a highly structured program with high academic expectations. Also, as we have pointed out throughout the book, teachers are prod- ucts of their own childhood experiences and cultures. A teacher raised with an authoritarian parenting style may clash with parents raising their children with another parenting style.
Temperament and Parenting Styles
Children are born with different temperaments, and these temperaments have a direct impact on the adults who care for the children. In the 1960s, Thomas and Chess (1986) conducted what came to be called the New York Longitudinal Study. According to the study, infants as young as 4 months old exhibited a variety of temperamental traits that can be categorized into four groups. The easy child displays regular biological functions (e.g., going to sleep and eating regularly), adapts well to new situations, and exhibits a mild to moderate intensity when reacting to change. Easy children are generally in a positive mood, and adults enjoy being around them. The difficult child displays irregular biological functioning (e.g., is very
Working with Families to Problem Solve Chapter 8
difficult to get to sleep at night and eats at different times of the day), and exhibits negative and often intense responses to new situations and to any kind of change. In general, a child with this temperament is often in a negative mood, and adults try to avoid contact with such a child. Finally, the slow-to-warm child is somewhat irregular in biological functions, exhibits a negative response to new stimuli, and adapts slowly to change. The child’s mood is initially negative, but improves to a more positive one if given enough time to do so. In common lan- guage, we tend to call a child with this temperament “shy.” The fourth group encompasses children whose temperament does not fit into any one of the other groups.
We know that a child’s temperament affects the way a parent or caregiver responds to the child. Difficult children require lots of patience, persistence, and care from very warm, secure adults who are not under stress and who have time and energy to give to the child. Parents who lack these critical attributes are more likely to engage in authoritarian parenting styles with difficult children. We call this response reciprocal determinism (see also reciprocal inter- action, Chapter 3). In other words, a child’s tempera- ment can have a profound impact on the parenting style used by a parent. For example, a child who is slow to warm clearly needs adult responses and behaviors that are very different from those of children who are impulsive, energetic, and usually happy. And, as we have discussed in several chap- ters, children who have a developmental disability, are gifted and talented, or are twice exceptional will also require different parenting styles.
8.3 Working with Families to Problem Solve
Through interactions with adults, young children learn who they are, about the world around them, and how much their behaviors and feelings can be influenced by adults. The two institutions that have the most direct impact on the young child’s development and learning are the family and the early care or education program. These institutions are led by significant adults in children’s lives who have roles that require them to adjust their emo- tions and behaviors to meet the needs of each child, and to develop long-term, responsive, trusting relationships with them (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a). These adults support children’s learning, model appropriate behaviors, and socialize them into the mores and norms of society. We have already explored the critical importance of positive and productive family-early care and education program relationships. One reason for this focus is that, according to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the more quality relationships that exist between significant components within the microsystem—in this case, the family and the early care and education program—the more the child benefits (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994). The relationship between the child’s parent (or other care- giver) and the program’s staff—particularly the teacher or caregiver—is the main place where this connection occurs.
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▲ Slow-to-warm, or shy, children initially react negatively to new situations, but, if given enough time, they will become more positive toward their surroundings.
Working with Families to Problem Solve Chapter 8
Positive Relationships Between Families and the Program
Standard 7 of the NAEYC’s Early Childhood Program Standards & Accreditation Criteria (2005) states “The program establishes and maintains collabora- tive relationships with each child’s family to foster children’s development in all settings. These relation- ships are sensitive to family composition, language, and culture” (p. 11). The rationale for this standard includes the fact that young children’s development and learning are directly connected to their families. Thus, to support young children’s optimal develop- ment and learning, programs need to understand the significant role of the family, create relationships with families based on trust and respect, support the involvement of families in the education and devel- opment of their children, and find ways to include parents in the program (2005).
A solid, respectful, reciprocal, trusting relationship between the parent and teacher or main caregiver produces a variety of positive results for children, parents, caregivers, and teachers (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a) in the following ways:
• Teachers and caregivers are more likely to enjoy the child’s progress, remember to share details with parents about their children, and remain connected to the family even after the child has moved on. This relationship enables the teacher or caregiver to develop a solid attachment to the child. When there is not a close, respectful relation- ship, caregivers often feel uncomfortable and uneasy about becoming too close to the child.
• Strong relationships between families and caregivers increase communication between the family and the program. This is critical in providing seamless care, which enables conflicts and disagreements to be solved in a win-win manner. Young children often get very confused when the program and home have conflicting rules and expecta- tions. As a result, the child expresses mixed emotions of anger, aggression, sadness, and withdrawal. Thus, parents and caregivers must address conflicts and confusion.
• Quality parent-teacher relationships have a direct impact on the stability of care-giving arrangements. For many teachers and caregivers, a positive, reciprocal, trusting rela- tionship with parents is one of the reasons they teach—it is a hidden benefit. When teachers are appreciated by parents, they feel a positive sense of self-worth. Given the high turnover rate among early care and education staff, this is a very positive outcome.
• Parents feel more settled and relaxed. Most parents are very concerned with the care and welfare of their children—they want to leave their children with people they can trust. When there is a trusting relationship, inevitable confusion and conflict are more easily and quickly resolved. Natural, informal, warm interactions help with these rela- tionships. Parents need to feel welcome in the center; they need to be warmly greeted and feel the center is a warm and caring place—for them and their children.
© JLP/Jose L. Pelaez/Corbis
▲ A strong relationship between parents and the caregiver facilitates communication, which improves outcomes for the child.
Working with Families to Problem Solve Chapter 8
Solving problems, conflicts, and differences becomes an ongoing part of the parent-teacher relationship. When the adults learn to trust and to tolerate each other, the result is reciprocal: Teachers see parents as important resources, and families feel more friendly and respectful toward teachers and caregivers because they themselves are respected.
Causes of Conflict
In Chapter 5, we discussed a variety of things that cause conflicts between families and early care and education programs, and suggested a variety of techniques to solve these conflicts, including dialoguing and the use of the RERUN process (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). Keyser (2006) calls conflicts between families and programs mutual conflicts, because they take full com- munication, participation, and negotiation on the part of parents (or other family members) and teachers or caregivers (and maybe even a program director) to solve. According to Keyser, examples of such conflicts are the following:
• A parent wants a child to stay inside all day, while the program has a philosophy that chil- dren should be outside for a significant part of each day.
• The program expects families to bring extra clothes to keep in the children’s cubbies, and some families continually forget.
• Certain parents are continually late picking up their children from the program.
• A parent dislikes the way a child is disciplined by his teacher.
• The program has a policy to exclude sick chil- dren so that they will not infect the healthy children, but parents need child care for when their children are sick.
• Some parents request that their boys should not be permitted to play in the dress up area and should not be allowed to wear women’s hats, shoes, and clothes to dress up.
• Some parents complain that their children con- tinually come home with paint on their clothes and sand in their hair, and ask that their children not be allowed to paint or play in the sandbox.
• The program has a fundraiser selling cakes and cookies, and several parents object, because this violates their families’ nutritional practices.
• A father of a child of black and white ethnicity is upset because the teacher in his child’s classroom has told the child she is black, and must identify as black, while the family is raising the child with a multiracial identity.
Generally, causes for these conflicts fall under one of four areas: (1) conflicting family and pro- gram needs, (2) differing views of teaching and child development, (3) poor communication, and (4) cultural differences.
© Jupiterimages/Thinkstock
▲ Causes for conflicts between early childhood programs and families fall under four categories: conflicting needs, differing views, poor commu- nication, and cultural differences.
Effective Relationships Between Program Staff Chapter 8
Keyser (2006) suggests an approach to these conflicts, presented here from either the teach- er’s or director’s viewpoint: (1) listen and ask open-ended questions; (2) restate and reframe the parent’s ideas; (3) find common ground; (4) state your position, ideas, and feelings; (5) give information as appropriate; (6) give the parent an opportunity to respond; (7) outline the con- flict as comprising equally valid viewpoints; (8) invite, discuss, and choose possible solutions; and (9) thank the parent and set up a time to check back in. (See Case Study: Problem Solving for an example of this approach.)
Quality Indicators
According to Baker and Manfredi/Petitt, (2004), early care and education programs can help develop and maintain positive relationships and proactive problem-solving practices with fam- ilies by asking the following questions:
• Do families see the importance of their relationship with the child’s caregiver or teacher?
• Do families appreciate the child’s caregiver or teacher, and do they know how to express this appreciation: thank yous, offers to help, notes, or flowers?
• Is anyone talking to families about the importance of creating a close connection with their child’s caregiver that is strong enough to sustain them through conflict?
• Are parents encouraged to work to overcome differences with their child’s teacher or caregiver, especially when the child and teacher have bonded?
• Is family participation a shared value and goal among center staff, and what is being done to increase family-center partnerships?
• Are families and staff members sharing life and joy with one another?
• Is relationship and community building a center-wide goal?
8.4 Effective Relationships Between Program Staff The climate of an early care and education program not only establishes the atmosphere for how staff members work together, but also dramatically affects staff-parent relationships and the quality of care and education the children receive (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a). However, a caring community does not just happen—it has to be created and nur- tured. A caring community is a place where caring adults—parents, teachers, caregivers, and directors—interact as partners and friends. It is based less on rules and regulations, roles and job descriptions, organizational plans, and a hierarchy of authority, and more on developing and maintaining positive relationships between staff, the director, and parents, or relationship-based organizations. Healthy relationships between administrators, teach- ers and caregivers, and consultants used by programs are important in establishing a caring, inclusive community in which children can develop and learning is maximized (NAEYC, 2005a, 2005b). When staff members in early care and education programs enjoy respectful relation- ships with each other, they are more likely to be responsive and emotionally engaged with the children in their care and with the children’s families.
Staff members who share the joys and challenges of the children openly with colleagues become more aware of the individual needs of the children and are more apt to remain calm and positive under the typical stress of caring for children. Teachers, caregivers, and admin- istrators who work well together share the workload and make sure the needs of each child
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C A S E S T U DY:
Problem Solving
A 4-year-old boy who has been in the program since he was 1 year old has been diagnosed with ADHD and a learning disability. Child Find has recommended to the parent and program that he be placed in a public school preschool that serves children with developmental delays in an inclusive setting. The director is convinced that this is the best solution to meet all the needs of the child; the boy’s mother wants him to stay in the center.
Listen and ask open-ended questions. The parent expresses that her son likes his teacher and that he is good friends with many of the other children in his class, who he often sees at activities outside of the program (such as birthday parties). She does not want him to be removed, and feels the program can meet his needs. She is very upset about the possibility of having him taken out of the program.
Restate and reframe the parent’s ideas. The parent wants the child to stay in the program because he knows the teacher and has many friends. She also believes his needs can be met in the program.
Find common ground. Both the director and the parent want to do what is best to meet the child's overall needs: social, emotional, behavioral, and academic.
State your position, ideas, and feelings. The director states that she believes the child’s needs can be better met in a public school classroom that is designed to address the needs of a child with developmental delays. Further, she believes that his behavior and academic struggles will take too much of the teacher’s time and attention, and will disrupt the learning opportunities of the other children. She also feels the teacher is not trained to work with a child with developmental delays.
Give information as appropriate. The director tells the mother that people who work for Child Find are experts, and they believe the new program will be best for him. Once the child is in the pro- gram, transition to the public school kindergarten program will be smooth, which is very important for a child with developmental delays. Also, the public school has access to needed community resources.
Give the parent an opportunity to respond. The mother states that she is aware of these advantages, but she still wants her son to attend this program. Further, she is not sure that the local kindergarten is the best place for her child, so she will be doing her own research on different kin- dergarten options.
Outline the conflict as comprising equally valid viewpoints. The viewpoint of the director is that the child should move to the local public preschool, because this will best meet his unique needs. The parent’s viewpoint is that the child should stay in the existing program, because he knows the teacher and has many friends. She also believes his other needs can be met at the cur- rent school.
Invite, discuss, and choose possible solutions. The parent knows a professor at the local col- lege who can come to the program and provide in-service training to the staff on ways to work with children with developmental delays. She also has a friend who can provide training on the unique needs of boys. The director agrees that she will talk to the local school contact to find out what services the school can provide the boy within the program; she is also going to call the state department of special education to determine what responsibility the school district has.
Thank the parent and set up a time to check back in. The parent will call the director to set up the two trainings; the director will meet again with the parent in 4 weeks to assess how well things are going.
Wardle, F. (2004). Why art activities are an essential part of the curriculum. Children and Families, (15) 1, p. 24.
National Head Start Association.
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are met. In this positive climate, children feel secure, safe, and like they belong. The classroom should be a place where children feel free to play, explore, and learn (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a, 2005b).
Children learn from role models: caring, coopera- tive, respectful relationships between staff members model teamwork, problem solving, respect, and col- legiality. When children see adults who are warm, predictable, flexible, and responsive to the unique needs of parents and colleagues, they can be warm and responsive to each other. When adults’ relation- ships are positive, they set a moral tone that teaches children about responsibility, integrity, and respect. Children learn what they live; they follow the lead of important adults in their world (NAEYC, 2005a, 2005b).
Teachers and caregivers also benefit when they have positive and collegial relationships with peers. They look forward to coming to work; they openly work together to meet the challenging needs of the child and resolve important issues with parents (Blair & Carter, 2012). Teachers and caregivers learn to trust each other and to know how the other functions. They work together as a team. However, teamwork is a delicate balance that cannot be forced. Contrived congeniality will backfire. A sense of community can be nurtured by focusing on the emotional and social needs of people who work together. Directors
must structure opportunities for teachers and caregivers to work together on projects, share resources, and solve problems (Blair & Carter, 2012; Bloom, 1997).
The Director Sets the Tone for Problem Solving
The director sets the climate for problem solving within a program. Director-staff interactions create a prototype for all other relationships and set the foundation for quality care and edu- cation (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004). A caring, relationship-based community is created and nurtured by the director. Directors who value community know the way they lead on a daily basis is as important as what they achieve. A director who values relationships, openness, and a willingness to listen and has empathy, compassion, honesty, and strong professional ethics provides leadership that encourages collaboration and problem solving among staff (Blair & Carter, 2012). The director models respect and concern for his or her staff and continually val- ues an open atmosphere. The director encourages everyone to work together to explore solu- tions to challenges in the program and develops trusting, reciprocal relationships with staff. This approach allows for mutual support and problem solving—everyone is in it together, as part of a constructive team (Blair & Carter, 2012; Bloom, 1997). Of course, feelings do come out, and problems do arise. But, when everyone at the program is dedicated to cooperation and community building, problems are more manageable and easier to address.
© Fancy Collection/SuperStock
▲ When children observe adults respectfully inter- acting and working together, children internalize the positive moral tone and learn to interact with others in a similar way.
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The effective director finds a way to balance a need to support the staff with an ability to listen compas- sionately to parents’ concerns. Relationship-based directors have learned to listen to parents and to take them seriously, without discounting staff. Staff members trust that when addressing parent con- cerns, the director will come to them for additional information and carefully consider their perspec- tive. Also, an effective leader understands that a relationship-based community is not about playing personal favorites or meeting his or her own per- sonal needs, but rather about creating open, honest relationships and open channels of communication (Blair & Carter, 2012). In this way, the director knows staff will help out if needed, and staff members know they can go to the director if they feel over- whelmed, frustrated, or confused.
Effective directors use the following techniques:
• Act as mentors for staff, provide resources, demonstrate best practices, and provide new perspectives to challenges and concerns.
• Allow their office to become a refuge for stressed-out teachers and caregivers. It is also open for staff members to receive reassurance or to sound off over their frustrations.
• Maintain consistency and fairness, and do not play favorites. While all staff members have unique personalities that must be treated individually, they also expect—and need—to be treated fairly.
• Provide help, support, and nurturing when a staff member feels overwhelmed. Staff should not feel embarrassed to ask directors for help and support; directors and super- visors should be proactive in providing the assistance staff members need.
• Provide ongoing appreciation and pass on compliments from parents and other staff. Effective leaders do not take credit away from staff; they give credit to the team or individual staff members. Leaders continually find ways to give credit and praise to their staff.
• Provide opportunities for staff to work together as a team, offering choices in areas such as professional development, leadership opportunities, and meaningful projects (Blair & Carter, 2012).
• Always support the staff and advocate for staff needs (e.g., training, classroom materi- als, better pay, and benefits) when working with boards, community agencies, profes- sional associations, and political groups.
Positive relationships between staff and administration begin when a staff person is hired. The orientation to the program and its philosophy, discussions of program policies and proce- dures, and expressions of respect and warmth are all critical. Once a new staff person is hired, ongoing communication between the person and the supervisor is paramount. However, this communication cannot simply be about things the person is doing wrong or areas where he or she needs help; it must also include compliments as well as typical social expressions of acknowledgement and appreciation.
© John Giustina/Corbis
▲ The director of a program is responsible for set- ting the tone for problem solving within the early childhood education setting. A director’s interac- tions with the staff set the example for all other staff-to-staff relationships.
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Maybe the most important role for the director/administrator when it comes to director-staff relationships is to represent the needs of the staff fairly in working with parents, outside orga- nizations, and funding sources (Blair & Carter, 2012). It does not mean that the director should automatically support the view of the staff, but it does mean that staff members know their needs and wants are positively represented when critical decisions are being made (NAEYC, 2005a, 2005b).
Making Decisions within the Program
Many decisions must be made each day within an early care and education program. Some are routine, non-emotional, and simply pragmatic; others are fraught with feelings, emotions, and threats to an individual’s sense of personal value and importance. The following are a few ideas to enhance healthy problem solving within an early care and education program (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a):
• Center policies. All programs have policies—rules the program lives by. Many of these have to do with following licensing requirements, meeting regulations of the sponsoring agency (e.g., Head Start, the local school district, a child-care chain), and rules of discipline and supervision. But some have to do with the rights, authority, and feelings of importance of teachers, caregivers, and other staff members (Blair & Carter, 2012). Two significant areas are (1) whether teachers have the opportunity for direct input into the program’s policies and procedures on a regular basis, and (2) whether existing policies encourage teachers’ input. For example, when changes are made to the curriculum, daily schedule, discipline policy, or parent involvement programs, is there a sincere effort to solicit teacher input? Also, do policies encourage staff to resolve issues between themselves before going to the director for help?
• Individual initiative. What steps can individual staff members take to increase posi- tive and supportive relationships between each other, and to increase a sense of team- work and collegiality? Does the program have opportunities for staff to enjoy each other’s company and work on program-related projects together? Does the center have formal ways to acknowledge individual staff members who do things to create healthy relationships within the program?
• Indicators of quality. National standards of quality include adult relationships as indicators of quality in early care and education programs (Baker & Manfredi/Petitt, 2004; NAEYC, 2005a) (see Chapter 10 for specific program quality indicators). Some of these indicators include the nature of parent-staff relationships, discussed earlier in this chapter. Questions to be addressed include (1) whether there are built-in opportu- nities for staff to talk to each other and to consult with the director, (2) whether the program has access to outside experts to support the efforts of staff with children who have unique needs (non-English speakers, special needs, gifted and talented), (3) whether staff members have direct input into the kinds of training provided and staff meeting content, and (4) whether the program has professional relationships with community agencies (e.g., local schools, Child Find, community health centers) that acknowledge the program staff members as equal experts in their field.
In Bronfenbrenner’s ecological view of child development and learning, staff members who work with children on a daily basis need to feel competent, empowered, and significant (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1994). Various quality standards also address this important need. Staff members should be provided with multiple opportunities to help improve the quality of the program, especially in the areas of meeting student needs and working with parents.
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Staff members who are not listened to and are not consulted regarding changes in the pro- gram will be less inclined to make efforts to problem solve when difficult issues arise (Blair & Carter, 2012).
When a staff member has an idea for a major change, addition, or enhancement—a new curriculum for the 2-year-olds, a diversity training for staff, a new before-and-after school program for some of the children—he or she should be empowered to take the lead in explor- ing the idea’s feasibility and practicality. The suggestion should not be simply transferred to someone with more authority.
One of the most effective ways to empower staff is to change a strict, hierarchical power relationship into a circle of shared power (see Think About It: How to Empower Staff ). Many directors begin this process by including staff in changes and decisions. The director may use small groups of staff during naptime or after school to explore classroom changes or address successful problem-solving strategies. Others invite staff to come together and talk about relationships and power, while still other directors find that a collective process of creating a
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
How to Empower Staff
Central to creating a caring early care and education community is the belief that everyone within a community feels important. Here are some ideas for empowering all staff in early care and educa- tion programs:
• Staff ideas should be invited and seriously considered. A variety of approaches, such as a sugges- tion box, can be used.
• Exemplary staff ideas should be publicly acknowledged and credited.
• Deal with problems openly (except personnel issues). For example, acknowledge burn out, low pay, and ideas about how to work with difficult children and parents.
• Let more experienced staff mentor new staff so the new staff members can get a full idea of the center’s policies and climate.
• A classroom team should be empowered to solve its own problems; the staff as a whole should be encouraged to suggest solutions to the center’s challenges. However, (1) it must be clear to the staff which issues they can address and which are non-negotiable (for whatever reasons), and (2) the director must then allow this level of decision making without micromanaging: The director must learn to let go.
• In the classroom, the teacher is empowered to make important decisions and work directly with parents and children, unless they request support or extra assistance from the director. However, a request for assistance should not be viewed as a weakness.
• Staff members are encouraged to share their skills and experiences, both within the center (e.g., at staff meetings) and at workshops and local conferences.
• Provide training to help staff with team building, decision making, and working collaboratively; provide directors with techniques to help empower their staff.
Encourage staff members to take workshops together (e.g., problem solving) and to bring back ideas from conferences to train the rest of the staff (Baker & Manfredi/Pettit, 2004).
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shared mission statement allows all to express their dreams, values, and goals for the program (Blair & Carter, 2012).
Improving Program Quality
Accreditation processes, rating scales, and reviews are designed to increase the overall quality of early care and education programs. These evalua- tions can be conducted by an outside consultant or agency, internally within the center, or, as Head Start requires, using both procedures (U.S. HHS, 1999). The instruments used for quality reviews and accred- itation include the Early Childhood Environmental Rating Scale (ECERS-R) (Harms, Clifford, & Cryer, 2005), the Infant Toddler Environmental Rating Scale (ITERS-R) (Harms, Cryer, & Clifford, 2006), Head Start Performance Standards (U.S. HHS, 1999), and NAEYC and other formal program accreditation instruments (NAEYC, 2005a). All of these scales
include components that address the program climate, staff-staff interactions, and program- family relationships.
When the evaluation is a true program-wide effort, everyone feels empowered to have a direct impact on improving program quality. Head Start programs engage in a self-evaluation every three years, ahead of a formal PRISM review; other programs participate in a self-study before the formal agency team conducts its formal review.
8.5 Children and Problem Solving So far in this chapter, we have examined important aspects of problem solving between adults: among parents and early care and education staff, and within the early care and education program. We emphasized how effective and healthy problem solving between programs and families, and within a program, can have a positive effect on the development and learning of young children in a truly ecological manner (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; NAEYC, 2005a, 2005b). But we pointed out that the ability to address conflicts and problem solve effectively begins in childhood. As suggested by Siegler and Alibali (2005), problem solving is a central part of all of our lives and provides many of the purposes for other cognitive activities, such as perception, attention, language, memory, and understanding. Problem-solving skills also help people adapt to challenging circumstances and learn to function effectively with others— both other children and adults. Because children lack experience and knowledge about how to respond to typical daily challenges, they probably engage in more problem solving than do adults (Siegler & Alibali, 2005).
We defined problem solving earlier as the ability to work out a solution to a problem or situ- ation, either individually or with someone else. This means that the individual may have a problem to address (e.g., how to put on his shoes or find a book), or two or more people have a conflict that must be addressed. Children at this age are learning how to make decisions and problem solve, and how to use these skills effectively. To this end, a central goal of early
© Digital Vision/Thinkstock
▲ It is important for staff to feel important and empowered within the early childhood care and education setting. One way to foster this feeling is to include staff in decision making and program planning.
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childhood education is to teach young children how to resolve conflicts and solve problems (NAEYC, 2005a).
The role of the teacher, caregiver, and parent is to support this process. Problem solving with young children involves the same processes they use to solve individual problems and conflict with others. The more effective adults involved in the child’s life are at solving problems, the better able the child will be to learn problem solving.
According to Siegler and Alibali (2005), problem solving can be reduced to three components: a goal (problem to be solved), an obstacle to achieving that goal, and a strategy or strategies to circumvent the obstacle to achieve the goal. However, young children use a kind of trial- and-error tinkering approach to achieve their goals—combining reasoning, understanding, strategies, content knowledge, other people, experiences, and any other available resources to solve their problem.
Feelings
We must address the issue of feelings before turning to a child’s reasoning. As with adults, feelings and emotions play a significant role in the problem solving of young children. Problems cause feelings and emotions, and feelings and emotions are triggered by internal or external events that send signals to the brain (Kostelnik et al., 2009). As a result of these signals, chil- dren respond physically to their feelings: their heartbeats increase, their skin may sweat, and so on. These physical changes are often accompanied by smiling, frowning, and language (see the positive affect of play, in Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005). At the same time, children begin to interpret the reasons for their emotions, which are based on natural responses to a stimulus (e.g., pain or fear), past experiences, goals, and current contexts (Lewis, 1999). In each case, the child decides how he or she feels.
At their foundational level, emotions help children survive; also, children will often change behaviors to adjust their feelings—to feel good or secure (Frijda, 2006). Thus, a child will avoid a problem that makes him or her feel like a failure or avoid a child in the playground who usually bullies others. As we know, many of the problem-solving challenges for young children are social. They squabble over toys, compete for adult attention, imitate the behavior of the popular child, and wonder why their mother has not picked them up from day care. All of these are problems that cause extreme feelings or emo- tional responses. One of the reasons young chil- dren’s emotional responses are extreme is that they have not yet developed emotional regulation.
Adults use social referencing to calm children’s fears, warn them against certain strangers, and encourage them to risk and experiment. As we explained ear- lier, social referencing occurs when young children look to a significant adult to learn the appropriate response to a new situation. They respond accord- ing to the adult's response. Unfortunately, an adult’s subconscious fears and prejudices can also affect children’s behaviors through social referencing (Bandura, 1986).
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ For children to learn to solve problems effec- tively, they must first understand the reasons for their emotional responses in certain situations.
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From a problem-solving perspective, it is important to help children (1) understand the rea- sons for their emotional response (e.g., why they fear a conflict with a certain child) and (2) make the activity of problem solving a fulfilling, positive experience. Feelings also provide the energy and motivation to do something—to solve the problem. Because preoperational children are so curious about the world and how it works, but lack basic knowledge and expe- rience, they are continually faced with problems that confuse, anger, frustrate, and challenge them. This can produce intense feelings (See Helping Children Develop: Dealing With Anger). Children need to learn how to solve the problem to reduce their intense feelings. This is where parents, teachers, and caregivers need to support the problem-solving process.
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
Dealing with Anger
Here are some ways to help children express their feelings without hurting others or themselves (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009):
• Accept and label the feeling. “I see how upset you are.” “It really makes you mad when he takes your truck, doesn’t it?”
• Redirect the energy and help the child to get it out. “Why don’t you go play outside and see if you are still mad?” “Maybe it will help if you paint a picture about how you feel?”
• Calm the energy: Soothe the chaos. “I see how upset you are. Would you like to play with the play dough to calm down?” “Would you like me to read your favorite book to you?” For many children, playing with clay or water is a favorite way to deal with anger, frustration, and confusion.
• Avoid rewarding children for anger. Be careful not to reward anger by overreacting (we discussed this problem in Chapter 7). Reinforcement increases a behavior—in this case, the anger.
• Teach problem solving. Children need to learn to solve the problems that produce the anger, through give-and-take and negotiations—with other children and adults.
Young Children and Reasoning
To help children problem solve, parents, teachers, and caregivers need to understand how children behave and process information (Berk & Winsler, 1995). One of the best ways to teach young children is through scaffolding (Chapter 3). In scaffolding, a central concept is the zone of proximal development, which is a Vygotskian term for teaching the child within the dynamic region where learning and development takes place. It is a zone between what a child can do independently and what the child can do with expert assistance. This zone is determined by the child’s overall development and experience. Therefore, we should teach problem solving at each child’s developmental level. The processes adults use to problem solve are very different from those used by young children, because of adults’ emotional regulation, cognitive ability, experience, and reasoning skills (Kostelnik et al., 2009; Siegler & Alibali, 2005). Two theorists we have already discussed who can help in this process are Erikson (1963, 1981) and Piaget (1952, 1971).
The first three of Erikson’s psychosocial stages, trust versus mistrust, autonomy versus shame and doubt, and initiative versus guilt, must be considered when helping young children prob- lem solve. For example, for young infants, the need for trust dominates their decisions. For
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2-year-olds, a need for autonomy drives many of their emotions. In Piaget’s cognitive theory, the first stage, 0 to 2 years old, is known as the sensorimotor stage; the second stage, 2 to 7 years old, is the preoperational stage (see Chapter 3). In the sensorimotor stage, children can- not reason beyond simply finding the most direct way to meet basic needs for food, comfort, and sleep, using sensorimotor combinations to try to make sense of their small world (Piaget, 1952). However, the preoperational child can reason—and does a great deal!
However, preoperational reasoning is faulty. In fact, while preoperational children can tell you why they did something, or why they do not want to do something, the reasoning they use makes little sense from an adult’s perspective. For example, consider the following logic of a 4-year-old: “If it doesn’t break when I drop it, it’s a rock. . . . It didn’t break. It must be a rock” (Scholnick & Wing, 1995, p. 432).
The reasoning of a preoperational child makes little sense because preschool children lack experience about the world and how it works. Another reason preschool children do not think logically is due to what Piaget called ego-centrism—seeing everything from the child’s perspective. Preoperational children believe the world is centered on them and their needs. Thus, when a problem arises, the logic is to see the solution from the child’s point of view (Piaget, 1952). Preoperational children also think by using general centrism, which is viewing all problems from a single perspective—although this single perspective can change. If you ask a 4-year-old to go to the kitchen and bring back the milk and the cookies, chances are she will return only with the cookies. However, mature problem solving requires a person to be able to entertain several possible solutions to the problem at the same time; young children cannot do this, which is why most adults think that they are very poor problem solvers.
Finally, preoperational children focus on the appearance of things—what they look like. If you give a 5-year-old the choice between a dime and a nickel, he probably will choose the nickel, because it is bigger and therefore appears to the child to be more. This is one of the reasons toys for young children are so bright, shiny, and attractive (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009).
Encouraging Problem Solving in Children
Parents, teachers, and caregivers should encour- age problem solving in young children because, in so doing, children also develop many cog- nitive and social processes, such as attention, perception, language, memory, understand- ing, and learning to play prosocially with other children (Siegler & Alibali, 2005). Additionally, the art of problem solving provides an asset for children, both in future schoolwork and in life. Thus, parents, teachers, and other caregivers of young children should support, encourage, and reward problem solving in young children.
In our discussion of moral reasoning (Chapter 7), we explored how children develop from a sense of morality determined by external forces (to please the adult, to avoid punishment, to make friends) to an internalized sense of morality (Lickona, 1983; Kohlberg, 1987). By the same token, according to Kamii and DeClark (1985), children develop from believing that
© Pablo Rivera/Golden Pixels LLC/Corbis
▲ When children use logic to solve a problem on their own, they are exercising intellectual autonomy.
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knowledge and truth are defined by what adults do and say, to “being governed by oneself and making decisions for oneself” (p. 45), or intellectual autonomy. Intellectual autonomy is the opposite of following someone else’s view and doing things simply because someone told you to.
When it comes to the reasoning of preschool children, intellectual autonomy is the child using his or her own logic when trying to solve a problem, as opposed to simply regurgitating the adult’s view or providing the answer the adult wants. According to Kamii and DeClark (1985), the goal of education should be autonomy—children’s own internalized approaches to col- lecting information and solving problems. However, because children’s logic at this age tends to be very faulty, significant adults need to scaffold their problem solving carefully and sensi- tively. Thus, to help children develop intellectual autonomy, teachers, caregivers, and parents should support children’s own logical thinking, as opposed to insisting they adopt adult logic and correct ideas. Ways to do this include the following:
• Encourage children to ask questions and affirm their doing so without becoming frus- trated or annoyed. When children do ask questions, rather than answering them, help children problem solve the answer, but do not fixate on whether the answer is correct or not; focus on the process.
• Support the conflict and dissonance that occurs when children problem solve, or when they attempt to problem solve with other children or adults. Let children know that through conflict, persistence, and tenacity comes resolution.
• Avoid using assessments that focus on children’s ability to memorize answers to evalu- ate children’s progress. Rather, use authentic forms of assessment that can evaluate their overall development and learning, including their ability to problem solve.
• In group activities, such as circle time and reading a book to the class, teachers should focus on asking children problem-solving questions, rather than simply questions that require children to recall something from the book or from their personal experiences. When children come up with answers, ask them how they determined their answer (regardless of whether it is correct).
• Deeply understand (1) that young children problem solve differently than do adults, and (2) that the answers they come up with will probably be incorrect from an adult perspective. Do not correct the child’s reasoning and logic (Kamii & DeClark, 1985).
• Model your own problem solving in front of children. Talk out loud about the steps you are taking to solve the problem. Express your frustrations and confusions in trying to resolve problems, but then show how these can be resolved. Show children that the process can be enjoyable and fulfilling: the challenge of defining the problem, the enterprise of finding the resources needed, and the exhilaration of solving the prob- lem. Congratulate children’s persistence in problem solving, even when the result is incorrect, at least from the adult’s perspective (Siegler & Alibali, 2005). When two chil- dren struggle to resolve a conflict, congratulate them both on the willingness to solve it and the solution they come up with.
• Help children use resources to solve problems, from books and the Internet, to other children and adults, both in the program and in the community. Also, help children determine what they know and what they wish to find out about a problem or phe- nomenon (Rodrigues, 2010).
• Understand that problems exist everywhere: “How can we make the yellow paint brighter?” “How can I clean the sink?” “Why won’t Johnny play with me?” “How can we all clean up the playground?” “How do I write my name?”
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When teachers model problem solving to young children and support the child’s sincere and genuine efforts at problem solving, parents and other caregivers will see the inherent value in problem solving and in helping children in this critically important social, cognitive, and emotional task.
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
The Use of Art Activities in Problem Solving and Building Self-Esteem
Art activities are important for children of all ages. They are especially valuable for students who struggle to succeed in traditional academic subjects such as math, science, and literacy. With increasing emphasis on standards and accountability, art is being de-emphasized in many early care and education programs.
It is vital that early care and education programs continue to provide high-quality art activities— particularly programs that serve low-income children and children with developmental delays. We must make sure that we do not deprive our children of a wide variety of art experiences and the many positive influences that these experiences have on their lives and future academic successes. Here are just a few reasons why art is an essential part of any early care and education curriculum:
1. Art teaches children to think and problem solve through pictures. Jerome Bruner, a psychologist, has shown that this skill is significant in learning. It is also an excellent way to make mental mod- els for problem solving.
2. Art teaches children to evaluate themselves. Central to art activities is an ongoing assessment by the artist regarding what looks good, works well, and is satisfying. Effective art activities allow children to be self-critical and not depend on others for judgment, to develop intellectual autonomy.
3. Art teaches children to be creative and innovative problem solvers. Art is about pushing bound- aries and exploring new possibilities. For children whose lives are constrained by poverty, racism, abuse, disabilities, and other restrictions, these are invaluable experiences. Effective art experi- ences focus on the process and accept a variety of solutions to the problem the child attempts to solve.
4. Art teaches specific problem-solving skills. Children choose the colors they need. They figure out how to make the dragon in the picture look angry. They decide how to best express their ideas and feelings. They learn to tinker with a variety of solutions to the problem, deciding which ones work best for them.
5. Art helps develops self-esteem. Art—more than any other school activity—helps children develop a sense of self-worth by giving them complete control. A completed art project repre- sents a world the child has created on his or her own, based on that child’s unique ideas, skills, effort, and judgments.
6. Art helps children deal with their emotions and the world’s injustices. As children grow, they need outlets to help them handle the frustrations of growing up in a world that often makes no sense to them. Without appropriate outlets, they become angry and destructive.
7. Art enables children who are not good at traditional academic skills to succeed. According to Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, there are eight kinds of intelligence: verbal linguistic, logical mathematical, musical, bodily kinesthetic, spatial, interpersonal, intrapersonal,
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Children and Problem Solving Chapter 8
Use of the RERUN Process with Children
In Chapter 5, we discussed in detail the use of the RERUN process in solving problems between families and adults in the early care and education programs (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). As you may recall, the process includes Reflect, Explain, Reason, Understand, and Negotiate. Here is an example of how the process could be used with a 4-year-old boy who keeps knocking down constructions other children make in the block area. Before starting the process, the teacher, caregiver or parent should be sure he or she is clear about the problem and knows exactly what outcome is desired.
• Reflect. This is the feeling piece. Let the child know that you understand and accept that he is angry and upset. Say something like, “I understand you are upset. I realize you are doing this because something is bothering you. I see how unhappy you are that I have removed you from the block area.”
• Explain. Help the child understand the situation. “I cannot let you destroy what the other children have made.”
• Reason. Give the reason for your action. “I removed you because it’s not fair to the other children to have their constructions destroyed. They have a right to play and build with the blocks, without you destroying them.”
• Understand. Tune into the feelings, both yours and the child’s. Be clear about your own feelings and those of the child. Nothing needs to be said to the child, but your own self-talk might be needed. Why are you upset? What is setting off the child? Is it just the other children in the block areas? Did the child come to school upset? Are some of the children upsetting him—maybe saying he cannot play with them, or tell- ing him his constructions are not as nice as theirs?
• Negotiate. Because the child can talk and reason, discuss the problem with him. Provide options that both you and the child can live with. Maybe he can play in the block area during the next rotation of center; maybe he believes that so long as he stays away from one particular child, things will not be a problem. Perhaps, after some discussion, he will choose another center to play in. Make sure you provide the flex- ibility for his choice to be an acceptable option, and do not insist that he work out his problem with the other children. For a young child who cannot speak and reason, pro- vide two acceptable choices, and let the child choose which he prefers (Lickona, 1983). Focus on finding a win-win solution, not on punishing the child for his inappropriate behavior, regardless of how upset you are with the child.
and naturalistic. Most early childhood programs, however, focus on just two intelligences: logical mathematical and verbal linguistic. Therefore, children who learn more effectively using other intelligences but struggle with verbal and mathematical skills are usually not recognized for their ability to learn. Art enables children who struggle with math and literacy activities to have some success in school.
As schools and early childhood programs have become more and more narrowly focused on stan- dards and accountability, we risk depriving our young children of vital early learning experiences. Instead, we must be clear about what constitutes a high-quality early care and education program. Art must be an integral part of these programs (Wardle, 2004).
© Reprinted with permission from Children and Families: How Children Learn. Wardle, F. (2004). Why art activities
are an essential part of the curriculum. How children learn. Children and Families, 15(1), 24.
Chapter Summary Chapter 8
During the entire RERUN process, try to keep words to a minimum. Young children get con- fused with too much information, especially when they are upset. The negotiation part is the only area where many words are needed, but here, too, options and choices need to be kept simple. Sometimes RERUN does not work immediately, so the teacher or parent needs to return to the beginning and repeat the process (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009).
Chapter Summary Problem Solving
• We all engage in a lot of problem solving every day.
• Problem solving involves making decisions, considering feelings, and resolving conflicts with others.
• One way children learn to problem solve is by observing how adults resolve conflicts.
Problem Solving With Adults
• Problem solving involves deep feelings and emotions among all those involved.
• We learn our feelings from childhood experiences and cultural scripts.
• Parenting styles affect how adults make decisions regarding their children, and how they expect their children to be cared for, taught, and disciplined.
• There are four parenting styles: authoritarian, permissive, authoritative, and uninvolved/neglectful.
• There are cultural variations in parenting styles, and children’s temperaments also affect a parent’s parenting style.
Working With Families to Problem Solve
• A positive, effective relationship between parents and program staff is essential for the development and success of the child.
• Many situations occur between families and programs that can cause conflict.
• There are a variety of approaches teachers, directors, and caregivers can use with fam- ily members to address problems and disagreements.
• Program quality indicators can be used to help programs make sure they have policies in place and an overall culture that supports positive family-program problem solving.
Effective Relationships Between Program Staff
• Healthy and effective relationships between staff within an early care and education program model problem-solving strategies to parents and children.
• The director sets the tone for effective problem solving.
• Encouraging staff to be meaningfully involved in program-wide decision making empowers staff members and gives them a sense of importance and purpose.
• Program accreditation and quality review procedures provide an opportunity to engage staff members in meaningful ways to affect the quality of their programs.
Key Terms Chapter 8
Children and Problem Solving
• Young children are in the process of developing the ability to problem solve.
• Young children lack the experience, emotional regulation, and reasoning skills to prob- lem solve.
• Feelings and emotions are critical components of problem solving.
• Children’s reasoning skills are very limited, determined largely by characteristics of Piaget’s preoperational stage.
• Parents, teachers, and caregivers should help children learn problem-solving skills through modeling, scaffolding, and the use of the RERUN process.
Key Terms authoritarian parents Parents whose parenting style is characterized by high expecta- tions, non-negotiable punishments (sometimes physical), and inflexibility.
authoritative parents Parents whose parenting style is characterized by high expecta- tions, warmth, consistency, negotiation, and flexibility.
caring community An early care or education program in which all adults interact as part- ners or friends.
centrism A characteristic of the preoperational stage (2 to 7 years old) in which children can handle only one piece of information, or idea, at a time. The introduction of the second idea pushes out the first one from the child’s thinking.
cultural scripts The various ways people from different cultures respond to the environ- ment; social referencing is used by adults to teach children these cultural scripts.
ego-centrism A characteristic of the preoperational stage (2 to 7 years old), according to Piaget, in which the child views the world through the lens of the self and the needs and desires of the self.
feelings The emotions triggered by internal or external events. Can be pleasant or uncom- fortable; the body responds physically to these emotions.
intellectual autonomy Being governed by oneself and making cognitive decisions for oneself.
mutual conflict Conflicts between families and programs that require full involvement from all parties to solve.
permissive parents Parents whose parenting style is characterized by warmth and a lax approach to discipline. Permissive parents have no to low expectations, and behave more as a friend than parent.
problem solving The ability of adults and children to work out a solution to a problem or situation, either individually or with someone else.
relationship-based organization An organizational climate that focuses on the relation- ships between members of the organization, rather than on hierarchies of power, specific roles, and lines of communication.
Key Terms Chapter 8
reciprocal determinism The process by which the individual is both influenced by and influences the social environment; how a child’s temperament affects the adult’s response to the child.
uninvolved/neglectful parents Belong to one of four parenting styles, characterized by lack of warmth and providing little if any control of their children. They are not emotionally connected to their children; many are consumed with their own problems and challenges.
zone of proximal development The dynamic region in which learning and development takes place in a child. It is a zone between what a child can do independently and what the child can do with expert assistance.
Feelings and Self-Esteem
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Identify how young children build a positive self-image.
▸▸ Discuss the critical importance of praising specific behaviors versus the use of general- ized and non-specific verbal reinforcement cues.
▸▸ Explain the concept of self-efficacy and why it is so important in building a young child’s overall self-esteem.
▸▸ Understand why self-efficacy is also critically important for parents and teachers.
▸▸ Describe the various components of social competence: emotional regulation, social knowledge and understanding, and social skills.
▸▸ Explore the principles and practices that enhance social competence, different ways to strengthen young children’s social competence, and why social competence has such a strong impact on a child’s self-esteem.
▸▸ Describe affirmations and how important they are to the development of prosocial behaviors in young children.
9
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Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
Introduction In general, self-esteem is defined as “a personal evaluation of one’s own traits, abilities, and characteristics; a judgment of one’s worth, value, or competence” (Meece & Daniels, 2008, p. 14). Self-esteem develops from a child’s self-image, and it is influenced both by self-efficacy and social competence. After describing how a child develops a self-image, we will explore in detail how self-efficacy and social competence contribute to building a child’s self-esteem. Finally, we will discuss the critical impact of the adults’ role in developing a child’s self-esteem, a process known as affirmation. In all of these processes, the role of the adults—including teachers, parents, and caregivers—is vital.
9.1 Building a Positive Self-Image Self-image is the view each one of us has of ourselves: Who am I? It is complex and continu- ally developing, and it involves a dynamic interaction between the individual and the indi- vidual’s social and physical environment. It is neither all positive nor all negative. Self-image is “based on a simple, interactive, conceptual model: the individual, the individual’s interaction with the environment, the response of that environment to the individual, and the individual’s interpretation of that response” (Wardle, 1995, p. 44; see Figure 9.1). Thus, the child’s self- image and the child’s continual development of self-image is a dynamic tension between two often contradictory forces: (1) the way the world views the child (physical features, behaviors, disabilities, temperament), and (2) the way the child views himself or herself. While this is a simple concept, applying this model generates some critical questions that this chapter will address:
• Why do children interpret their responses to the same environment differently?
• How does self-image—both positive and negative—build on itself within each child?
• Which adults in the child’s environment have the most impact—both positive and negative—on the child’s self-image?
• How does a child’s developmental age affect the creation of the child’s self-image?
• How does minority status, disability, not speak- ing English, and so on affect the development of self-image?
Central to self-image is the child’s interpretation of the environment’s response to the child. When a young child looks at himself in the mirror, does he say, “I like myself,” or is he critical? When a young child gets frustrated stacking blocks, which might be due to poor fine-motor development, being tired, or trying to stack them too quickly and too high, does the child say, “Here we go again—I can never do anything right,” or “That was interesting. Maybe if I use the bigger blocks at the bottom, take more time, or use fewer blocks, I will be able to stack the blocks higher”? Perhaps the child says, “Maybe I should try this task later, when I am fresh and not so frustrated.” We call this evaluative view of who
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▲ Competence, or social skills and the ability to do things, is an important factor in developing a child’s self-esteem.
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
How the world reacts to the child: behavior, race/ethnicity, physical features, temperament,
abilities, disabilities, gender, language, income, intelligence,
age, etc.
The individual: self-image (gender/race, ethnicity), temperament,
personality, view of the world and place in the world. The child’s ability to impact the
world, and the child’s expectations.
How the individual child responds to the
social (adults and peers) and the physical environment, and how the child interprets the response of the social
(adults and peers) and physical environment.
The child’s self-image
The social and physical environment
The child’s response and interpretation
Figure 9.1: A drawing demonstrating the concept of self-image
How a child reacts to the social and physical environment is indicative of the child’s conception of his or her self-image.
Wardle, F. (1995, July/August). How children build images of themselves. Child Care Information Exchange, 104, 44–47.
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
we are and what we can do self-esteem (Ormrod, 2008). Thus, self-esteem is self-image with the added piece of the child’s own judgment of his or her self-image: good or bad, strong or weak, effective or ineffective, assertive or passive. The question then becomes “Where do these judgments come from—both positive and negative?” There are several factors that come together to create an individual child’s self-esteem (Curry & Johnson, 1990):
• What the child can do. This is what Erikson (1963) called industry, and what we today would call competence. Competence is the ability to do things—dressing oneself or knowing how to write one’s name, having social skills, making friends, or play- ing constructively with peers—that we will discuss later in this chapter under social competence.
• How the child is accepted within the child’s communities—family, extended fam- ily, neighborhood, early care and education program, local dance class. This is what Bronfenbrenner (1995) called the microsystem.
• The impact the child has on the child’s communities. This includes the child’s tempera- ment (Thomas & Chess, 1977); the child’s race, ethnicity, and immigration status; the family’s religion; family lifestyles; and socioeconomic status. For example, if a child cannot participate in a celebration at the early care and education program because of the family’s faith or cannot eat certain foods that others enjoy, it may have a negative impact on the child’s self-image (Wardle, 1995).
• The child’s peers. We know that peers have an extremely powerful impact on a child’s self-esteem (Harter, 2006b); later, of course, this relationship with peers can develop into bullying or becoming a victim (Olweus, 2003).
Brain Development
Before we examine various aspects of self-esteem in detail, we need to review the develop- ment of the young child’s brain and consider its vital influence on the child’s physical, social, emotional, and cognitive development. The infant’s brain grows very rapidly during the first two years of life, which is due largely to the creation of neural connections, particularly in the cerebral cortex—the part of the brain involved in learning, thinking, memory, and problem- solving (Chugani & Phelps, 1986). Because the brain grows so rapidly, nutrition (e.g., breast milk) is very important.
Also important to the child’s emotional and cognitive development is brain stimulation (Yarrow et al., 1984). Parental and caregiver affection and positive interactions—talking to the infant, touching, singing, bodily movement, and soothing music—have a dramatic impact on the creation of brain connections and release hormones that promote brain development (Brain Facts, 2009). Emotions produced by positive interactions—with pets, loved ones, friends, and sensitive adults—also create these hormones. By the same token, certain negative experi- ences, such as stressful and traumatic events, can cause the production of cortisol, which destroys brain cells and can cause permanent deficits in learning and memory (Garcia-Segura, 2009).
During the toddler and preschool years, rapid brain development continues. Rich, appropriate, multisensory stimulation creates many neural connections; myelination—the development of insulation around these connections—helps speed up neural messages. At age 5, a child’s brain weighs 90% of its adult weight, due to increased neural connections and myelination (Sampaio & Truwit, 2001). At the preschool age, the prefrontal cortex of the brain continues to
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
develop, helping young children problem solve and develop emotional regulation. As children develop through preschool, they become increasingly verbal, their memory improves, and their physical coordina- tion gets better.
However, prefrontal maturation takes a long time to develop fully, continuing through late childhood and adolescence (Johnson, 2005). Thus, many 3- to 5-year-old children have difficulty staying on task, staying still for a significant period of time, control- ling their emotions and frustrations, and paying attention. Brain maturation and emotional regula- tion work together to help children exhibit prosocial behaviors and appropriate interactions with others.
Developing Positive Self-Esteem
Curry and Johnson (1990) have broken down how young children develop a positive sense of self and have described the role of the adults in this critically important process. They discuss the development of positive self-esteem through four constructs: love and acceptance, power and control, moral value, and competence. These constructs work to support the development of the child’s positive self-esteem, and they develop within the family and extended family, in the early care and education program, and within the child’s larger contexts (playground, com- munity, peer group). These overlap, and regardless of the child’s cultural, racial, ethnic, and other backgrounds, each of these constructs is very important. Children who feel love and acceptance and power and control, and who have a sense of moral value and competence, will learn, develop, and progress toward their potential—both at home and in the early care and education program.
Love and Acceptance
All children need to feel that they are loved and accepted for their own uniqueness—for who they are. They should not have to try to be something that they are not—they should not be compared to other children, either at home, in the neighborhood, or in the early care and education program. Do the important adults in the child’s life delight in seeing them, being with them, and having them in their family or group? Is the child fun to be with, and does the adult express this enjoyment to the child?
Children who do not receive love and acceptance from the important adults in their lives develop a negative self-image and begin to doubt themselves. Viewed through Erikson’s stages, infants learn to mistrust, toddlers develop shame and doubt, and 3- to 6-year-olds begin to develop a sense of guilt (Erikson, 1963; Honig, 2005). Children develop predomi- nately negative self-judgments of what they can do and who they are (Harter, 2006b). This, in turn, can lead to depression, anxiety, antisocial behavior, and maladjustment. Unloved
© Stockbyte/Thinkstock
▲ When an adult reads with a child, hormones are released in the child’s brain that aid in healthy brain development.
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
children feel inadequate and incompetent and tend to focus on what they cannot do. As we will discuss later, they also tend to have less self-efficacy (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003; Harter, 2006b; Leary & McDonald, 2003).
Adults develop a sense of acceptance and love in young children by setting and applying appropriate and consistent limits, providing high levels of support and nurturing at all times, and offering praise and acknowledgment for children when they complete specific tasks, persist in difficult challenges, and engage in appropriate risk-taking (see Helping Children Develop: Not in Praise of Praise).
While much of any adult’s involvement with children, be it a parent, teacher, or caregiver, is the custodial care of basic health and safety concerns, children also need to know adults truly appreciate them for who they are and enjoy being around them. This can be conveyed to the child through the words “I’m glad you came with me on my walk today,” a smile or gesture, and simply including children in activities such as putting books back on the shelves or cook- ing together. At about 3 years of age, children can work on projects with parents and teachers, such as growing a garden, putting together a scrapbook, creating shopping lists by cutting out pictures from the paper or advertisements, and sorting laundry.
Parents who have more than one young child devise ways to provide individual, undivided attention with each child on a regular basis, and grandparents can often help by giving children individual grandparent time. Other ideas include the following:
• When giving individualized time to a child, ask the child what he or she chooses to do. Focus on the quality time together—visiting a library, walking on a greenway, play- ing in the playground—and not on the activity itself. Sometimes this can be achieved when other children are at school or in an early childhood program, other times by the other children being cared for by another adult or older child in the home.
• Read individually to each child before the child goes to bed. Parents and other adults in the house can take turns.
• A teacher or caregiver can take the opportunity when a group of children is fully engaged to spend special time with an individual child. This can be on the playground, when children are in learning centers, or when they are engaged in group activities. If you have an aide or a volunteer in the classroom, use him or her to lead some of these group activities so that you can focus on individual children.
• Even in group activities, such as circle time or a group physical activity, be careful not to compare children to each other, but rather focus on each child’s individual develop- ment and learning.
• Parents and teachers can support individual children who make a sincere effort to interact with other children and who support other children in their efforts. This requires more direct scaffolding (e.g., “Have you tried to help Jonny get into the swing seat?”), than praise or judgment.
© Stockbyte/Thinkstock
▲ It is important that children feel their presence is appreciated by the adults in their lives. This can be accomplished by spending one-on-one time play- ing or working on activities with the child that do not involve basic care functions.
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
Not in Praise of Praise
Many people today believe it is critical to shower children with praise as a way to build their self- esteem and to inoculate them against the hardships of childhood. It is commonly thought that positive self-esteem is the root of strong character and moral behavior (Nelson, 1987). Those who believe in this idea practice an approach of lavishing praise on their children at every turn. However, Kohn (2001) considers uncritical, arbitrary praise bad for young children, for reasons that include the following:
• It manipulates children to do what we want them to do. A better approach is to work with them for desired results.
• It increases a child’s dependence on adult approval. Children begin to do only what is expected—what is praised. Research shows children who are praised a lot tend to be more ten- tative, because they try to figure out the responses the adult wants.
• Children need to be able to decide on their own how they feel about their accomplishments, without depending on the judgment of others.
• If children are constantly praised for what they do, they begin to act for the reward and not for an intrinsic enjoyment and fulfillment. Once adult attention ceases, the child stops the activity. Children continually praised for generosity become less generous.
• Children who are constantly praised for completing a task have difficulty with the next task, because the praise places undue pressure on success. They become less interested in the activity and process and more interested in meeting the adult’s expectations.
Young children are very concerned with how important adults in their lives think of them. They view the adults’ judgment as more accurate and valid than their own. Further, children soon learn that behavior tends to be categorized as good, bad, and obedient—and that these constructs are defined and reinforced by adults and not children. Thus, adults—parents, caregivers, and teach- ers—are responsible for telling children what is good and what is bad, and what children should and should not do (Grey, 1995). Using praise indiscriminately teaches children to rely on adults to determine their worth and competence, rather than to rely on their own internal judgment.
Negatives of Praise Praise as it is commonly used with young children produces a dilemma for the child: “Should I repeat the behavior because I enjoy it and it makes me feel competent and successful, or should I repeat it simply to receive praise from an adult?” What if the adult is no longer impressed with the child’s activity? Does this make the child feel good about what she can do, or does it make her feel good by eliciting a response from the adult? Also, indiscriminate praise does not tell the child what is specifically good and why you think so. Further, indiscriminate praise does not tell the child what is meant by good (how things are evaluated). Indiscriminate praise by adults communicates to the child that the child’s efforts, engagement, and results are not worth the time and effort for the adult to consider carefully and individually.
Another problem is that we use praise to make people feel good about themselves (Grey, 1995). The adult accepts the role and responsibility to make a child feel good about who he is and what he can do: “I have the power; I have the responsibility.” But it does not help the child validate his own efforts and accomplishments, or help him develop an internal working model so that the child no longer has to depend on the adult for acceptance and approval.
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Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
• As a parent or grandparent, when there are chores that must be done, consider if there is a way to involve one of the children: helping to wash the dishes, making cook- ies, picking tomatoes from the backyard garden, or doing the laundry. While this takes extra time and attention, it is a great way to involve young children in what to them are very important activities. But do not make it feel like a chore or a punishment.
Power and Control
Power and control involve a sense of control over one’s life and daily experiences. We dis- cussed this idea at length in Chapter 2, in reference to Erikson’s concept of autonomy (1963). We focused on two ideas: (1) young children need to feel a sense of autonomy—a belief that they can do things on their own, solve their own problems, and affect their world (both social and physical) and (2) adults cannot in reality give young children any autonomy, because they would hurt themselves and others. But power and control do not mean the power to chal- lenge adult authority or control over what the child wishes to do and not to do. It is about giving young children those choices and experiences that provide them with a sense of power and control. There are a variety of ways that can help children achieve a sense of power and control:
• Providing children with lots of opportunities to make a variety of acceptable choices, at home and in the early care and education setting. Still, parents, teachers, and caregiv- ers must be very careful to make sure all choices offered to children are acceptable. Do
The Right Way to Praise “Good job, Tom. You are doing what you are supposed to do, aren’t you? You’re always such a good boy” (Grey, 1995, p. 59). This is the wrong way to use praise. It defines Tom’s value when he does what the teacher wants him to do. A more appropriate use of praise to support the develop- ment of the child’s positive self-esteem would be, “I saw you carry all the dirty paint brushes to the sink, Tom. You had to make three trips to get all of them. I sure appreciate your help” (p. 59). What children need is unconditional support in their efforts to grow, learn, and develop. What we say should be offered in the context of genuine affection for what children are, rather than what they do and accomplish:
• Say what you saw (“You put on your shoes by yourself”) or even express the effect it had on another child: “She seems happy that you want to play with her.”
• Ask questions. What part of the painting does the child like best? Which was the most fun to paint?
Or say nothing. Accomplishments have their own rewards built in—intrinsic motivation. Let children delight in their accomplishments, in solving a problem, in finally mastering an activity, without the need for adult approval. Genuinely reflecting back to children what they are doing and what they are feeling and thinking reinforces them in such a way that they feel like competent, unique, inter- esting human beings, and it also helps children develop an internal working model of their own behavior and value. Adults should ask children how they feel about what they have accomplished, whether they could improve on their efforts and results, and how they handled frustrations and dis- appointments in achieving a task or activity.
Use of praise to increase a child’s self-esteem must be sincere, reflect on the child’s actual activities and feelings, and have the ultimate goal of enabling children to judge their own worth without the need to depend on adults (Grey, 1995; Kohn, 2001).
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
not ask, “So you want to play outside?” if that is not a choice. Do not say, “Do you want to help clean up?” when a “no” is not acceptable.
• Providing meaningful projects and experi- ences (at home and in the early care and education program), such as gardening, building a fort, cooking, and painting.
• Providing lots of opportunities for chil- dren to explore, construct, take risks, wonder, and problem solve.
• Helping and supporting children in their own self-evaluation of projects and activ- ities: “I like the way my picture looks,” “My tower is bigger than the one I made yesterday,” and “I remembered how to write my name!”
• Providing challenges, high expectations, and support for persistence and creative ways to meet challenges. Vygotsky, a Russian theorist who developed a sociocultural theory of learning and development, proposed the concept known as the zone of proximal development (introduced in Chapter 8). This is the range between what a child can achieve during independent problem solving and what the child can accomplish with the help of an adult or more competent child. A child’s zone of proximal develop- ment differs for each skill and developmental area, from learning to talk and walk, to holding a spoon, drawing a picture, and learning to behave appropriately. With this in mind, high expectations mean expectations within each child’s zone of proximal development.
• Letting children know that you have faith that they can achieve, succeed, solve prob- lems, and resolve personal conflicts. Do not intervene until it is absolutely necessary. If a child asks you, “How can I do this?” turn it around and ask her, “How do you think you can do this?”
• Encouraging children to develop their own rules, based on their abilities and experi- ences. They will need help, but they will feel a sense of power and control if their input is solicited and if they are then expected to help enforce their own rules. For example, before going to the garden to break up the large clods of dirt with gar- dening tools, you might ask the children, “What rules do we need so that no one gets hurt?”
Moral Value
Moral value is the idea of a child feeling that he or she is treated fairly and is fundamentally a good person. A child with high moral value cares for others and learns to practice ethical behavior. Do children feel valued, do they feel they belong, and do they feel they can posi- tively affect the lives of others? We can enhance the young child’s sense of moral value in a number of ways:
• Making sure that interactions between the child and adults—parents, teachers, and caregivers—are characterized by mutual respect, cooperation, empathy, and fairness.
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ Parents with more than one young child must take care to spend time individually with each child in addi- tion to time spent with them as a group.
Building a Positive Self-Image Chapter 9
• Limiting extrinsic rewards, like money and stickers, and limiting the use of punishment— especially harsh punishment. Helping Children Develop: Not in Praise of Praise lists many rea- sons to be very careful in using extrinsic rewards, as does a detailed section on positive reinforce- ment and punishment in Chapter 8. With young children, we should be focused on their need to resolve Erikson’s stages (trust, autonomy, and industry) (Erikson, 1963) and their natural curios- ity to learn, grow, achieve, and master new skills, including social and behavioral skills (Siegler & Alibali, 2005).
• Helping young children find ways to deal with frustrations, disappointments, and failures constructively.
• Providing opportunities for children to work together in a variety of groups, including mixed-age and mixed-ability groups and groups of children from a variety of racial, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds.
• Providing opportunities for children to care for animals, to care for places where they work and play, and to do things for others. Projects that involve cleaning up the play- ground and field trips to a local senior center are ways to do this.
• When criticizing and punishing a child, make sure you criticize or punish the child’s behavior and let the child know it is the behavior that is unacceptable, rather than the child. Young children tend to take an all or nothing approach to praise and criticism: “I am a good boy, or I am a bad boy” (Harter, 2006b).
• Avoid comparing children to each other—in behavior, ability, achievement, or skills. Each child needs to feel she is an important, contributing part of each group she belongs to: the family, playground, classroom, dance group, and so on.
Competence
Competence is concerned with what children can do; it is the task to be achieved by a child in Erikson’s third stage: industry (competence) versus guilt (ages 3 to 6 years old) (Erikson, 1963). Young children are particularly concerned with being able to do the same things that their peers can do, especially peers of the same gender. But competence is not just about what a child can do; it is also a child's belief that he or she is capable of learning new skills and completing new tasks—a great sense of purpose and empowerment. Adults can engage in a variety of activities to increase a child’s sense of competence:
• Base expectations on what the child can do and is able to do, according to the child’s developmental age and experience (their zones of proximal development).
• Expose young children to activities and cultural events that expand the child’s world: gardening, identifying birds and flowers, learning about the shapes of different tree leaves and seeds, visiting museums, traveling, visiting farms, and enjoying other com- munity resources.
• Help children solve interpersonal problems with other children, and support children as they try out new skills and attempt new, difficult tasks.
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▲ Educators can foster the development of moral value in children by helping them find ways to deal with stress and frustration productively.
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• Acknowledge and praise efforts, persistence, risk- taking, and completion of specific tasks and activi- ties (see Helping Children Develop: Not in Praise of Praise).
Help children develop and learn new skills and concepts by building on skills and concepts that they already know, without expecting them to perform them as well as adults or experts in the field. Understanding Erikson’s psychosocial stages (Erikson, 1963) and Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development can help adults with this task. For example, when a 2-year-old spends considerable time moving his plastic chair, sitting down in it briefly, get- ting down and moving it again, and then repeating the entire process, parents and caregivers must realize the child is developing his autonomy and thus must not be interrupted or helped. The adult should not be tempted to say to the child, “Now that you are sitting on the chair, sit still like an adult and don’t move.” In Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development (Chapter 8), the adult (or expert child) should act as a guide, mentor, and model, more than someone who directly instructs the child in what to do. Further, the child’s activity or task must occur within the child’s zone of proximal development (Berk & Winsler, 1995).
9.2 Self-Efficacy As we discussed earlier, self-esteem is greatly enhanced through the development of self- efficacy, or the way the learner feels or behaves regarding the learner’s competence in a specific activity or enterprise (Ormrod, 2008) (see also Chapter 4). A young child may have high self-efficacy in riding a tricycle, but low self-efficacy in learning to read. Many adults have a much higher self-efficacy in reading than in math, for a whole variety of reasons. Many factors contribute to feeling competent in certain skills and abilities, and incompetent and insecure in others. Factors include experience, cultural expectations, gender roles, and overall support for effort and risk-taking (Bandura, 1997). Research has determined that self- efficacy is a much more accurate predictor of the learner’s performance in a specific area than is the more global concept of self-esteem (Bong & Skaalvik, 2003). Simply put, self-efficacy means that people are more likely to engage in certain behaviors—and be more successful at them—when they believe they are capable of executing the behavior or completing the task successfully (Bandura, 2006).
Interestingly, while self-efficacy is a very powerful predictor of young children’s success, it is equally effective with adults, including parents and teachers. A teacher who is continu- ally acknowledged and credited for being a good teacher will do a better job at teaching than will a teacher who is continually criticized, even when both teachers have the same education, ability, and teaching experience. A parent who believes he or she is a good cook will be a better cook than will an equally talented parent who does not feel good about his or her own cooking.
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▲ When children are independent and learn to complete new tasks on their own, they develop a sense of competence that contrib- utes to overall self-esteem.
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We will first examine how children’s self-efficacy affects their self-esteem and then dis- cuss how the self-efficacy of significant adults in a child’s life can have a dramatic effect on the child. Adults who believe they are good at caring for and educating children pro- vide better care and education than do adults who do not think they have these skills (Ormrod, 2008).
The Impact of Self-Efficacy on Children’s Behavior and Learning
It should be noted that self-efficacy is a neutral term. People can have high self-efficacy, low self-efficacy, or self-efficacy that is somewhere in the middle. And, unlike self-esteem, self-efficacy is specific to a task, skill, activity, or behavior. All of us have high self-efficacy in some areas, and low or medium self-efficacy in others. No one is good at everything, and no one believes he will be good at everything he tries to do! Feelings of self-efficacy influ- ence people’s choice of activities, goals, efforts and persistence, and ultimately learning and achievements (Ormrod, 2008). Adults who are well rested, feel competent, enjoy what they are doing, and are acknowledged by other important adults are able to model appropriate feelings, dispositions, and behaviors to young children. The following are ways self-efficacy affects children’s behavior and learning.
Choice of activities. Children will choose tasks and activities they believe they can achieve; they will avoid those they believe they will fail (Ormrod, 2008). A child who thinks she is good at art will choose the art center at free choice time; a child who does not think she is any good at art will not.
Goals. When children have high self-efficacy in a certain area, they will set higher goals than if they had low self-efficacy. Adolescents choose careers in areas in which they believe they are proficient and can excel.
Effort and persistence. When people work on a task in which they have high self-efficacy, they tend to exert more effort and are more likely to persist when they encounter inevitable obstacles. Conversely, people with low self-efficacy regarding a task or activity will exert less energy and will give up much more quickly.
Learning and achievement. When several stu- dents have the same basic ability level in a specific skill or discipline, those who believe they can accom- plish the task are students with high self-efficacy, while the students with low self-efficacy do not believe they are capable of achieving the task. While it is good for students to have a realistic sense of their ability to achieve a specific task or lesson, some over-confidence is, in fact, good, because it enables them to take on challenging activities that require
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▲ Children with high athletic self-efficacy will likely choose to play basketball during recess rather than read or play in the sandbox.
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new skills and dispositions (Bandura, 1977). With this in mind, it helps to break self-efficacy into two parts: self-efficacy for learning, and self-efficacy for performance and achievement. The former is the idea that if I put my mind and energy to something, I can learn it; the latter is that I already know how to do the task or activity. Thus, self-efficacy in learning should be optimistic; self-efficacy for performance should be more realistic (Schunk & Pajares, 2004).
Learners with low self-efficacy set goals too low and give up too easily in the face of difficul- ties. But too high goals are also unproductive. Thus, because preschool children tend to have overly optimistic beliefs about their performance abilities, one of the challenges faced by those who work with children this age is to help them deal with the inevitable frustrations of not always being able to achieve their goals (Bandura, 1997).
Another factor in self-efficacy and learning is how children interpret their success or achieve- ment—what is called achievement attribution. Generally, children will attribute success to one of four things: ability, effort, difficulty of the task, and luck (Dweck & Wortman, 1980). When children attribute success to internal factors, such as ability and effort, they are more likely to attempt future tasks and difficult assignments; when they tie success to external factors out of their control, such as luck or an easy task, they feel insecure about their own abilities. Children who do well in school tend to believe this is due to internal reasons (Carr, Borkowski, & Maxwell, 1991). When children believe they failed due to lack of effort, they try harder on future tasks. But when they feel their failure is due to factors outside of their control, such as bad luck, poor ability, or difficulty, they feel helpless and stop trying (Dweck & Licht, 1980). Thus, children should be encouraged to view their achievements—at home, in the neighborhood, and in the early childhood program—as a result of their individual effort.
Self-Efficacy and Gender
Throughout this book, we have discussed the effect of culture on children’s development, learning, and education. One of the areas where culture has a profound impact is gender. This is also true when it comes to self-efficacy. Boys who believe they are good at making things with blocks will choose the block area; girls who do not may choose the art or dramatic play area instead. These preferences are increased when gender-specific models demonstrate these behaviors—women teachers preferring art and reading, male teachers preferring blocks and math games (Wardle, 1991; Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001). Also, due to cultural expectations, career goals are often gender spe- cific—boys tend to have higher goals for careers in the sciences and technology and girls in health, edu- cation, and the social sciences (Bandura et al., 2001).
Children observe the successes and failures of oth- ers, especially children who are like them (Schunk, 1989). Thus, if a teacher wants to model to students how to learn a complex task (e.g., math), it is usually more effective to have another student model the processes than to have the teacher do so (Kitsantas, Zimmerman, & Cleary, 2000). Because children learn successes and failures from similar children, gender stereotypes can be extremely powerful.
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▲ When teaching a child to complete a new task, it is more effective for a peer, rather than the teacher, to model the behavior.
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Self-Efficacy in Adults
In Chapter 8, we discussed the importance of having a positive and healthy climate in the early care and education program. We addressed the need for teachers and caregivers to feel empowered and to believe that they can have an impact on the lives of the children they care for and teach. When teachers—on their own and as a group—feel they can make a differ- ence in the lives and learning of their students, they directly influence student achievement in several ways (Bandura, 1997; Goddard, 2001; Goddard, Hoy, & Woolfolk Hoy, 2000).
Teachers who have high self-efficacy are more willing to experiment with new ideas and teach- ing strategies. They have high expectations and set high goals for their students, and they exert more effort into care and involvement with students (Bandura, 1997; Roeser, Marachi, & Gehlbach, 2002). Thus, self-efficacy affects teachers’ choices, goals, effort, and persistence. As a result of high teacher self-efficacy, children not only have higher self-efficacy for learn- ing, but they also achieve higher learning levels (Goddard, 2001; Roeser et al., 2002).
It also stands to reason that teachers and caregivers who are provided the tools they need to teach (both the methods and materials), and whose efforts are acknowledged and rewarded, will possess higher self-efficacy and will be more effective in teaching and caring for the chil- dren working together as a staff and collaborating with families.
It would seem logical that parents with high self-efficacy would be better parents—both in providing for the essential needs of their children at home and also in working effectively with the early care and education program, in using community agencies, and in accessing other resources to meet the needs of the whole family. A central reason early care and education programs provide parenting classes, help families make connections with community agen- cies, and provide parenting libraries and other materials is to increase parent self-efficacy.
Further, the macrosystem level of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory tells us that areas not directly affecting a child still can have a strong impact. In this case, the parents’ work environment, other responsibilities beyond the family, and involvement in the community can increase or decrease a parent’s self-efficacy.
Developing High Self-Efficacy
Many factors contribute to the development of self-efficacy in young children and the adults who help care for them. These include previous successes and failures, messages from other people, successes and failures of peers and colleagues, and the successes and failures of groups to which the child or adult belongs.
Previous Successes and Failures
Young children and adults feel more confident at achieving a task that they have already succeeded in or achieving a similar task. For example, a child will be more confident about subtracting blocks in a math activity because she was successful at adding blocks. By the same token, a child who has mastered riding the tricycle believes it will not be too difficult to learn to ride a bike.
Once people develop a high level of self-efficacy, an occasional failure will probably not deter them; in fact, they learn an ability to withstand frustrations and a disposition to persist, even when everything does not go as expected. This is called resilient self-efficacy: an
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understanding that sustained effort and persis- tence are needed for success (see Helping Children Develop: Not in Praise of Praise).
However, young children and adults who experi- ence consistent failure in performing a specific task will have little confidence to succeed at the same or a similar task. Each time they fail will simply reinforce what they already know: They cannot do the task. This is one obvious reason students with a history of doing well on academic tasks have high self-efficacy in academics, while students who struggle have low self-efficacy. For example, children with developmental delays who typically fail at academic tasks have very low self-efficacy in school-related activities, and thus teachers and caregivers must be extremely cognizant of ways to help them succeed and provide many tasks at which they can and will succeed (Schunk, 1989).
Messages From Others
To some extent, the opinions of others do matter. When other people, such as a teacher, par- ent, or peer, believe a young child can do something, this will increase the child’s self-efficacy. A teacher who says to a child, “I know you can do it,” has an impact. Messages from other people can also be less direct. For example, when a teacher shows a child how to improve a painting by mixing in a new color, the teacher is showing the child that the teacher believes the child can learn to improve the painting. However, care must be taken, because an adult who continually provides a child with more help than needed is communicating that the adult does not believe the child can succeed on his own, without help.
Successes and Failures of Others
Children look to peers to determine potential success. “If Johnny can learn to ride a bike, then surely I can too!” is their thinking. Further, it is usually much more powerful for a child to model a behavior or task than it is for a teacher or parent to model the same thing (Schunk & Hanson, 1985). Seeing a peer successfully write her own name is far more effective than seeing a teacher do the same thing. Further, a peer model who initially struggles before being able to master a specific task is a far more effective model than is a child who easily succeeds at the task the first time she tries. The model who struggles shows the learner that success is achieved through persistence. The more similar the model is to the learner—in age, gen- der, race, ethnicity, and so on—the more effective he is as a model. As we have suggested, children can learn both positive and negative behaviors and attitudes through reinforcement, punishment, modeling, and other approaches. Parents, teachers, and caregivers need to be extremely careful that they use the power of modeling to teach prosocial behaviors and atti- tudes, rather than negative behaviors and self-destructive attitudes.
Successes and Failures of a Group
People seem to have more self-efficacy when they work together in a group. This is called collective self-efficacy. When teachers as a group believe they can make a significant
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▲ When a child completes a task, self-efficacy results, and that child is likely to have confidence in his ability to complete the same or a similar task in the future because of his previous success.
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difference in the lives of children, they have more self-efficacy, setting higher standards for students, exerting more effort in their teaching, being more persistent in helping students, and trying out new teaching approaches and strategies (Bandura, 1997). When a group of children functions effectively, it improves the self-efficacy of each student in the group, even those who struggle. Children believe that when the group they belong to is successful, they will be successful too. Somehow, this success of the group implies the potential success of the individual—it rubs off. This is one reason why early care and education programs should use a variety of heterogeneous and cooperative groups with young children, although group activities need to be moni- tored for boredom, behavioral concerns, and a mis- match between group goals and individual abilities and emotional states.
However, belonging to a group that is known to struggle or to have low achievement, such as the lower reading group or the group of children with developmental delays, produces low self-efficacy for every student in the group (Bandura, 1997). Individual children and small groups of children can be brought together for targeted instruction; however, these children should also be involved in heterogeneous groups and a variety of cooperative learning activities.
Self-Efficacy and Working with Young Children
Self-efficacy is an extremely powerful influence on behavior, success, and failure, both for chil- dren and for adults. It can be effectively used by people who work with children. Combining self-efficacy with ways to help young children learn about their own unique racial, gender, disability, and ethnic identities can be a very effective way of increasing children’s self-esteem (see Helping Children Develop: Self-Efficacy and Learning: a Two-Way Street). Some applica- tions of what we know about using self-efficacy to increase self-esteem include the following:
• Success breeds success. Thus, we need to give children lots and lots of experiences with success. This is particularly important for children who do not have many suc- cesses, especially in academic areas. For example, children need activities tailored to their own abilities, so that they can see success without comparing themselves to others; further, children who struggle in mathematics but are skilled in art need lots of opportunities to demonstrate their artistic ability. These children should never be expected to give up activities in which they excel to work on areas in which they struggle; also, these successful activities should not be used to reinforce areas in which they struggle (the Premack principle; see Chapter 7). Quality one-on-one time with parents and teachers is especially important for these students.
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▲ Seeing a peer struggle to complete, but ulti- mately accomplish, a task is more effective at helping a child learn a new task than it would be if the peer had easily completed the task the first time.
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• Models of success are extremely powerful, especially models who are similar in age, gen- der, and other attributes. For children, other children are powerful models; for parents and for teachers, other successful parents and teachers provide empowering models.
• What we say matters. When we use words with children that convey a belief in their success, they are more likely to succeed. This is also true for adults; expecting teachers to be able to learn the new curriculum and telling teachers we know they can posi- tively address a conflict with parents have a very positive impact.
• Successful groups affect individual success. This is particularly important when examin- ing groups of teachers and parents. Thus, if there are several parents in the program who wish to learn English, it is more self-efficacious to create a group to learn English. For the same reason, it is better to create groups of teachers to address program- related improvements and changes than it is to use individual teachers to attempt to achieve the same thing. With young children, we must make sure we do not create groups of children who are perceived by themselves and others as failures.
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
Self-Efficacy and Learning: A Two-Way Street
Three- and four-year-old children at the Hope Gifted Program are intensely involved in an activity about African insects and animals. Their classroom is decorated with a mixture of the usual early childhood materials and colorful items of African-American culture, including pictures of famous African Americans on the wall. This inner-city program for gifted African-American students believes, like many programs for minority children, that racial and cultural pride plays an important role in the potential academic success of these children.
But what is the best way to help children develop racial, ethnic, and cultural pride? Let us start by considering what we know about young children. We know that young children view and interpret the world from their unique perspectives—they relate everything to themselves. And at this age, children are concrete learners: they learn by doing, seeing, and feeling. To teach anything effec- tively, including cultural pride, we must build on this developmental knowledge of how young chil- dren learn.
Because preschool children can identify concrete physical characteristics and differences, they are aware of skin color, hair texture, eye shape, and physical size and ability. But they are too young to know what these characteristics and differences mean. And while young children may know what it feels like to be unfairly treated, they do not understand complex, abstract issues like inequality and social injustice toward a whole group of people. Unfortunately, we often forget these develop- mental realities when it comes to instilling a sense of racial and ethnic identity and pride in young children.
Efforts toward supporting children’s racial and ethnic pride should begin on a personal level, not a global one. Start introducing concepts of racial and cultural pride by giving children opportunities to explore their own feelings about themselves and their unique experiences. Involve them in activi- ties that address issues such as respect, trust, physical characteristics, and feelings of self-worth. Essentially, we should start by helping children develop an accurate sense of identity and positive self-efficacy. Once we have done this, we can then start to help them make connections between themselves and other groups of people.
(continued)
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Building Self-Efficacy At this age, a child’s identity and self-efficacy are based on several components, including the way people—parents, teachers, peers—respond to each child and the type of influence various groups have on the child’s life. Equally important is what the child is capable of doing. Does the child have a sense of accomplishment—can the child ride a bike, read his or her name, paint a picture, get the teacher’s attention in an appropriate way, and solve personal problems?
These concepts of mastery and competence are developmental, which means that what is mastered depends on the child’s age, maturity, and experience. Even though the child may want to engage in complex tasks, a child has not yet developed the skills required to drive a car, cross the street alone, or read a complicated book. So we need to celebrate all the accomplishments a child is capable of achieving, based on development and experience.
Here are some developmentally appropriate ways that teachers, caregivers, and parents can help foster self-efficacy and a sense of identity in young children:
• Provide as many choices as possible throughout the day, and reward children for making deci- sions. However, be very careful to make sure all choices—activities, chores, working with other children—are acceptable. Do not ask, “Do you want to clean up?” if the child has no choice.
• Provide many open-ended, creative activities, giving children a sense of control over their own learning.
• Provide activities that build on each child’s unique social and cultural experiences.
• Take advantage of your community’s resources: Organize field trips, invite classroom visitors, and participate in community-centered activities.
• Display pictures of the children and families who attend your program throughout the center (and not just in the classroom).
• Make sure that posters, artwork, picture books, magazines, parent-community information pieces, games, and dolls positively and accurately represent the backgrounds of all the children and families in the program.
• Provide opportunities for mastery of developmentally appropriate skills: riding a bike, building a boat on the workbench, learning to read, playing games, looking at books, doing gymnastics, painting, and drawing pictures.
• Use books, stories, songs, music, dance, art forms, and folktales that children have seen and heard at home and in their communities.
• Provide plenty of opportunities for children to explore their unique identities. This is best done in the dramatic play area using mirrors, dress-up clothes, shoes, hats, makeup, a variety of dolls, and role-playing activities. Encourage children to explore abstract concepts in concrete ways so they can discover both what they are and what they are not. For example, boys often love to put on a dress, high heels, jewelry, and floppy hats. This way, they can try to experience what it is like to be a girl.
Because self-efficacy is a critical component of learning, and because children with high self- efficacy can learn more effectively than can those who have low self-efficacy, we must do all we can to develop it in our children before we attempt to teach them concepts that are more complex and abstract. The best way to support the development of self-efficacy—and eventually cultural and racial pride—is to give children countless opportunities to succeed and to immerse themselves in an environment in which each child feels accepted and empowered. Remember, a confident child can learn, and a child who learns gains confidence!
Wardle, F. (2001). Self-esteem and learning; a two-way street. Children and Families, (15)2, pp. 62–63. National Head
Start Association.
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• Success in one area can transfer to success in a similar area. While self-efficacy applies to specific tasks, behaviors, and accomplishments, it can spill over to similar tasks and accomplishments. Thus, if a child knows she is good at art, this competence can be used to develop self-efficacy in writing. Failure also begets failure. If an adult tells a child that he cannot succeed, the child will begin to believe this; a child who belongs to a group of children who struggle will also struggle. As suggested, children with developmental delays generally have very low self-efficacy in school-related subjects.
• Children should view their success in specific tasks and skills in terms of progress com- pared to themselves and not compared to other children. We know that all children learn differently, and some children struggle far more with learning than do oth- ers. Those children who struggle desperately need a feeling of success, and they can achieve this feeling of success when they view progress based on their own learning.
• Children should not be expected to be good at everything. While it is important for children to learn and be challenged, they should be allowed to be less successful in some areas and some domains. For example, a child who excels at learning to read but struggles in learning simple math should be given more leeway in math performance; a child who likes art but has problems relating to his peers sometimes should be acknowledged for his art while being supported in learning prosocial skills.
9.3 Social Competence A central component of self-esteem is social competence, introduced in Chapter 6. Social competence is the individual’s ability to initiate and maintain satisfying reciprocal relation- ships with peers (Katz & McClellan, 1997). A socially competent individual is one who can use environmental and personal resources to achieve positive outcomes; socially competent young children engage in satisfying interactions and activities with adults and peers and through these interactions further improve their individual social competence. Thus, social competence begets social competence. While children with easy temperaments have a certain advantage when it comes to developing social competence, all young children develop skills and disposi- tions during the first five years of life that support or detract from social competence. How we interact with peers is a critical indication of our success in school and in life.
Components of Social Competence
Social competence has three components: emotional regulation, social knowledge and understanding, and social skills. Positive and effective social and emotional development of young children provides an essential foundation for cognitive and academic development and growth, in the preschool and later school years. Social competence sets the tone for every- thing that comes later. Because social competence is a critical predictor of later personal and academic success, all children should be supported in achieving it (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2009). Socially competent young children exhibit all three of these behaviors:
1. Emotional regulation is the ability to respond to the environment and ongoing experiences in a manner that is socially acceptable, yet is flexible enough to exhibit spontaneity when it is appropriate (Cole, Michel, & Teti, 1994). As mentioned in Chapter 8, the concept includes brain development (especially the prefrontal cortex, which controls emotion and planning) and effortful control (modifying one’s impulses and emotions, such as delaying gratification so one can get more of something). It is the ability to channel emotions and
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feelings into appropriate actions and behaviors—to delay response when needed, but also to show joy, excitement, and enthusiasm. It is the ability to manage one’s emotions so that successful personal functioning with peers and adults is possible. Some children let feelings of anger and frustration disrupt appropriate social interactions; others resist interactions that cause anger, fear, and frustration and therefore do not develop emotional regulation.
2. Social knowledge and understanding. Children need several kinds of social knowledge to be able to make friends: norms; social and cultural customs; language commonly used by peers; and stories, heroes, TV shows, fairy tales, and characters from movies. Sometimes this is called the popular culture. Social understanding includes the ability to understand the feelings and experiences of others and to use language to negotiate, take turns, coop- erate, initiate interactions, and express preferences and reasons for one’s actions. Socially competent children are able to express their intentions and likes to their peers clearly.
3. Social skills. Young children need to be able to enter peer play and activity groups and to engage in appropriate interactions with others (Dodge, 1983). Other specific social skills that enhance social competence include the following:
• Giving positive attention to others—for example, praising a peer for their block construction
• Requesting information from others about their activities
• Contributing to ongoing discussions among peers
Conversely, children who engage in asocial behaviors such as aggression, disruption, and antisocial play are unpopular and not included in play and other activities with their peers. Children do not like to be around difficult, disruptive, and selfish peers.
Certain children develop prosocial dispositions that include being accepted, friendly, empa- thetic, generous, and cooperative. A disposition is a relatively consistent habit of mind or characteristic way of responding to experiences in various types of situations (Katz, 1995). Thus, a prosocial disposition is the general tendency of a child to respond to various social interactions in positive, accepting, and friendly ways. All young children need to learn proso- cial dispositions; they do so from observing significant models, learning and living in positive and affirmative environments, and having lots of opportunities to behave prosocially (Katz & McClellan, 1997).
Connection Between Social Competence, Self-Esteem, and Self-Efficacy
A person’s self-esteem—high or low—has a tremendous impact on the ability to derive joy and satisfaction from one’s life (Furnham & Cheng, 2000). It affects how people feel about themselves, how others respond to them, and what they believe they can do (Baumeister, Campbell, Kruegen, & Vohs, 2003). There is also a high correlation between self-esteem and personal relationships (Leary & McDonald, 2003). People with high self-esteem are more likely to have positive relationships with peers and friends. Conversely, poor personal relationships cause low self-esteem, because the person does not feel satisfied with the relationship and is constantly looking for acceptance. People with high self-esteem tend to be more prosocial and less antisocial (Leary & McDonald, 2003).
Children who feel good about themselves evaluate their abilities more highly (Harter, 2006b) and have higher social competence. They are more social, outgoing, and assertive and
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consider themselves to be competent and likeable. They expect to do well and believe they control their own fate—socially and with difficult tasks (Leary & Baumeister, 2000). Thus, it is clear that positive self- esteem, high self-efficacy, and high social compe- tence are all directly related to each other (Kostelnik et al., 2009).
Principles and Practices That Enhance Social Competence
Parents, teachers, and caregivers can engage in a variety of behaviors to support the development of social competence in young children. Because future school and life successes are contingent on social competence, this is critical. Almost all interactions parents, teachers, and caregivers have with young children contribute to the development of children’s social competence, because this helps the child develop critical connections in the child’s brain, learn social skills, develop emotional regulation (appropri- ately manage their feelings), and feel positive about interacting in a prosocial manner with other children.
Respect Children’s Feelings
When parents, teachers, and caregivers acknowl- edge and respect children’s feelings, a close rela- tionship develops between them. The child learns to trust the adult, while the adult also provides reas- surance and support. However, respecting a child’s feelings does not mean supporting all of the child’s behaviors. A parent or teacher can understand a child’s frustration at being hit by another child but cannot let the child retaliate. A parent or teacher can respect a child’s reluctance to enter a group activity while still expecting the child to find the courage to enter the activ- ity. Thus, while adults must be sensitive to a child’s feelings, they cannot give in to them. It is important for adults to empathize with the child’s feelings and to recognize that these feelings are real to the child. Knowledge of Erikson’s and Piaget’s developmental stages will help parents and teachers understand the source of some of these frustrations and feelings. These adults should help children articulate their feelings and provide alternative, acceptable responses to them, such as going outside or hitting a bag or ball. Parents and teachers need to maintain high expectations of positive, cooperative, respectful behaviors toward other children and adults.
Parents, teachers, and caregivers need to be clear regarding rules, expected behaviors, and what is and is not negotiable at home, in the classroom, and on the playground. They should respect children’s feelings without indulging them. For example, a child may be upset because her friend did not invite her to his birthday party. The adult can express how she too likes to be invited to parties and while sometimes she is not invited, she does not get upset at the person.
© Tips Images / SuperStock
▲ Children who engage in aggressive behavior with their peers lack the social skills to interact pro- socially and may be excluded from activities with other children.
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Social Competence is Culturally Defined
Children and adults from different cultures engage in different patterns of interaction. All teachers, caregivers, and parents were raised within a cultural context that determines various aspects and rules that govern their social relationships. Thus, we must be sensitive to social interactions that differ from our own. Cultures vary in how much and in what ways feelings are expressed; they also vary in how and with whom displaying affection, anger, hostility, and other feelings are appropriate and inappropriate. As we have discussed previously, people from certain cultures teach their children to defend themselves physically when they believe they are being threatened and attacked (Poussaint, 2007).
Obviously, teachers and caregivers cannot be familiar with the interaction norms of people from every cultural group in their classroom and program. However, the teacher needs to be sensitive both to the cultural behaviors of the children and of their parents. Teachers and caregivers can learn some important ideas and behaviors from people of different cultural backgrounds, while parents of diverse backgrounds benefit from learning cultural behav- iors and expectations needed to be successful in school and in the greater American soci- ety. Teachers and caregivers who are sensitive to cultural differences can help children from diverse backgrounds bridge the differences between their culture and the main American culture (Rogoff, 1997).
Social Behaviors Develop in Cycles
Children’s patterns of social behavior tend to produce responses from others, both adults and children, which in turn produce more of that same behavior. These can be negative or positive behaviors. For example, children who are positive and likeable produce positive and accepting responses from others, which then increase their own prosocial behaviors. These children then increase their social understanding and extend their social knowledge. On the other hand, children who are difficult, unfriendly, and no fun to be around are likely to be avoided and rejected by other children and even by adults. In response to this rejection, these children become even more unfriendly and unattractive—thus being repeatedly avoided and rejected. Consequently, opportunities for these children to learn and practice prosocial behav- iors with peers gradually diminish. In this way, a negative cycle is created. Over time, these cycles become more and more resistant to change (Cairns, 1986).
Cyclic patterns become so engrained that they appear to be automatic and spontaneous— occurring subconsciously. Young children and even many adults cannot break negative cycles by themselves. Without direct adult intervention, these behavioral cycles will continue well into the elementary years. When children enter new social groups, they assume the social roles and behaviors they held in previous groups. These behaviors are then reinforced by other adults and children who respond to the new child’s reputation. The younger the child, the easier it is for significant adults to help the child shift from a negative to a positive social interaction cycle. Thus, adults play a vital role in helping children develop prosocial behaviors and social compe- tence. Ideas to help children get out of these negative cycles include the following:
• Provide children many opportunities to engage in any positive activity they do well, such as playing in the block area, painting, or playing outside. Provide positive feed- back for these activities.
• Observe negative interactions, especially with peers. Find ways to reduce these as much as possible. Carefully select activities the child can do with other children with- out failing.
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• Break up complex tasks into small, manageable ones. Help the child master each small task before moving on to the next task.
• Model prosocial, successful behaviors to the child at every possible chance. Both par- ents and teachers should do this. Observe one’s own negative responses to the child.
• All adults involved with the children—parents, teachers, caregivers, and others— should make sure they are on the same page in supporting the children’s efforts at prosocial behaviors.
• Use social skills training, which is explained later in this chapter (see also the section on affirmations).
Direct Communication Increases Adult Effectiveness
Teachers and caregivers should use direct language to communicate to young children expec- tations, instructions, and appropriate behavior. This lets the child understand in no uncertain terms what is expected according to specific guidelines, without sarcasm, ambiguity, or con- fusion. When adults redirect a child due to inappropriate behavior, they need to be respectful and allow children to express their feelings, but they need to tell the child directly why their behavior is inappropriate or unacceptable.
Relationships Should Focus on Content
Too often, some teachers and caregivers of children who exhibit challenging behaviors end up focusing on the child’s behavior, rather than on content—an activity, project, play, or learning a new skill. This content should be based on the child’s education program: what the child is learning, planning, thinking, experimenting with, or trying out. When engaging in these projects, rules should be kept to a minimum to avoid reverting to a power struggle. Children develop social competence when they understand their views are respected, their frustrations understood, and their ideas considered. They will not develop social competence if they are simply told to obey adult directions and punished when they do not (or cannot).
Optimal Teacher Intervention is Required
The occurrence of conflicts between young children in early care and education settings provides an ideal context for teachers to enhance social competence in these children. However, teachers and caregivers must be careful to provide optimal intervention: not too frequently that the children do not have oppor- tunities to solve their own problems, but frequently enough so that no child falls into a negative behav- ioral cycle. Achieving optimal intervention requires frequent and careful observations of individual chil- dren interacting in a variety of group settings (Katz & McClelland, 1997).
One of the challenges for parents and teachers of young children is to make sure they do not come to accept a child’s negative cycles and reputations fully, thus becoming overly protective and not letting chil- dren resolve conflicts, help themselves, and defend
© Katy McDonnell/Thinkstock
▲ When organizing activities, educators should give children the freedom to experiment and should keep rules to a minimum to avoid creating a power struggle with the child.
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their rights. Because the purpose for teaching social competence is for children to practice social competence themselves, parents and teachers must be attuned to providing less assis- tance and support as children develop these new skills and dispositions, following the idea of Vygotsky’s zone of proximal development. Adults need to scaffold the child’s social interac- tions carefully while at the same time letting go as the child gains social skills and confidence.
Adult Expectations Are Powerful
Some adults are quick to judge and label children: the helpful child, the difficult child, the lazy child, the child who talks too much. The problem with this approach is that children begin to adjust their behaviors to these adult expectations, and adult expectations become self- fulfilling prophecies. Thus, many unpopular children experience rejection not only because they personally expect to be disliked, but also because some teachers do not expect them to be successful, preventing them from using the prosocial skills and abilities they actually have. As with self-efficacy, children who are convinced that peers actually like them engage in more prosocial behaviors than do similar children who do not (Rabiner & Coie, 1989).
Teachers’ Interactions Model Social Competence
As we have discussed elsewhere, teachers provide extremely powerful role models for young children. Thus, when teachers respond to conflicts between children in the program or between themselves and children (or even with each other), they must do so in exactly the same way they wish for children to interact with each other. They need to listen intently, get both people’s reasons for the conflict, and then provide constructive suggestions to solve the problem or conflict.
Fostering Social Knowledge and Understanding, Strengthening Interactive Skills, and Social Skills Training
How can teachers, parents, and caregivers assist young children in developing social compe- tence? There are many approaches that adults can use to assist young children in this critical task. These ideas can be grouped into three general categories: fostering social knowledge and understanding, strengthening interactive skills, and providing social skills training.
Fostering Social Knowledge and Understanding
All children from time to time need adults to help them take the perspective of other children. They need help to realize that other children’s experiences, contexts, and home lives may be very different from their own. Tell children about other children's feelings and interests. Children need help to understand the effect of their behaviors on others. When a child is waiting a long time for a swing, the teacher can gently remind the swinging child how it feels to wait a long time for the swing; an aggressive child can be reminded what it feels like to be hit by another child. Also, it is good to help children speculate about how other children might feel. A teacher might ask a group of children how an absent child might think about plans for a field trip or a class project. These questions are designed to help children think about how others might respond to their ideas and feelings. This shows children the value of being sensi- tive to the opinions, interests, and feelings of others.
Encourage alternative interpretations of behaviors. Often children label their peers weirdo, crybaby, sissy, and so on. When this occurs, teachers can ask the children to find different
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ways to interpret the child’s behaviors. For example, a child may be new to the center, may be going through a divorce at home, or may have a learning disability. The teacher should not overreact; rather, she should be firm and calm in asserting her point of view. This is also true regarding questions and incorrect assertions by children about gender and racial issues (Poussaint, 2007). Teachers and parents should model that (1) children are different, (2) chil- dren should try to understand why other children are different, and (3) teachers and parents expect children to respect and accept differences. Children who tend to react to other chil- dren’s behaviors aggressively should be helped to interpret the behavior differently. Teachers can help them understand that other children’s intentions are often not aggressive. A teacher can show the child that the other child was frustrated, confused, or upset, or simply has poor social skills.
Children also need help in participating in discussions. Sometimes children interrupt large or small group discussion with inappropriate comments or questions. These children probably have not learned the socially appropriate way of entering and participating in a discussion. Teachers can help these children by suggesting topics the rest of the group would be inter- ested in and suggesting the child use them: “I think it would be good to ask Warren about his camping trip with his family last week” (Katz & McClelland, 1997, p. 89). Help children discover a common ground. Children often develop friendships around common experiences or interests, such as those children who have pets, take dance lessons, or have a grandparent in another country. For children who struggle socially, teachers can remind the other children of common interests and experiences—for example, Jimmy is also interested in dinosaurs, and “don’t forget to tell Johnny about your trip to the museum, because his family went there last week.”
Strengthening Interactive Skills
Many children also need lots of opportunities to interact around meaningful content during the day—schoolwork, playing on the playground, and so on. Young children learn appropri- ate social skills by engaging in social interactions with peers; these interactions should be around important content and activities (Rogoff, 1990). Children derive a great deal of impor- tant social information from positive social interactions; they need to know the impact of their behaviors on others for them to learn to engage in appropriate behaviors.
Not only do verbal skills play an important role in social interactions, but children learn these skills through social interactions. Teachers can help children by suggesting appropriate phrases such as “Please pass me the crayons” or “Let him know it bothers you when he shakes the table.” For situations in which some children have various speech disabilities, teaching the class sign language can help with communication. Often, children do not know how to enter activities. For children who are verbal, teachers can suggest they ask the other children what they are planning on doing or making; they can also ask how they might help. For children who are not verbal, a teacher can be more direct: “Go to Johnny and say, ‘May I work on the side of the building?’ or ‘Can I help you with building the tower?’”
Rather than viewing children who argue over toys or objects as having a problem sharing, we should focus on the skill of turn taking. Turn taking is a complex skill that requires par- ticipants to read cues and determine the best time to push for their own turn. It also requires them to delay gratification, something we have discussed under effortful control. The first thing a teacher can do is to encourage the child to return to the situation and ask to have a turn. If this does not work, the teacher can inform the offender that other children are
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waiting. The teacher should appeal to the resisting child’s capacity for generosity and altru- ism. If this fails, the teacher can then provide a simple explanation, such as “I think Mary has waited long enough,” and then suggest another activity the child can go do. Sharing for children under age 5 is a different proposition. Young children are naturally territorial and egocentric (Reynolds, 2006). To many young children, sharing actually means Let me play with your toy! As children’s verbal skills mature, egocentrism diminishes, and their joy in playing with others increases, they learn to share. This is usually during the late preschool and early elementary ages (Reynolds, 2006).
Many social conflicts require negotiations among participants in a give-and-take manner. Successful negotiations involve children being able to guess what will appeal to the other child and being able to work out a deal in which both children’s needs are addressed. Children can benefit from help in negotiations and compromising. Teachers might suggest specific lan- guage and possible solutions; for example, a child might be advised to say, “I will push you on the swing if you promise to push me on the swing later.” Well-liked young children are better at convincing others of their needs and wishes. These children give more tactful rejections to peer requests than do unpopular children. Thus, unpopular children need to find gentle ways to reject requests from others, such as “I can’t play with you now because I already told Sarah I would play with her, but maybe we can play later.”
According to Dan Olweus (2003), bullies exhibit typical bullying behavior in the late elemen- tary and middle school years. However, bullies and victims begin to show a tendency toward these behaviors during the preschool years. Children who are chronically aggressive and bully other children must be distinguished from children who are appropriately assertive and engage in rough-and-tumble play. Thus, implementing a zero tolerance policy against aggres- sion—which many schools have done—is not an appropriate response to aggressive behavior. Often, bullies are rewarded by the children getting what they want as a result of their aggres- sive behavior; when the bully succeeds, he or she will use the same approach in the future.
Both bullies and victims need help to change their behavior, or it will continue into elementary and middle school. Teachers should tell the bully that the victim does not like his behavior because people do not like to be pushed around. Further, he would not wish for someone to push him around, either. Bullies do not randomly pick their victims; they choose victims who are weak and defenseless—both boys and girls (Olweus, 2003). Two approaches in work- ing with victims are advised: (1) teach the child to resist the bully calmly (and politely), and (2) the teacher, caregiver, or parent can provide a specific phrase for the victim to use and then model the assertive response. They might advise the child to “Say to Johnny, ‘I don’t like to be pushed!’” (or insulted or called names); they should also let the bully know how the victim feels.
Parents often have insight into their children’s aggressive or timid behaviors. They need to be encouraged to talk to the program staff about these behaviors and maybe seek professional advice and assistance.
Teachers can make teams of two or more children, mixing popular with less popular children to complete an assignment or do a project. Children do not necessarily have to like each other to be able to work together. Teachers can also match younger and older children in small groups, which is why mixed-age groups promote social competence. Older children get to practice their social skills because they are not threatened and do not feel they need to compete.
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Providing Social Skills Training
A more direct approach to intervention is social skills training. This is a process by which the teacher (or a therapist) works with the child after the incident has occurred, away from the context in which it happened. Social skills training teaches children the unwritten rules around social interactions that most children learn unconsciously. It systematically teaches what others learn intuitively. The basis of this approach is to help children (1) understand the nature of social interactions and (2) help them apply what they have learned. Research suggests that the approach can work to change children’s behaviors positively and also to produce a marked change in their popularity. Steps in social skills training are the following:
• Knowledge. Does the child know what is needed to be prosocial? For example, does the child know that she is more likely to be accepted into an ongoing group activity if she waits quietly a few moments before trying to enter?
• Action. Is the child able to apply this knowledge—to behave according to what the child knows?
• Application. Is the child able to generalize the newfound knowledge to many similar social settings?
Sometimes it helps to role-play these new behaviors, and many young children are more comfortable role-playing with dolls or puppets. This seems particularly true when teaching about aggressive behavior. Once the child has role-played the new behavior, the child needs to apply it in a real situation. An unobtrusive reminder by the teacher to engage in the new behavior helps. The teacher and child might agree ahead of time on a signal to remind the child of the new behavior. In all these cases, the teacher should behave more like a coach than an instructor.
Parents and teachers use the social skills training approach intuitively when they suggest to a child to say “Excuse me” or “I beg your pardon” when appropriate. These are the social conventions that facilitate smooth social interactions. Further, older and more socially adept children can help “teach” younger children through observations, coaching, and modeling (Rogoff, 1990). However, social skills training does not always work, because prosocial behav- ior is a complex interaction of an individual’s personality, temperament, dispositions, and cul- tural context as it relates to a particular social incident or behavior (Katz & McClellan, 1997).
9.4 Affirmations As we have discussed throughout this book, significant adults have a very powerful role in the lives of young children. Not only do children want to please the important adults in their lives, but they continually seek adult attention. Children who do not receive enough positive adult attention crave adult attention even more. Some children have developed routines of nega- tive behaviors to solicit adult attention. And, based on the child’s past experiences, the child will continue the same behaviors that have elicited attention previously. For some children, negative, destructive, and asocial behaviors produce the desired adult attention, while posi- tive and prosocial behaviors do not. Dan Gartrell calls these mistaken behaviors and advises teachers and caregivers to view these as opportunities to help children learn appropriate behaviors (2001). However, as we have also discussed, the adult response can lead to the child engaging in positive behavior or to the development of a negative behavioral cycle for the
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child. Unfortunately, this can also produce a cycle of teacher expectations and responses that reinforce negative behaviors of certain children—thus fulfill- ing a child’s expectations.
To avoid developing negative expectations and rein- forcing negative behaviors, parents, teachers, and other caregivers in the home and early care and edu- cation program should try to observe children care- fully, and deliberately and sensitively attend to the children who exhibit the kinds of prosocial behav- iors these adults want (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). One way to do this is to make sure each child receives the affirmations each child needs and deserves. Affirmations are positive messages that validate a person as an individual who has unique needs and rights (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). Affirmations encour- age young children to be who they are—they are expressed by people being interested in each indi-
vidual and showing an appreciation for each individual. Almost everything we have discussed in this chapter—self-image, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and social competence—can be sum- marized by the concept of affirmations.
Affirmations not only acknowledge each child as a unique individual, but also recognize each child’s unique abilities and competencies, both as someone learning all the skills and disposi- tions of the world and as a productive member of many groups—family, peer group, class- room, playground group, dance class, and so on. While some cultural groups emphasize an individual’s status, abilities, competencies, and worth, and other cultures focus on how a child supports the family, group, and culture, both cultural views require a proactive and persistent affirmation of the young child. All children need to believe that they are valued, important, significant, and unique individuals. And, as we have already discussed, young children are egocentric—they view the world very much from their own perspective, whether it is based on what they can do, feel, and understand, or on how they feel about being an important part of a family, group, or classroom.
An important component of affirmation is a belief in what children can become: a deep faith that they can learn, grow, mature, develop, and blossom. This requires that an adult accept children for who they are—personality, temperament, behavior, skills, and abilities—while also deeply believing that the children can learn, grow, and improve. Central to the notion of affirmations are two fundamental ideas:
1. Valuing uniqueness and not expecting a child to be like other children. This is a critical view that affirms each child’s uniqueness. Teachers do not compare children to other children, and teachers help parents not to compare their children, either to each other, to children in other families, or to children in the classroom. While all children in the fam- ily and classroom are expected to follow the rules and behavior in a certain way (that is developmentally appropriate), each child’s efforts, abilities, and accomplishments should be viewed in relation to each child’s unique development and personality. One child will be a perfectionist, another child spontaneous and easygoing, a third child fascinated with insects but afraid of slugs and snails.
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ Children crave attention and affirmation from adults. If they do not receive adequate attention, they may act out in order to garner a response from the adult, even if that response is negative.
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2. A belief in the potential learning and success of the child, regardless of a child’s status, personality, learning struggles, and behaviors. One way to increase the affirmation that every child can succeed is for teachers and parents to avoid using words that label the child (see Spotlight: Affirmations for Children With Developmental Delays). Children should not be labeled shy, slow, troublemakers, a behavioral problem, hyperactive, or mean, because these labels then become the expected behaviors for the child—by the adults and children in the child’s life, and eventually by the child himself. A central message of all the ideas we have covered in this chapter is that children respond to the external environment, and if that environment is negative, they develop a negative view of themselves and of their future.
Children’s Responses to Attention
All children need adult attention—it seems to be programmed into them. However, due to a variety of circumstances, some children do not get the caring, personal attention they need and deserve. But they still crave attention. So they strive to get adult attention the only way they know how, through engaging in all sorts of unacceptable behaviors. The child has learned through experience that the only way to solicit adult attention is through negative behavior. This produces the attention he is looking for. He is yelled at, scolded, punished, placed into time out, and even physically abused—but at least it is attention.
S P O T L I G H T:
Affirmations for Children with Developmental Delays
A particular challenge for parents, teachers, and caregivers is to provide affirmations to children with developmental delays. Children with developmental delays are children with one or more spe- cial needs—for example, emotional and behavioral disorders, ADHD, learning disabilities, and physi- cal disabilities. This is a challenge because the educational approach to address the needs of these children tends to focus on what they cannot do: their disability. It is critical that children with devel- opmental delays receive as many positive affirmations as possible. Here are some ideas to make sure these children benefit from affirmations:
• Do not use the child’s disability label around other children, adults, and teachers. The label is legally confidential; it should not be used in regular conversations. If other children use the child’s label to refer to the child, intervene and help the children use the child’s name or a label that describes something the child does well.
• Find ways to provide needed therapy and intervention in an unobtrusive manner. The best approach to do this is within the overall classroom, providing the activity to all of the children. Other options include working with the child when other children can choose various learning centers and providing individual assistance in the same manner you would for any child in the classroom who needs extra help.
• Give all students many opportunities for success. It is critical that children with disabilities have affirmations for what they can do and what they can accomplish.
• Do not let children use their disability as an excuse for not being able to do things that have nothing to do with the disability. This is true for all adults working with the child: teacher, care- givers, paraprofessionals, and parents.
(continued)
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The child accepts these negative responses; he has come to expect them. The child may even believe that he deserves this negative attention. As a result of this continued stress and pun- ishment, serious damage to the child’s brain development can occur, making the child less sensitive to the results of these negative behaviors (Shore, 1997). If not addressed, this dam- age can be lifelong.
A child who is used to getting only negative attention will reject attempts at affirmation. This child is an expert at doing things to attract negative attention: The child hurts other children, destroys toys and projects, and does not seem to care about the damage that is caused. Even when the child is removed from the abusive situation—for example, after the child is taken from his biological home and placed in foster or adoptive homes—the child still actively seeks negative attention. This cycle is extremely difficult to break: The child gets attention the only way he knows how, and he believes he is bad and therefore deserves the negative attention. The positive affirmations the child gets at home and in the early care and education program are not part of the child’s reality and thus are ignored and rejected. The temptation is for the adults in the child’s life to fall back into providing the kinds of negative responses the child expects. After all, the child frustrates and angers the adults around him. But this would simply reinforce the child’s self-image of being bad.
• Have high expectations for all children, including those who have developmental delays, and do not lower expectations due to the child’s disability. For example, if a child is in a wheelchair, do not highlight the child’s reading ability unless it compares favorably with his non-disabled peers.
• Never use what a child likes to do or is good at doing as a reward for achieving skills and tasks related to their disability. Affirmations should not have to be earned.
• Make sure children with disabilities have access to all activities, including playground equipment, gardening, and field trips (see the ADA law).
• Do not put children who have developmental delays together into one group. For a variety of reasons, these children need to be with normally developing children.
• Never schedule a child’s treatment or therapy during outdoor playtime or other class activities that the child particularly enjoys, unless it occurs while he or she is playing and engaging in these activities. Therapists and specialists have tight schedules and large caseloads, but they cannot expect children to sacrifice their positive experiences (affirmations) for interventions and therapy.
• Be very reluctant to move a child with a disability to another early care and education program due to the child’s disability. Sometimes this must be done to meet the unique educational needs of the child; however, the law requires the child to remain with his or her peers when at all pos- sible. Removing a child from peers and teachers he or she knows and trusts can be viewed by the child as punishment for having a disability.
• Make sure that everyone in the program who does not need to know the child’s disability is not given the information. Depending on the nature of the developmental delay, only teachers and specialists who work with the child around the child’s disability need to know this information.
• Parents should not allow siblings or other children to tease the child about the child’s disability; teachers and caregivers must make sure this does not happen in the early care and education program.
Chapter Summary Chapter 9
Providing Positive Affirmations
To change the behavior of a child whose self- concept is so negative, and who seeks out messages from the environment that support a negative self-image, focus on any and all signs of positive behavior. Any example of positive behavior is immediately rein- forced by focused adult attention—parents, teach- ers, and caregivers. What is critical is for all adults to be on the same page—to ignore as much as pos- sible the child’s search for negative attention and to respond immediately to any positive behaviors. Further, adults in the child’s life need to understand that the child is not a bad child; the negative atten- tion the child seeks is a result of the child’s past experiences. The child’s patterns of bad behaviors are the only way the child knows to adapt to the environment. When the only attention you can get is through negative behaviors, that is what you will do.
Little by little, the adults in the child’s life contradict the child’s negative view of himself. They can change the child’s self-image by changing the child’s behavior. The child begins to learn that he can engage in prosocial behaviors, and that these will elicit positive affirmations. Adults do not let the child engage in destructive behaviors that reinforce the child’s negative self-image, while providing constant attention to any example of positive behaviors. The idea is not to let the child make others, such as peers and adults, reject him. Slowly the child will begin to trust again, and probably first with a significant adult, because adults are usually far more forgiving than are peers.
Chapter Summary Building a Positive Self-Image
• The general concept known as self-esteem develops from a child’s self-image and is enhanced by self-efficacy and social competence.
• Self-image is the view each one of us has of ourselves.
• Self-esteem is built around four general ideas: love and acceptance, power and con- trol, moral value, and competence.
• The child’s brain development directly affects her ability to control her behaviors, develop moral value, and learn competence.
Self-Efficacy
• Self-efficacy means that people are more likely to engage in certain behaviors—and be more successful at them—when they believe they are capable of doing so successfully.
• Self-efficacy also works with parents and teachers; if they believe they can do a good job of parenting and teaching, they will do a better job of parenting and teaching.
© Robert Niedring/Westend61/Corbis
▲ When a child forms a habit of acting out to receive attention, a dangerous cycle can occur. The child acts out to receive attention the only way he knows how. Then, punishment reinforces the child’s belief that he is bad and, thus, deserving of negative attention only.
Key Terms Chapter 9
• Self-efficacy has a profound impact on the behavior and learning of young children.
• There are many ways parents, teachers, and caregivers can develop a young child’s self-efficacy.
• There are many things that early care and education programs can do to help develop the self-efficacy of parents and teachers.
Social Competence
• Social competence is the individual’s ability to initiate and maintain satisfying reciprocal relationships with peers.
• Social competence consists of three components: emotional regulation, social knowl- edge and understanding, and social skills.
• There are several principles and practices that help us understand how social compe- tence develops in children.
• Parents and teachers can engage in specific strategies to help children improve their social competence: fostering social knowledge and understanding, strengthening inter- active skills, and providing social skills training.
Affirmations
• Children continually seek adult attention; attention that acknowledges each child’s unique abilities and competencies along with the child’s potential is called affirmation.
• Some children can elicit adult attention only by engaging in negative behaviors.
• Changing children’s negative behavioral cycles requires adults to respond to every little example of acceptable behavior, while ignoring unacceptable behavior. This requires that adults be extremely patient and focused on providing affirmations.
Key Terms achievement attribution How children interpret their successes or achievements; a com- ponent of self-efficacy.
affirmations Positive messages that validate a person as an individual who has unique needs and rights.
competence The ability to do things, e.g., dressing oneself, knowing how to write one’s name, having social skills, making friends, or playing constructively with peers.
collective self-efficacy The efficacy individuals foster when working in a group.
cortisol A hormone often found at elevated levels when children are under stress; can cause long-term brain damage and learning disabilities.
disposition Relatively consistent habit of mind or characteristic way of responding to expe- riences in various types of situations; influences future learning and thinking.
myelination The covering of neural connections in the brain with a fatty sheath of myelin, which provides insulation and speeds up neural messages.
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resilient self-efficacy An understanding that sustained effort and persistence are needed for success.
self-esteem A personal evaluation of one’s own traits, abilities, and characteristics; a judg- ment of one’s worth, value, or competence.
self-image The view each one of us has of ourselves: Who am I?
social skills training An approach that teaches children the unwritten rules around social interactions that most children learn unconsciously.
turn taking A complex skill that requires participants to read cues and determine the best time to advocate for their own turn.
Stress and Family Resilience
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
▸▸ Describe family functions and structures.
▸▸ Discuss traits of resilient families.
▸▸ Identify resilient children, children who struggle, and ways to help all children become resilient.
▸▸ Explore six family scenarios and efforts the program and family can make together to address challenges described in each scenario.
▸▸ Recognize ways early care and education programs address family stress.
▸▸ Explain quality efforts designed to make sure programs support children and families.
10
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Family Stress and Resiliency Chapter 10
10.1 Family Stress and Resiliency All families must deal with a variety of stresses, including the stress created by raising young children. In examining family stress, it is important to remember that in today’s United States, there is no typical family; rather, there is a vast diversity of family structures in which children develop and learn. Thus, in examining family stress and resiliency, we can look at the family through two different lenses: family structure and family function. Family structure is the relationship of the adults in the family: two parents, single parents, stepparents, extended family, foster parents, and so on. Family functions exist in every family structure; in some, the family works together effectively to care for its members; in others, it does not. While it is important to examine the various family structures that early care and education staff must work with, the key to family health and resiliency is how well the family functions.
Family Structures
As we are all aware, the two-parent, father-and-mother family is no longer the norm in the United States (U.S. Census, 2007). The diversity of family structures in the United States includes a number of different arrangements.
Nuclear family. The nuclear family is made up of a husband and wife and their biologi- cal children under age 18. While nuclear families are the established norm, there is also an increasing number of unmarried couples with children living together.
Stepfamily. When children from a former relationship live with a new couple in the home, this is a stepfamily; when the stepparent family includes children born to two or more cou- ples (i.e., the spouses of previous marriages and children of a new couple), this is then called a blended family.
Adoptive family. As many as one-third of couples who cannot have biological children adopt, forming an adoptive family. Most, however, adopt only one or two children, because adoption today is often difficult and expensive (U.S. Census, 2009). For a variety of reasons, most infants and young children are adopted from countries outside of the United States. Adoptive families also include transracially adoptive families, in which the children and parents are of a different race or ethnicity (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004).
Foster families. These are temporary situations in which children are cared for as they wait to be adopted or to be reunited with their biological or other parents. Foster families them- selves come in a variety of structures, including two parents and single-parent families. In many of these families, there are also biological children of one or both parents.
Grandparents. Grandparents take on the primary function of raising their grandchildren due to many reasons, including parents who are dead, incarcerated, on drugs, or extremely sick (Birckmayer, Cohen, Jensen, & Variano, 2005). Sometimes grandparents are temporary foster parents while others have officially adopted their grandchildren. Sometimes a single grand- parent becomes the sole caregiver of his or her grandchildren.
Two same-sex parents. Some of these couples have children by one of the parents (and a surrogate); others adopt. The legal status of same-sex families differs from state to state.
Single parents. Single-parent families include mothers who have never been married. Almost 40% of all U.S. births are to unmarried mothers (U.S. Census, 2007), but many of these
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mothers later marry the child’s father or another male. They also include single mothers who are divorced, separated, or widowed. Although almost 50% of all first marriages in the United States end in divorce, many of these marriages had no children, and some of these mothers remarry. Almost 20% of divorced, separated, or widowed fathers have physi- cal custody of their children, whom they raise alone, without remarrying (U.S. Census, 2009).
Extended family. An extended family is formed when children live with a grandparent or other rela- tive, and one or more biological parents. Certain new immigrant groups are more likely to live in extended families. Further, due to recent economic hardships in the United States, more families live together in extended family groupings. Finally, there is a grow- ing trend of older people staying at home and receiving health care services there, rather than going to senior living arrangements (Cooke, Martin, Yearns, & Damhorst, 2007). Some of these grandparents live with one or more of their children.
Polygamous family. In some countries outside of the United States, men can legally have several wives, forming a polygamous family. Some of these families come to the United States as immigrants.
Each one of these structures comes with a vast amount of diversity. This diversity includes the number of children, ages of children, whether the children are single or multiple births, and biological, adopted, or foster children. It also includes interracial, interethnic, and inter- religious families. Some families speak more than one language in the home; some may include a variety of professions and occupations. In some homes, there are children or adults with various disabilities and developmental delays. Also, families live in a variety of communi- ties and living arrangements: rural, urban, low income, suburban, Indian reservations, trailer parks, apartment complexes, homeless shelters or hotels, religious communities, segregated or integrated communities, or military bases (Wardle, 1996).
Family Functions
Family function, unlike family structures, is a universal way of looking at all families and can be applied to any family, regardless of its structure. Family function refers to the way the family works to care for its members (Olson & Gorall, 2003). In general, this care is provided by the significant adults in the family.
The work of Maslow helps us understand the various family functions, beginning with meet- ing children’s basic needs. Abraham Maslow (1962) studied human needs and developed a theory of the hierarchy of needs. Maslow lived from 1908 to 1970 and, with Carl Rogers, created the humanistic field of psychology. Humanism is a psychological movement of the 1960s suggesting that all people, regardless of educational, cultural, racial, gender, and other differences, have universal human impulses, needs, and a human spirit. It is based on a belief that a universal perspective can exist to describe all humans, and it focuses on the potential
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▲ Nearly one-quarter of previously married fathers raise their children alone without remarrying.
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for all humans to be good, fulfilled, and positive contributors to the human condition (Maslow, 1962/1999; Rogers, 1961/2004).
In Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (1962), he indicated that basic human needs have to be ful- filled before other, more advanced needs could be met:
1. Physiological (basic) needs of food, water, warmth, air, and shelter
2. Safety and security: protection from injury and death (physical and psychological)
3. Love and belonging: having friends, family, and community (often religious belonging)
4. Respect and esteem: being respected by others and by oneself
5. Self-actualization: becoming truly oneself; fulfilling one’s unique human potential, while also respecting and acknowledging others (Maslow, 1962/1999)
Maslow believed this hierarchy existed for all people, regardless of human diversity. He felt that these needs must be met from basic to advanced (thus the hierarchy); in fact, a person might jeopardize one level to meet the needs of a lower level. For example, a hungry man might jeopardize his own safety to meet his basic need for food or water.
While Maslow did not address the needs of children or discuss a developmental approach to meeting these needs, his theory makes sense for children and is the basis for several school- related policies, such as free breakfasts and safe schools so that children can feel secure and focus on learning. The USDA food program used by most early care and education programs is another example.
Family functions are divided into five categories: to provide basic necessities, encourage learn- ing, develop self-esteem, nurture peer relationships, and maintain harmony and stability. However, they are not arranged in a hierarchy; young children need all of these functions to be provided, and the extent to which they are not provided will cause stress.
Provide basic necessities. The first function that all families must provide is to meet their children’s basic needs (see Think About It: Family Functions: Provide Basic Necessities).
Encourage learning. Even very young children need adults at home who encourage all sorts of learning. This includes reading to them on a regular basis; taking them to the library,
T H I N K A B O U T I T:
Family Functions: Provide Basic Necessities
All families, regardless of their structure, must provide these basic functions for their young children:
• Food
• Shelter
• Clothing
• Medical care
• Supervision
• Transportation
• Adequate sleep
• Hygiene
• Safety
• Love and affection
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local museums, parks, and other cultural events; and supporting emergent language development. It also includes teaching children important trades and skills from the family’s culture, such as carpen- try, farming, canning, and sewing, and teaching the family’s and culture’s traditions and ceremonies. For children who attend an early care and educa- tion program, families should also work closely with the child’s program, making sure the child’s learning needs are met and supporting the program’s efforts on the child’s behalf.
Develop self-esteem. As we have discussed throughout this book, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and social competence are critical characteristics of the resilient and successful child. And, as we have also discussed, adults in the home have a profound impact on all three of these critical dispositions.
Nurture peer relationships. In the previous chap- ter, we discussed in detail the importance of social competence in children, both with adults and with peers. Adults in the home can help chil- dren develop social competence by engaging in a variety of behaviors:
• Treating each child in the home as a unique individual, while respecting the rights and needs of each child
• Modeling social competence with other adults in the home, neighborhood, and early care and education program
• Giving young children in the home opportunities to interact with other young children: at the local playground, early care and education program, dance classes, and so on. This is particularly important when there is only one child in the family, or when the children in the family are many years apart in age
• Empowering children to solve their own problems, while also intervening when the child begins to develop negative behavioral cycles (e.g., always dominating other chil- dren, or always behaving as a victim)
Ensure harmony and stability. Young children need security and predictability. They need to know that they will be fed, when they will be picked up from day care, who will pick them up at the end of the day, and who will provide discipline in the home. Elsewhere in this book, we have discussed the considerable negative impact of stress on the brain development of young children (Shore, 1997). Conflict, insecurity, and lack of harmony and predictability can have a negative effect on the young child’s emotional state, behaviors, cognitive achievement, and learning (Kostelnik et al., 2009).
Traits of Resilient Families
A resilient family is one that, regardless of structure, fulfills all of its functions in a healthy way, to meet each person’s basic needs. A resilient family is one that can address challenges, solve problems, and maintain a certain level of equilibrium. It is not without conflict or problems, but it is simply able to address them in a healthy way. Some resilient families find that the
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▲ Families can encourage learning in their children in a variety of ways, including experiential learning of skills such as cooking, carpentry, and gardening.
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best approach to meeting everyone’s needs is simply to replicate what the parents learned from their own family and culture regarding being a family and raising children; others find that they must totally reinvent the very idea of the family and how to meet all the basic needs of their family. Most adults in a family balance these two approaches—accepting and using some of the approaches from their own family and culture, and reinventing and changing others to meet their own family’s unique needs and the ever-changing nature of culture and society (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
While families must provide for the basic physical, social, and emotional needs of their chil- dren, they also act as central agents in socializing their children to the ever-changing culture and greater society. Thus, adults in the home develop children who will grow into the next generation of adults. To this end, children in resilient homes are empowered to be themselves and to have a positive impact on society and the world (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). These chil- dren develop their own unique identity, fulfilling their own unique potential.
The Circumplex Model of Family Adaptability and Cohesion
The circumplex model is a family systems approach to examining relationships within a family. It focuses on three important family dimensions: family cohesion, family flexibility, and family communication. The model has been validated on a diversity of families, including race and ethnicity, marital status (cohabiting and married), family structure (single parent, step- parents), sexual orientation, and family life cycle (newlyweds and retired couples) (Olson & Gorall, 2003).
Family Cohesion
According to Olson and Gorall (2003), family cohesion is the emotional bond that family members have with one another. Family cohesion flourishes in balance between separateness versus togetherness. There are five levels of family cohesion:
• Disengaged/disconnected
• Somewhat connected
• Connected
• Very connected
• Enmeshed/overly connected
The three middle levels make for the optimal family functions (somewhat connected, connected, and very connected), while the two extremes (disengaged/disconnected and enmeshed/overly connected) are considered problematic for relationships over time. Another way of saying this is that with a balanced level of cohesion, families can moderate both separateness and togetherness, while those who fall at the extremes—unbalanced—are too separate or too enmeshed. Thus, when cohesion is too high (enmeshed), there is too much consensus and closeness; when disengaged with family members, there is little family commitment.
Family Flexibility
Family flexibility is the amount of change in family leadership, role relationships, and rela- tionship rules. Family flexibility is concerned with how systems balance stability and change. There are five levels of flexibility:
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• Rigid/inflexible
• Somewhat flexible
• Flexible
• Very flexible
• Chaotic/overly flexible
As with family cohesion, the three levels in the center are more conducive to posi- tive family functioning, with the extremes (rigid and chaotic) being the most prob- lematic. Flexibility focuses on change in family leadership, roles, and rules. Families need both stability and change to be func- tional; the ability to change is one of the characteristics that distinguishes functional families from nonfunctional ones (Olson & Gorall, 2003).
Somewhat flexible relationships tend to have democratic leadership characteristics; flexible relationships have an egalitarian leadership with a democratic approach to decision making. Negotiations are open, shared, and fluid. Unbalanced families exhibit one of the extremes—too much stability (rigid) or too much change (choice). In rigid relationships, one individual is in charge and is very controlling. In a chaotic relationship, decisions are impulsive and not carefully thought out, and roles are unclear and shifting all the time. Thus, extremely high (chaotic) and extremely low (rigid) levels of flexibility tend to be problematic for individuals and families. Relationships with moderate flexibility (the middle three levels) balance change and stability in a positive, functional way.
Family Communication
The third dimension of the model is family communication. Communication is considered a tool to assist families to alter their levels of cohesion and flexibility to meet family needs (Olson & Gorall, 2003). It involves listening skills, speaking skills, self-disclosure, continuity tracking, respect, and regard. Listening involves empathy and attentive listening; speaking includes speaking for oneself and not for others; self-disclosure concerns sharing feelings about one- self and one’s relationships; tracking involves staying focused on a topic; and respect/regard is attending to the affective (feelings) aspects of communication.
Combining Cohesion, Flexibility, and Communication
It is believed that combining these three dimensions produces specific positive results in families:
1. Balanced families generally function more adequately than unbalanced families do—both in cohesion and in flexibility. Being balanced means that family systems can operate at extremes for short periods of time, but not for long. Thus, balance enables individuals in a family to be both independent from and connected to the family (cohesion), and main- tain some level of stability with openness to change when it is necessary (flexibility). The
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▲ Families that are somewhat to very connected enjoy the most optimal functioning. Extremes to either side, such as disengagement or excessive connection, produce a lack of family commitment.
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exception to this balanced view is when the family belongs to a group where norms dictate that all family members function in the same rigid manner. For example, the Hmong ethnic group and Amish and Mormon religious groups may exhibit unbalanced family systems but may be quite functional.
2. Positive communication skills enable couples and families to change the levels of cohesion and flexibility. This helps families facilitate a balance between these two dimensions; poor communication prevents movement from the unbalanced conditions to the balanced ones.
3. Couples and families will modify their levels of cohesion or flexibility to deal with stress and changes across the family life cycle. It is assumed that families change and that they will change levels of flexibility and cohesion. For example, in many families over time, wives seek more autonomy from husbands and want more power and equality in their relation- ships (flexibility).
Independence and Interdependence
Another family systems approach to resilient and functional families is to examine levels of independence and interdependence. Family members should be able to help and support each other without creating codependence. Some of the concepts of this approach are similar to the circumplex model. This idea was discussed earlier, when we explored using the family systems approach to describe family dynamics (Christian, 2007). Components of independence and interdependence are boundaries, self-esteem, communication, protection and connection, and rules.
Boundaries
Boundaries defines a level of togetherness and separateness. Some families value individual decision making, openness to new ideas, and supporting the unique, separate identity of each member, while other families value connections, conformity, togetherness, and unity. Families exist along a continuum of independence-dependence, with each one exhibiting a different set of boundaries (Christian, 2007). The question is how each of these serves the needs of individual family members, especially the children; most need to be somewhere in the middle (see also Chapter 6).
Self-Esteem
As we have continually stressed in this book, self-esteem is critical to all family members, both adults and children. Resilient and functional families build and maintain self-esteem in their members, rather than destroying it. Procedures used to discipline children need to help guide and control without destroying self-esteem, and there are many approaches to discipline that can empower and increase a child’s sense of self-worth. While there is a vast variety of cultural ways to raise and discipline young children, all of the approaches must focus on empower- ing a child’s self-esteem and development of self-efficacy, either individually or as a critically important part of a group.
Communication
As we discussed in the circumplex model, effective communication is an essential characteris- tic of resilient and healthy families. Conflicts are addressed in a way that considers the needs of everyone; further, all family members give and receive feedback in a productive manner.
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Deliberate problem-solving methods are used; also, these families can tolerate a level of ambiguity and confusion when a problem cannot immediately be solved. In some cultures, words are the primary manner to express these feelings and to communi- cate within the family, while in others cultures, non- verbal forms of communication are used (Hall, 1976). And then, of course, many families of young children use both.
Protection and Connection
Resilient and functional families provide their mem- bers with a warm, secure haven away from the big, often threatening world. Family members can retreat to their home to receive support, nurturing, and unconditional acceptance. At the same time, each family member has a series of connections to the outside world, such as the workplace, early care and education program, school, religious institution, or grocery store. One way to understand how well a family functions is to examine the various links and connections members have with the greater society.
The early care and education program provides a wonderful bridge between the family, the community, and the overall society. For new immigrant families, the early care and educa- tion program is often how they learn about expectations of the new society, especially as it relates to young children. Information about childhood immunization schedules, car seat laws, and community agencies that serve children and families with developmental delays can be obtained at the program. Additionally, for all families the program is where they learn about educational options, school rules, and the U.S. culture of care and education.
Rules
All families have rules that they follow to live by. These are sets of standards, rules, or tradi- tions that tell family members how to live in relation to each other (Christian, 2006). Rules come from the parents’ culture, how the parents were raised, and a consensus of the adults in the home as to how to raise and educate their children. They cover everything from how money is shared and household costs budgeted, to the allocation of duties, religious practices and expectations, traditional celebrations, and mealtime rituals. Some families may have rules that are not really enforced because they are not that important; others may have important practices that are so ingrained that no one has to talk about them. Different rules are rein- forced by different people in the home: A young child may remind everyone that birthdays are traditionally celebrated with cake and ice cream; a grandmother may insist that her favorite greens are planted in the backyard garden every year.
10.2 Resilient Children and Children Who Struggle Very young children are extremely sensitive to the impact of the world around them—at home, in the community, in the early care and education program, and from the culture at large. Throughout this book, we have discussed a variety of factors that appear to improve a
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▲ Resilient families share the characteristic of effective communication between members.
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child’s ability to survive the various challenges of growing up. One such concept is known as resilient children, or resiliency in children.
Initially, research showed that certain children have some kind of built-in ability to withstand abuse and other negative childhood experiences (Masten, 2001). These studies suggested that resilient children have the psychological strength to recover from misfortune and to emerge intact from a history of severe distress (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009). Studies suggested that resil- ient children have certain common protective factors and personality traits (Luther, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000; Werner, 1995; Werner & Smith, 1992). It was believed these children had affirmative personalities and the ability to recruit positive responses from the environment that were denied them under normal circumstances.
However, more recent research suggests otherwise—resilience is a result of normal human adaptive processes, children's responses to the support of positive environments, significant relationships of families, and the overall ecological environment, including teachers and care- givers (Masten, 2001). Part of this new understanding is the concept we discussed earlier: a goodness-of-fit between human relationships and adaptive systems, and the needs of the child.
Most children who experience abuse do not perpetuate this behavior on their own children (Kaufman & Zigler, 1993), but some do. Many children of mothers who are clinically depressed are able to function adequately in their lives, and there are innumerable people who overcame poverty to be highly successful (Goldstein & Brooks, 2005). Children who withstand nega- tive early experiences seem to be able to take advantage of the family and societal supports
to increase their competence and efficacy (Werner, 2005). They have connections to competent and car- ing adults and are able to develop positive cogni- tive and self-regulation skills, high self-esteem and self-efficacy, and social competence (ability to use the environment effectively) (Masten, 2001). These are characteristics and dispositions we examined in detail in Chapter 9.
While a child’s individual personality and tempera- ment seem to play a role in resiliency, it is also evident that people who work with very young chil- dren—parents, child care providers, teachers, youth leaders—play a critical role in helping young children withstand the stress of poverty, family strife, abuse, and neglect. We need to find ways to reduce the stress many young children experience, while also finding ways to help all children become as resilient as possible.
Developing Resilient Children
There are many ways adults involved in the lives of young children can develop resilience in all children under stress—both in families and in early care and education programs. Many of these ideas have been mentioned throughout this book, but they need to be repeated here as we look at ways to help families mitigate conditions that cause stress and children develop ways to withstand stress.
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▲ It is important for parents and caregivers to find ways to reduce the stress children experience in order to help them develop resiliency.
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Support Children and Families
Early care and education programs have a vital role to play in supporting all families, regard- less of the families’ struggles. By supporting the family, we support the child. This is where we must return to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979) and the idea that all services and agencies in the community that support families need to work in concert with each other to meet each family’s unique needs. The early care and education program—whether it is a family child care home, religious program, Head Start or Early Head Start, military program, or school-based preschool—must become a vital and dynamic center for all these services and networks. The early care and education program should try to find ways to help all of their families feel connected, empowered, and able to meet the unique needs of their children.
Teach Children Self-Efficacy
In Chapter 9, we discussed the tremendous power of self-efficacy, which is the beliefs and dispositions of a child to be able to learn and problem solve. Self-efficacy is the deep belief a child has in the child’s ability to affect the world and to learn to function proactively in the world. We need to help children learn how to make and maintain positive human connections with other children and adults. All the approaches we discussed in encouraging self-efficacy apply here: Help children enter and maintain play episodes, help children resolve problems with peers in a positive fashion, support contacts children have with their peers and signifi- cant adults, and help children find positive and special words and phrases to use with others. We know that self-efficacy begins in infancy—both at home and in the early care and educa- tion program. And as we continue to emphasize, central to developing a sense of self-efficacy in young children is the use of positive approaches to disci- pline and guidance (Kostelnik et al., 2009).
Teach Problem Solving
Children who know how to problem solve clearly feel a sense of empowerment and efficacy. One of the best ways to teach children how to solve a problem is for adults to model problem solving. Crockenberg (1992) found that when mothers used a discipline technique of telling their 2-year-olds what they wanted them to do while also explain- ing the reasons behind their requests, it was quite effective. Adults need to let children know their wishes are important but also satisfy the children’s need to know how and why the adults’ requests are important. Throughout this book, we have discussed ways to help young children problem solve, from selecting their own clothes to wear, to helping develop classroom rules and playground procedures. It is important to stress here that teaching young children prob- lem solving is not about taking authority away from adults, either at home or in the early care and education center. It is about facilitating the development of a child’s problem- solving skills within existing conditions and situations.
Give Children Responsibilities
Children need opportunities to care for others who are more vulnerable than they are. This can be younger children
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▲ Children develop a sense of importance and trust when they are given the oppor- tunity to take responsibility for a variety of tasks.
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in the center or classroom and younger children in the home. One of the reasons to have mixed-age classrooms, especially at a time of smaller families, is that this enables children to develop a sense of nurturing and responsibility toward younger members of the class (Katz, 1998). Children can also learn responsibility by caring for animals and plants, both within a program and at home. By having a variety of responsibilities on their shoulders, children develop a sense of importance and trust.
Provide Positive Role Models
Probably the most powerful way for young children to learn is through modeling by adults they trust and respect. These role models are in the home and early care and education cen- ter, and they exhibit the behaviors discussed in this section:
• Show ways to access needed support and resources.
• Demonstrate prosocial behaviors.
• Demonstrate a variety of ways to make positive connections with other children and with important adults.
• Take on important responsibilities freely and purposefully.
• Use a variety of problem-solving approaches throughout the day.
• Show positive dispositions about the world and the value of life and life’s experiences.
• Show a disposition to find the positive and good in what they do, and in whom they work and play with.
Central to the role of the model is the environment in which the role model functions. A par- ent who is supported, empowered, and acknowledged will be a much better role model than one who is constantly under stress. Also, teachers and caregivers who are empowered by a positive climate in the early care and education program are much more able to be positive role models to the children and parents they serve.
Be Super-Sensitive to the Child Who Struggles
Children who struggle at home or in the early care and education program need warm, responsive, understanding, and very patient adults who can provide them with the important human attachments they desperately need. Unfortunately, children who struggle often make it extremely difficult for adults to like and care for them (Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992). These children might have a developmental delay that is difficult or frustrating for adults to deal with, the child may have learned adaptive behaviors that are extremely destructive, or the child may be very emotionally and behaviorally immature due to a life of constant stress and confusion. Teachers and caregivers need to make a deliberate, concerted effort not to label these children as troublemakers, problems, or children with specific disabilities; rather, they must understand that these children need special attention, patience, and love.
Children Who Struggle
Just as we need to provide opportunities for all children to develop resiliency, so too must we intervene when children receive abuse at home. In previous chapters, we have discussed a range of things early care and education staff can do to work with children who struggle behaviorally, emotionally, cognitively, or developmentally. These suggestions include pro- viding an environment specifically tailored to address the child’s specific challenge, using
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therapists and other experts to assist staff, and referring children to Child Find for possible services for developmental delays. Other approaches involve working with families on par- enting skills, helping families access community resources, and working closely with thera- pists in the home. However, sometimes even these approaches do not work, and children experience abuse.
When this occurs, staff members of early care and education programs have a responsibility to report suspected child abuse (see Spotlight: Mandated Reporting of Suspicions of Abuse). Abuse of children under 18 years of age is termed child maltreatment. It is the outcome of an unhealthy environment, usually in the home. There are four forms of child maltreat- ment: neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse (Thompson & Wyatt, 1999). Neglect includes instances in which caregivers (parents or others who care for the children) fail to provide food, clothing, shelter, health care, affection, or adult supervision. Physical abuse occurs when caregivers intentionally engage in physical harm to children; punishments that cause bruises or injuries are also considered physical abuse. Sexual abuse involves acts in which adults seek sexual gratification from children through acts such as genital contact and pornographic photography. Finally, emotional abuse occurs when children are constantly ignored, put down, rejected, or subjected to substance abuse (including alcohol and criminal activities) (Thompson & Wyatt, 1999).
S P O T L I G H T:
Some Signs of Maltreatment in Children, Age 2–10 Years Old
• Repeated injuries, especially broken bones
• Violent and sexual themes dominating fantasy play
• Slow physical growth, especially accompanied by a lack of appetite
• Ongoing physical complaints, such as genital pain and stomachaches
• Slow overall physical and cognitive development
• Hostility toward other children; bullying of smaller children
• Hypervigilance—cringing, startling easily, impulsive behaviors
• Frequent absences from the early care and education program or school; many changes of address and of caregivers
(Scannapieco & Connell-Carrick, 2005)
There are many reasons that adults abuse children, including their own. Adults who mal- treat children often suffer from serious psychological problems, such as low self-esteem and aggressive and impulsive behaviors (Thompson & Wyatt, 1999). Some adults have serious substance abuse problems, and many have poor social behaviors and inadequate parenting skills. Poverty, domestic violence, and other environmental stressors are additional risk fac- tors (Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2008). Lastly, some of these parents have overly high expectations of their children, and they use harsh physical punishment when expectations are not met (English, 1998). These expectations may be the result of parenting style (Baumrind,
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1967) or simply not understanding appropriate child development stages and behaviors. Children who are most likely to be abused are very young children (infants and toddlers), children with various devel- opmental disabilities, and other challenging children (English, 1998; Thompson & Wyatt, 1999).
Some children are exposed to more than one form of abuse. Children can suffer long-term conse- quences from abuse, including brain retardation, stunted physical growth, poor emotional and social development, behavioral problems, and poor school achievement (Fergusson et al., 2008; Finkelhor & Hashima, 2001). When children are exposed to more forms of abuse, they often experience higher levels of stress and negative consequences (Fergusson et al., 2008).
Almost 20% of child abuse victims are placed into foster care (U.S. HHS, 2004). Children who are removed from their homes and placed in foster care do not always receive the services they need. Teachers and other caregivers in the early care and education programs should provide comfort, security, nurturance, patience, and love for these children. These children need lots of opportunities to play, engage in art and music activities, read books about chil- dren in foster care, and talk about their unique situation. A parent whose child has been taken will be extremely upset, and may blame the program for the child’s removal; new foster par- ents will experience adjustment stress and anxiety, and foster parents in general have unique challenges and experiences.
S P O T L I G H T:
Mandated Reporting of Suspicions of Abuse
Professionals who work with children and families are required by law to report their suspicion of abuse to authorities (U.S. HHS, 2008). These professionals include health care providers, teachers, child care providers, social workers, and police officers. Failure to report carries a legal penalty, but states provide immunity from civil liability (Crosson-Tower, 2003). The identity of the reporter is kept anonymous.
When a report is received by a child protection agency, it is forwarded for further investigation by the local agency (U.S. HHS, 2008). About 24% of these reports are substantiated, and as a result children can be removed from the home. However, a balance between child protection and family preservation is a central concern of child protection agencies (Roberts, 2002).
Early care and education teachers, administrators, and providers need to understand that the law requires reporting the suspicion of abuse; it is up to the local authority to substantiate it. Further, with the ever-more cultural diversity of families we serve, providers and teachers need to be care- ful not to simply report cultural differences in raising children, but rather suspicions of abuse and neglect as defined by the law (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). Periodic training of staff by child protective services helps reduce potential problems. Parents must also be advised of the law requiring staff to report suspicion of abuse, and parents from cultures that approve of physical punishment must be told that their approach may conflict with the law.
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▲ Very young children are some of the most likely to suffer from abuse, as are children with disabili- ties or difficult temperaments.
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10.3 Six Family Scenarios In this section, we provide six different family scenarios. In each family, there is at least one child under the age of 5 years old. This child—and possibly other young children in the fam- ily—attends an early care and education program. These six scenarios provide a glimpse of the wonderful diversity of families served by early care and education programs and an example of the diversity of early care and education programs that serve these families (Neugebauer, 2008). All young families experience various forms of stress, and these six families are no exception. Each family profiled here is attempting to provide for the unique needs of their children as best they know how.
As we look at each family, it is important to remember that a family’s structure—one parent, two parents, extended family, teen parents, grandparents, and so on—does not directly indi- cate whether the family is successful or under stress. What does indicate a family’s resilience and level of stress is the way the family achieves its basic family functions—how the family is meeting the basic needs of their children as they develop and learn. We present these families not as a way to show a model or ideal family, or to provide problems that we will then solve, but rather to help the reader examine a variety of families and their relationships with the early care and education program. After each scenario, a brief discussion is provided regard- ing ways the early care and education program and family can work together to address some of the challenges.
Aasiya’s Family
Aasiya is the daughter of a new immigrant family from Somalia. She is 3 years old and attends a local community child care center. One of the reasons her parents selected the program is because several of the teachers are also Somali and thus understand the family’s language, religion, and customs. Aasiya’s mother works part time in the center, while also caring for the family’s baby. Her father drives a cab for a local company.
Aasiya’s family is Muslim, and they practice Islam. They follow the rules of their faith very strictly, including fasting, prayer, the clothes the women and girls wear, and their food choices. The child care program understands the requirements of their religion and customs and tries hard to accommodate the family and other Somali families. They also understand the different expectations for boys and girls in the Somali culture and the importance of very clear gender roles for the mother, father, grandmother, and female teachers.
However, there is conflict in the center between the Somali families and staff and the American families and staff. The American families want their chil- dren to focus on literacy skills and activities that will prepare them for successful entry into the local public school kindergarten program. The American staff members also believe that the Somali children should focus on getting ready for entry into the pub- lic schools, and because they are not American and do not know English very well, the staff members believe learning English is very important. These American teachers and caregivers are upset that the
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▲ Parents and educators should work together to ensure that the cultural identities of all children are acknowledged and respected.
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Somali staff talk to the children in the Somali language and that they miss days from the pro- gram for fasting and other religious activities.
What the Program and Family Can Do
Aasiya’s mother and grandmother decide to talk to the director of the program (a non- Muslim) about this conflict. They feel the American staff members are not sensitive to their cultural wishes and that some of the Somali staff members feel intimidated because they lack Western education. The director has decided to invite a leader from the local Somali com- munity to provide training to the staff about the Somali culture and Islam religion and about the critical importance of both of these aspects of life for Somali families. He will also assure the American staff (and parents who choose to attend) that the Somali community is com- mitted to becoming good Americans, but that they are also deeply committed to maintaining important aspects of their cultures, especially how they raise their children. Aasiya’s mother and grandmother, at the request of the director, will also talk about the child-rearing customs and values that they practice at home.
Additionally, a representative from the local public school district will meet with all the fami- lies in the program to discuss kindergarten entry requirements, school expectations, and pro- grams within the public school designed to support new immigrant families, including those from Somalia. The head of the district’s multicultural programs will also attend and discuss the various efforts being made by the district to work closely with families and children who have recently come to the United States. At the end of the session, a program to allow potential kindergarten students and their families, including Aasiya’s mother, grandmother, aunt, and father, to visit the school will be described, and schedules will be set up for future visits.
The child care center has also scheduled regular parent picnics after school so parents can socialize together with other parents from the program, share cultural foods, and enjoy each other’s company, to reduce friction between the two groups.
Maia’s Family
Maia is 4 years old. She attends a French international school, where she is learning French. The school provides before-and-after care, so her parents can work full time.
Maia’s mother is African American, and her father is white. Her mother is a teacher at a local public school, while her father works for the city. Maia has a 1-year-old baby brother who is cared for by her grandparents and who attends a family child care home part time. Maia enjoys the school’s early childhood program, called école maternelle. She loves art and learning the French language. Her parents enjoy the school picnics and other social activities, because the school attracts French-speaking families from Hong Kong, Canada, Madagascar, and France who live and work in the city, as well as local American families who want their children to learn French. The school is staffed by teachers from France and the United States. Its curriculum meets the requirements of the French government and the local school district.
However, Maia’s family has had to address confusion on the part of the teachers, other chil- dren, and parents about Maia’s identity. Some children ask Maia, “What are you anyway? Your mother is black and your father is white?” The French teachers are not familiar with African-American history and culture, and when Maia told her American music teacher that she is biracial, the teacher replied, “No, you are black, because your mother is black.” Also,
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when the school required the family to fill out forms to collect data on their children for the local school district and the state, the principal expected Maia’s parents to select the black racial box for Maia’s iden- tity. The parents choose two or more races and then filled in Black and White.
What the Program and Family Can Do
Maia’s mother provided training to all the staff about multiracial people in the United States and about how the multicultural movement has provided interracial families with the opportunity to raise their children as truly multiracial (Root, 1996). She pro- vided the school library with a list of books about interracial families, and both of Maia’s parents met with the American teacher to inform her that they were raising Maia and her brother as biracial—both black and white. Maia’s parents have also worked with Maia to give her words and phrases that she can use with other children and adults who are con- fused by her appearance and the fact that she has a white father and black mother.
Maia and her parents know that Maia’s racial iden- tity will be an issue throughout her school life, at least if they stay in the United States. But they feel it is their responsibility to educate teachers and others about the growing number of interracial families and multiracial children in early care and education programs and schools. They have also told the school that they wish for Maia’s official identity on school forms to be “two or more races.”
Ephram’s Family
Ephram lives with his two parents and grandmother, along with an older sister. He is 2 years old. The family recently emigrated from Eastern Russia. They live in the Jewish part of town, and Ephram attends the Jewish Community Center’s early childhood program. His sister, who is 8 years old, attends a local Jewish elementary school. Ephram’s family is struggling with being new in this country. They do not know the language, customs, foods, how to move around the city, and how to access local services. Ephram’s mother teaches in the early childhood program; his father is taking English lessons at the Jewish Community Center and working with a counselor at the center to find employment. Not only must Ephram’s parents care for their two young children, but they also must provide for the needs of their elderly mother, who is very lonely and who has some critical medical issues that need to be addressed.
Finances are a big worry for this family. The Jewish community in the city sponsored their immigration from Russia, but they are struggling to make ends meet. Both the school and early childhood center require tuition.
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▲ Educators and caregivers should refrain from attempting to designate the race, religion, or cul- ture of children and their families. Instead, families should be allowed to specify their preferred identi- fication, and this should be respected and affirmed by program staff.
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What the Program and Family Can Do
Luckily, the Jewish early childhood program is part of a larger, active Jewish Community Center. The cen- ter includes a variety of services for seniors, and a food bank and other programs for families in need. Through some of these programs, Ephram’s grand- mother is beginning to make some friends and has become involved in traditional cultural activities and traditions familiar to her from her native Russia. The parents are also quickly learning about American customs and discovering how to access important resources for their mother and children, beyond the Jewish community. Ephram’s mother has also discov- ered that the parent board of the Jewish early child- hood program is very helpful to the family. Some of its members are teachers, others work with social services in the city, and several members are psy- chologists whose practice includes working with seniors.
Jesus’ Family
Jesus is the 3-year-old son of single mother Amy. When Jesus was born, Amy was a teen mother fin-
ishing her high school diploma. Luckily, the high school Amy attended had a program for infants of teen parents run by the local community college. Now, Amy attends that same community college, and is studying to become a nurse.
Jesus spends half of the day at a Head Start program that he just started. The other half of the day he attends the campus early childhood program at the community college where Amy
studies. Jesus’ father was deported back to Mexico, and Jesus’ grandparents on his father’s side still live in Mexico.
Since he was born, Jesus has struggled to meet devel- opmental benchmarks. When he was in the Early Head Start program, the program had him tested, and he is now diagnosed with ADHD and possibly Asperger’s syndrome (a form of autism). Now, Child Find wants Amy to move him to the public school’s special education preschool program to receive ser- vices for his ADHD and Asperger’s. But Amy has had a positive experience working with Head Start; Jesus likes the program and his peers, and Amy enjoys the fact that she can visit her son between classes at the community college. Amy believes that Head Start can provide the direct services that Jesus needs, but Child Find believes the district can do a better job of providing these services in its preschool.
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▲ Integration into American culture can be diffi- cult for some immigrant families. However, cultural community centers may provide valuable resources and connections that ease this transition.
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▲ In some cases, it may be necessary for an early childhood care and education program to amend and enhance program components in order to meet the unique needs of children who are devel- opmentally delayed.
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Amy also wants Jesus to develop knowledge and pride in his Hispanic heritage. Because he has no contact with his father and father’s family, Amy is trying to find other solutions to expose him to his culture and language.
What the Program and Family Can Do
The Head Start Jesus attends serves many Hispanic families, allowing Jesus the opportunity to learn about his culture from peers and other families. The program has also begun to insti- tute a bilingual language program, so Jesus is learning Spanish. Amy has asked the campus early childhood program to provide more multicultural programs, materials, and activities, and teachers at the program are attending a multicultural class provided by the community college.
Addressing Jesus’ developmental delays is proving to be more difficult. The local district still wants him to move into the special education program. However, Amy is working closely with the disability manager of Jesus’ Head Start to provide the services he needs in the program; the manager and director of the campus child care program are also working together to determine ways the campus program can meet Jesus’ needs. The director of the program believes that it is important for her staff to learn how to work with children with develop- mental delays.
Ester’s Family
Ken and Ellen are grandparents raising two of their grandchildren, Michael and Ester. Michael is 8 years old and attends the neighborhood elementary school. Ester, his sister, is 2, and she attends the employee child care program where Ken works. Initially, the program would not accept Ester, because Ken is not her biological father. But after they worked with the HR department of the company, Ester was accepted.
Ken and Ellen are looking after their grandchildren because their son is in jail for selling drugs, and the children’s mother has been declared by the courts to be unfit to raise two young children, due to a severe drug problem. The court assigned Ken and Ellen to raise the two children. Ken works at a good com- pany, and Ellen is a retired schoolteacher. Ken and Ellen had planned by this time in their lives to retire and to travel. Although they had planned to visit Europe and explore towns and villages from which their families originated, Ken now must continue to work for an income and to be able to have free child care for Ester. Ellen does not have the energy to care for Ester full time at home.
Neither Ken nor Ellen ever imagined this situation. They are not sure what the future holds, as both of them are getting older and both have challenging health issues. Their daughter- in-law, the children’s mother, is still in the picture, but she has not been able to overcome her drug addiction. Her visits are extremely disruptive for the children. The children have also struggled to understand this situation, and Michael especially has had trouble with Ken. Michael was very close to his father, and they would play sports together. Ken is not able to
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▲ Many children’s primary caregivers are their grandparents. Educators should take care to ensure that grandparents feel included and have resources that address child rearing and early education for their unique circumstances.
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be as physically active. Ken and Ellen have worked with a counselor to try to address some of Michael’s issues, including his struggles at school. They think they might also include Ester when she is a little older.
Ken and Ellen also find it difficult to get involved in parent activities at the employee child care program and at their grandson’s school. All the other parents talk about their emerging careers and discuss the latest parenting and technology fads. They feel very out of place and think the caregivers and teachers in both settings are rather uncomfortable with them.
What the Program and Family Can Do
The center has decided to create a grandparent group (there are several grandparents actively involved with their children). While the other grandparents are not the sole providers for their children, they do have some of the same issues and interests as Ken and Ellen do. So far, this group has invited a person from the city to come to the center and talk about city services for grandparents; they are also developing a list of children’s books with positive scenarios of grandparents, which they will give to the teachers. Future activities may include a fundraiser to purchase books, a training session for staff about ways to include grandparents in the curriculum and activities, and visits to the local community college to talk to early childhood classes about ways to include grandparents in programs. Ken and Ellen have also begun the process of getting special education services for their grandson in the local public school.
Sarah’s Family
Sarah attends a program run by the Lutheran church her family attends on Sundays. Sarah, age 3, attends the program every morning. In the afternoon, she is cared for at home by her father, who also cares for her 1-year-old brother. He is a stay-at-home father. Sarah’s mother is a pediatrician at the local university training hospital. The Lutheran early childhood program describes Sarah’s family as high maintenance. Her mother is always telling the staff what to do, not only with Sarah but also with all of the children. She is particularly focused on healthy nutrition, hygiene, and health issues. Because she is also very involved with the church, she
often complains about the early childhood pro- gram to the church hierarchy. Needless to say, this causes tension in the program, and the staff members need to be very careful not to take out their frustrations on Sarah and her father.
Sarah’s father also struggles with being a stay- at-home father. He loves his children and enjoys seeing them grow and develop, and he is tak- ing a child development class in the evenings at the local community college to understand the development of young children. But he often sees his old buddies with high-status careers and feels very uncomfortable when they all get together to discuss their lives, interests, and challenges. He also believes the female director and her staff do not treat him seriously, always waiting for his wife to communicate issues of concern about Sarah.
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▲ It is important for program staff to communicate with fathers and male caregivers in the same way they would with mothers and female caregivers.
How Early Care and Education Programs Address Family Stress Chapter 10
What the Program and Family Can Do
There are two general issues that need to be addressed: (1) Sarah's mother's interference in program activities and (2) her father's feeling of inadequacy. The former issue needs to be addressed by the head of the early childhood program and the church meeting together with Sarah’s mother to establish boundaries between the program, church, and families. Possibly Sarah’s mother could become officially involved by joining the parent board that oversees the early childhood program, thus clarifying her role.
Sarah’s father might want to work with his community college early childhood department to develop a training program about fathers in early care and education programs. He could then present the training module to Sarah’s program. Additionally, he could work with one of Sarah’s teachers to find children’s books that provide positive stories about stay-at-home fathers caring for their children. Finally, he might explore a hobby or vocation that he can pursue with his male buddies when he is not caring for his children.
Common Issues for All Families
All six families discussed in these scenarios are earnestly trying to meet the basic needs of their children. Further, the programs are working with (or will work with) these families to provide for the needs of their children. To this end, the families provide varying degrees of the follow- ing attributes of resilient families:
• Commitment
• Attachment to each other
• Individual independence and group independence
• Ability to give and receive nurturing
• Ability to get needs met
• Coping skills
• Methods to build self-esteem in their children
• Effective communication
• Ability to pass on culture, goals, and values (Gonzalez-Mena, 2009)
However, each family experiences many of the typical stressors of families with young chil- dren, including poverty, children with developmental delays, problems with substance abuse, grandparents raising children, lack of extended family support, communication difficulties, new immigrant status, and cultural conflicts between the family and program. In the next section, we describe some additional ways early care and education programs can address some of these issues.
10.4 How Early Care and Education Programs Address Family Stress
In Chapter 1, we discussed at length ways early care and education programs can help fami- lies meet some of the basic family functions we have discussed in this chapter. According to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, families and early care and education programs must work together to maximize the growth and learning of the child (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
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In this section, we will look at specific ways the early care and education program can support families and thus reduce family stress. Specifically, early care and education programs need to find ways to help young families address the family functions described at the beginning of this chapter (see Helping Children Develop: The Five Family Functions). Programs can help families with all of the functional areas, from providing the necessities their children need (e.g., nutrition, parenting skills, and access to community resources) to encouraging learning (e.g., ideas for reading to children at home and using low-cost community resources such as libraries and free days at the museum). Food banks, community gardens, low-cost emergency care, health clinics, additional child care services, mental health counseling (for either the chil- dren or adults in the family), and services for children with possible developmental delays can all be found through contacts at the early care and education program.
H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :
The Five Family Functions
These are the functions all families provide for their children:
• Provide basic necessities
• Encourage learning
• Develop self-esteem
• Nurture peer relationships
• Maintain harmony and stability
Targeted Programs
Certain early care and education programs are designed to address the specific needs of targeted children and families. These include programs such as Head Start, which serves low-income 3- to 5-year-olds and focuses on preparing children for school success; the Hope Center in Denver, Colorado, which caters to African-American gifted preschoolers; and the Renaissance Center in Lakewood, Colorado, which is designed for young children in home- less families (Wardle, 2009). There are also many home-based models, in which teachers and other providers work directly with children and parents in the home. The Portage model is one such approach (Shearer & Shearer, 2005); the Home Instruction for Parents of Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY) is another. Both of these programs target parents with lim- ited skills and confidence in their ability to prepare their children for successful school entry. Often these parents lack success in formal education, are poor, and may have limited English proficiency (HIPPY USA, 2012). Head Start also provides a home-based model.
Many states provide free preschool programs for low-income children, and some provide programs for children with specific developmental delays, such as learning disabilities, ADHD, blindness, and autism. However, the federal government does not allow for children with dis- abilities to be segregated, instead requiring them to be mainstreamed in programs with stu- dents without developmental delays (U.S. Department of Education, 2004). Other early care and education programs teach English to non-English-speaking children or a foreign language to English-speaking children.
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Direct Services
Many early care and education programs provide direct services to their families. The kinds of direct services that are provided depend on the early care and education program and the families they serve. Sometimes these are simply ongoing offerings, such as parenting classes, English-language classes, and how to contact agencies that help families access food banks and other community services. Other offerings are created, ad hoc, when enough families express an interest and require a service or activity. Classes on including men in the lives of children, cultural diversity, growing your own food, budgeting, developing low-cost nutri- tional meals, and job training are all examples of these kinds of direct services provided by early care and education programs.
Accessing Services within a Network
Many early care and education programs are part of a broader network of programs and agencies. An early care and education program within a large Jewish community center will be able to connect parents to services that meet specific family needs. Many Head Start programs are a part of much larger service networks. For example, in many cities, Catholic Charities runs Head Start programs as well as a vast array of other programs that struggling families can use. And early childhood programs run by local school districts will have direct access to services for children with developmental delays, parents who need to earn a GED, and adults who do not speak English.
Resource Referral
Staff in early care and education programs become experts regarding community agencies that serve families in a variety of capacities, from drug counseling, family therapy, job place- ment and training to medical referrals for children with severe medical issues, food banks, and relief for high heat bills. These early care and education staff members are wonderful resources for families to use to meet the unique needs of their children, parents, and extended family members.
Many community agencies that serve families with young children make it a point to dis- seminate information at local early care and education centers. The state’s department of health will provide information about immunization schedules, current health risks, and gen- eral health concerns. Mental health associations will let families know about their services; training and employment agencies provide information to parents and other family members, and drug counseling organizations provide information, contacts, and referrals. Early care and education programs that serve unique populations, such as new immigrant families, families who have recently adopted children from other countries, children with developmental delays, or homeless families, will be targeted by community agencies that serve these populations.
Transition to K-12 Schools
All children and families that use an early care and education program will later use a local school—a public school, religious program, or private school. Sometimes the transition is seamless: from Catholic preschool to the local Catholic elementary school, or from the dis- trict preschool program to the local K-12 school. But often the transition is difficult, espe- cially for families under particular kinds of stress. Parents of a child diagnosed with ADHD
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and Asperger’s syndrome will need to work diligently to make sure their child can smoothly transition from the early childhood program to the local public school. Early care and educa- tion programs must work together to make these transitions as stress-free as possible. One way that early care and education programs reduce family stress is for all of the programs, including local schools and their Child Find agencies, to work together for the good of young children and their families.
Advocacy
Even if an early care and education program is not immediately able to meet the needs of a family, or to refer the family to other community agencies, they become advocates for families. In this capacity, staff know how to seek out information, are tenacious in advocat- ing for families, and have their own professional networks that they can often use to find solutions to specific problems presented by families they serve. Sometimes, other families in the center know of needed services or are involved in providing such services and, at other times, college connections and state-funded training programs can be used to collect important information.
Additionally, early care and education programs and parents can work together to change legislation, advocate for needed family-friendly services, and educate groups that service young children and their families.
10.5 Quality Efforts Designed to Make Sure Programs Support Families
We have just discussed a variety of ways that early care and education programs support fami- lies and attempt to reduce some of the stress families experience in meeting the needs of their young children. There are also formal instruments that have been expressly designed to assist programs to improve the quality of their services for children and families. These instruments evaluate many quality indicators of a program, from health and safety requirements, curri- cula, and classroom materials, to specific services designed to maximize partnerships with the families they serve. As we have seen in our discussions of family functions, quality indicators such as treating parents as partners and communicating with parents clearly address issues important to families. Everything that the early care and education program does has a direct impact on the family’s sense of security, faith in the program, and belief that the program has the best intentions to meet the needs of their children in everything they do. These quality indicators assist programs in meeting this important goal (Sanders & Howes, 2013).
Several different instruments are used to evaluate the quality of early care and education pro- grams. They include environment rating scales, program accreditation, and program-specific evaluations (e.g., the Head Start Program Performance Standards). Individual programs use these instruments to improve the overall quality of their programs (Sanders & Howes, 2013). All of these quality improvement instruments require program-wide activities in which every- one in the program must be involved (NAEYC, 2012). And some assessments, such as the Head Start’s self-evaluation, also require direct parent involvement (U.S. HHS, 1999). Thus it is critical that all staff in any program, be it a Head Start program, public preschool program, private program, or not-for-profit center, understand the purpose of program assessments, become familiar with specific instruments, and appreciate the need to work closely with
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parents when the evaluation occurs. These quality improvement systems are now being used by states and funding sources to determine program quality, as a ladder toward improvement (Sanders & Howes, 2013); therefore all teachers and caregivers need to become familiar with various evaluation and assess- ment approaches.
Environment Rating Scales
Thelma Harms, Richard Clifford, and Debbie Cryer have developed and validated a series of environ- ment rating scales, published through the Frank Graham Child Development Institute at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The various rating scales are the Family Day Care Rating Scale (FDCRS, rev. ed.; Harms & Clifford, 1989), Infant/Toddlers Environment Rating Scale (ITERS; Harms, Cryer, & Clifford, 1990), School-Age Care Environment Rating Scale (SACERS; Harms, Clifford, & White, 1996), and Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale (ECERS, rev. ed.; Harms, Clifford, & Cryer, 2005).
The Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale, published in 1980 and revised in 1998 (ECERS-Revised), is designed for children 2½ to 5 years old. The subscales for the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale are the following:
• Space and Furnishings
• Personal Care Routines
• Language-Reasoning
• Activities
• Interaction
• Program Structure
• Parents and Staff
Each of these subscales is then broken down into additional items (see Table 10.1). For each of these items, a seven-point scale is created, which goes from inadequate (1), through minimal (3), to good (5), and then excellent (7). Thus, every item can be scored from 1 to 7 (a zero score is used when there is a lack of evidence to demonstrate that an item is addressed). Then the score for each of the subscales is totaled. For example, Space and Furnishings has a maxi- mum of 56 points (Harms, Clifford, & Cryer, 2005).
Scoring of the ECERS-R is conducted by observing a classroom or group of children at one time for a block of at least 3 hours, using scoring sheets provided by the instrument. Averages of item scores are determined by summing the score for each item of the subscale and then dividing by the number of item scores. The scoring sheet also allows the observer to record details about each item, such as the number of child-size chairs, and to provide a tally of diver- sity materials by race, gender, culture, age, and disability. The observer is encouraged to write notes on the score sheet. All the subscales are scored the exact same way.
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▲ One of many scales used to evaluate the early childhood care and education setting is an environ- ment rating scale, which assesses the interactions children have with the adults and materials in their environment.
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Table 10.1: Overview of the subscales and items of the ECERS-R
Space and Furnishings 1. Indoor space 2. Furniture for routine care, play, and learning 3. Furnishings for relaxation and comfort 4. Room arrangement for play 5. Space for privacy 6. Child-related display 7. Space for gross motor play 8. Gross motor equipment
Personal Care Routines 9. Greeting/departing
10. Meals/snacks 11. Nap/rest 12. Toileting/diapering 13. Health practices 14. Safety practices
Language-Reasoning 15. Books and pictures 16. Encourage children to communicate 17. Using language to develop reasoning skills 18. Informal use of language
Activities 19. Fine motor 20. Art 21. Music/movement 22. Blocks
23. Sand/water 24. Dramatic play 25. Nature/science 26. Math/number 27. Use of TV, video, or computers 28. Promoting acceptance of diversity
Interaction 29. Supervision of gross motor activities 30. General supervision of children (other than gross
motor) 31. Discipline 32. Staff-child interactions 33. Interactions among children
Program Structure 34. Schedule 35. Free play 36. Group time 37. Provisions for children with disabilities
Parents and Staff 38. Provisions for parents 39. Provisions for personal needs of staff 40. Provisions for professional needs of staff 41. Staff interaction and cooperation 42. Supervision and evaluation of staff 43. Opportunities for professional growth
Program Accreditation
Program accreditation is a voluntary process used by early care and education programs to improve quality. Pre-developed quality indicators, based on early care and education best practices, are used both to assist the individual program in implementing a variety of processes to improve and to provide parents, funders, and other community members a standardized indication of a program’s quality (Sanders & Howes, 2013). Because all staff members in any early care and education program have the most direct impact on the quality of the pro- gram, and because quality improvements last only if they are fully embraced by all staff, it is critical that anyone involved in working with young children understands the importance of accreditation procedures. Further, program accreditation is becoming a high stakes method that states and other funding sources use to improve program quality and fund program improvement (Sanders & Howes, 2013). Accreditation procedures include those developed for family child care homes, Montessori programs, and various religious programs. Here we will examine the accreditation process used by the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC). This will provide students with a prototype of quality assessment systems that they will likely encounter.
Each of the accreditation protocols focuses on indicators of quality, and these indicators isolate specific processes, such as child-adult interactions and staff-parent interactions, rather than addressing the kinds of outcomes and standards public schools measure through high stakes assessments. There is an obvious overlap between the environment rating scales discussed in
Quality Efforts Designed to Make Sure Programs Support Families Chapter 10
the previous section and program accreditation, with the environment rating scales match- ing some accreditation components. But program accreditation is generally broader than the environment rating scales, including other indicators of quality, such as curriculum and child- adult ratios.
Standards of Accreditation
The NAEYC accreditation booklet (used by those conducting the accreditation of a pro- gram) states that “the criteria listed in this book represent the current consensus of the early childhood profession regarding the definition of a high quality program for young children” (NAEYC, 2005, p. ix). Many of the quality indicators are universally accepted health and safety rules, some of which are required by each state’s early childhood licensing body, including standards for supervision, storage of records, and sterilization of toys and other materials.
Other standards, such as child-staff ratios and standards of curriculum and teaching interac- tions, differ from program to program and are based on an organization’s specific philosophical orientation. The philosophical basis of the NAEYC accreditation standards are developmen- tally appropriate practice (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009). Research suggests that the process of accreditation increases program quality; accredited programs provide high-quality care and education to young children and families; and teachers and caregivers in accredited programs are more knowledgeable about child development and best practices than are those in pro- grams that are not accredited (Sanders & Howes, 2013).
As we briefly explore the various components of these accreditation processes, it is critical to remember that the heart of any quality early care and education program is the staff. Not only do the teachers and caregivers create and maintain the environment, implement the curriculum, plan learning experiences, individualize instruction, and manage the classroom, but they are also responsible for the critically important growth and development of chil- dren’s self-regulation and social and emotional development (McClelland, Acock, & Morrison, 2006; Hyson, 2008). Further, teachers and caregivers are responsible for creating a warm and rich partnership with families (NAEYC, 2005). However, as we have discussed throughout this book, early childhood teachers and caregivers are often poorly paid, with few benefits (Neugebauer, 2008).
NAEYC Accreditation Indicators
The accreditation indicators used for the NAEYC accreditation process were originally developed in 1985 and have undergone several revisions since (see Spotlight: The Categories Addressed by NAEYC Accreditation).
S P O T L I G H T:
The Categories Addressed by NAEYC Accreditation
• Interactions among staff and children
• Curriculum
• Staff-parent interactions
• Administration
• Staffing
• Physical environment
• Health and safety
• Nutrition and safety
• Evaluation
(NAEYC, 2012)
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Under each of these headings are indicators that determine how well a standard is met. For example, under the category interactions among staff and children, item A-1, is,
Staff interact frequently with children. Staff express respect for and affection toward children by smiling, touching, holding, and speaking to children at their eye level throughout the day, particularly at arrival and departure, and when diapering or feed- ing very young children. Staff actively seek meaningful conversations with children. (NAEYC, 2005, p. 15)
Three gradations, not met, partially met, and fully met, are used by the evaluator to assess each item.
Accreditation Procedure
The NAEYC accreditation process has three levels:
• Self-study. An individual early care and education program uses the accredita- tion materials to evaluate its own program. The team works on making changes to items not met in the program. The results of this self-assessment are then sent to the Commission of Accreditation in Washington, D.C.
• Validation. An evaluator or team of evaluators (depending on the size of the program) visits the program and conducts its own assessment, comparing their observations with the program’s own self-assessment.
• Commission decision. The Commission of Accreditation, empowered by NAEYC, examines both documents and then makes a determination based on the findings (NAEYC, 2012). This decision is then communicated to the program.
Program-Specific Evaluations
Head Start and Early Head Start, the U.S. Department of Defense early care and education programs, and some national religious early childhood programs all have developed their own comprehensive national approaches to evaluate their programs. One advantage of this approach is that sponsoring organizations can tailor quality evaluations to match the pro- gram’s values and philosophy and highlight unique aspects of their early care and education approach. The federal Head Start and Early Head Start programs use a process called the PRISM Evaluation System, which is conducted on all local programs every three years.
Performance Standards
Head Start performance standards outline overall program standards to be met in each component area of the local program (U.S. HHS, 1999). These component areas include family partnerships, community partnerships, nutrition, health and safety, mental health, and educa- tion and early childhood development. The performance standards in each component area enable this vast, comprehensive federal early childhood program to provide flexibility to meet local needs, while also maintaining quality control. For example, under the education and child development component, programs are expected to use a well-developed curriculum that meets the unique needs of the children and families in the community served by the pro- gram. One program may have a significant number of Spanish-speaking families that requires a bilingual curriculum (and English classes for parents); another program may need to work
Quality Efforts Designed to Make Sure Programs Support Families Chapter 10
closely with the immigrant Hmong commu- nity, exploring ways to include Hmong cul- ture, traditions, art, and language into the curriculum. A third program might include a very strong nutrition component to attack a growing problem of diabetes and obesity in the community (Wardle, 2009).
PRISM Evaluation System
The Head Start evaluation has two parts: a self-evaluation conducted by parents and community members, and a federal onsite team that corroborates the self-assessment while providing a more authoritative review and documentation. Today, all local Head Start programs use what is called the PRISM process (Program Review Instrument for Systems Monitoring of Head Start and Early Head Start) (U.S. HHS, 2002). This includes a combination of methods to determine each program’s compliance with each of the performance standards. For example, under commu- nity partnerships, the number and nature of these partnerships must be shown and efforts made by the local program to increase these partnerships documented. Results of the PRISM are used to improve the local program and to satisfy accountability to the federal government.
Families and Program Quality
All the systems described—environment rating scales, program accreditation, and program- specific quality systems—have a specific family component. This component examines how well the early care and education program works directly in partnerships with families to meet the education and development needs of children, and to support parents and other family members in their sincere efforts to raise healthy, well-educated children. Evaluation programs require parents to be involved in the quality improvement process in a number of ways:
• Communication. The program must continually inform parents of the ways the program is evaluated, what the evaluation means regarding program quality, and how parents can be involved in the process.
• Direct involvement. Many program evaluation processes, such as the Head Start PRISM, directly use parents in the self-evaluation process. This is an invaluable activ- ity, because it enables parents to have direct input into the quality of their children’s program and also increases their knowledge about how the program works.
• Opportunity to affect change. A central purpose of all program evaluation is to improve program quality (Sanders & Howes, 2013). Further, all programs can benefit by improving their ability to work collaboratively and respectfully with the families of the children they serve. The program evaluation—whether a rating scale, accreditation process, or program-specific activity—is a great place for parents to have direct input into the quality of their children’s programs.
© iStockphoto/Thinkstock
▲ Head Start requires that standards be met in each of the program components to ensure that children and their families experience the most positive outcomes possible.
Chapter Summary Chapter 10
Chapter Summary Family Stress and Resiliency
• There are two general ways to view families: family structures and family functions. Family structure is the adult makeup of the family; family function is how the family provides for the needs of its members, particularly the children.
• All resilient families exhibit certain traits, although they may experience each character- istic at different levels of intensity.
• The circumplex model of family adaptability and cohesion describes the importance of cohesion, flexibility, and communication in resilient families.
• Another approach to examining resilient families is to examine the balance between independence and interdependence.
Resilient Children and Children Who Struggle
• Resilient children result from normal human adaptive processes.
• There are many specific things both families and programs can do to help develop resilience in all children.
• For a variety of reasons, many young children struggle with maltreatment and need specialized intervention and support.
• All program staff members need to be aware of laws requiring the reporting of suspi- cion of child abuse.
Six Family Scenarios
• Six different family scenarios are provided to show the diversity of the families that are served by early care and education programs.
• Each family has unique challenges and resultant stressors that must be addressed.
• Suggestions are provided regarding how the family and program can address these challenges.
• Common issues all six families face are discussed.
How Early Care and Education Programs Address Family Stress
• Quality early care and education programs can have a powerful impact on reducing stress in the lives of families and children.
• Some early care and education programs, such as Head Start, target specific populations.
• Early care and education programs provide families and children with direct services, connect families to an array of community resources, provide specific approaches to transition children into K-12 schools, and support advocacy to meet the needs of fami- lies and children.
Key Terms Chapter 10
Quality Efforts Designed to Make Sure Programs Support Families
• Many formal evaluation systems are used to ensure the quality of early care and edu- cation programs and to assess the quality of family-program partnerships.
• All quality systems require active involvement by all staff in a program; some also require direct parent involvement.
• Three such approaches are environment rating scales, accreditations systems, and program-specific quality reviews, such as Head Start’s PRISM evaluation.
Key Terms adoptive family A family consisting of caregivers and adopted children.
blended family A family consisting of both biological and stepchildren as well as parents.
child maltreatment Aversive treatment of a child under 18 years old; comes in four forms: neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse.
circumplex model A systems theory approach to analyzing family cohesion, flexibility, and communication.
école maternelle The French version of preschool programs.
Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale A series of tools developed at the Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute to evaluate the physical and social environment of infant, toddler, preschool, and school-age programs.
extended family Families consisting of children living with grandparents or other relatives and one or more biological parents.
family cohesion A component of the circumplex model of family adaptability and cohe- sion that focuses on the emotional bond that family members have with one another.
family flexibility A component of the circumplex model of family adaptability and cohe- sion that focuses on the amount of change in leadership, role relationships, and relationship rules.
family structure The relationship of the adults in the family: two married parents, single parents, stepparents, extended family, foster parents, adoptive parents, same-sex parents, and grandparents.
foster families Temporary situations in which children are cared for as they wait to be adopted or to be reunited with their biological or other parents.
hierarchy of needs A theory of human needs developed by Maslow that suggests basic human needs have to be fulfilled before other, more advanced needs can be met.
Home Improvement for Parents of Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY) A parent- involvement school readiness program that assists parents in preparing their 3- to 5-year- olds for successful school entry. Uses home visits and group meetings.
humanism A psychological movement begun in the 1960s by Abraham Maslow and Carl Rogers that focuses on universal human traits and the potential of all humans.
Key Terms Chapter 10
nuclear family The traditional family dynamic consisting of a mother and father and their biological children.
performance standards Indicators used to determine program quality in the federal Early Head Start and Head Start programs. Accountability for the federal funds used to run these local programs is provided through the program evaluations of performance standards in each program area.
polygamous family A family consisting of a father and multiple wives and their children.
Portage model A home-based early childhood intervention model targeting families of children with developmental delays or who are at risk of delays.
PRISM The evaluation process used by Head Start to evaluate all local Head Start and Early Head Start programs.
program accreditation Evaluation processes for early care and education programs developed by a variety of child care and early childhood associations, including the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC). They evaluate program quality and are used by parents to select programs and by funding sources to determine program quality improvement.
same-sex families Families consisting of gay or lesbian parents.
single-parent families Families consisting of a single parent.
stepfamily A family in which children from a former relationship live with a biological and stepparent.
acculturation Changes that take place as individuals come into contact with people from other cultures.
achievement attribution How children interpret their successes or achievements, a component of self-efficacy.
adoptive family A family consisting of caregivers and adopted children.
affirmations Positive messages that validate a person as an individual who has unique needs and rights.
anti-bias and ecological model A model similar to that of Bronfenbrenner, but with seven overlapping circles represent- ing race/ethnicity, culture, gender, ability/ disability, family, socioeconomic status, and community.
assimilation The expectation that new immigrants will reject their own cultural identity and adopt the values and attitudes of their new country. In U.S. history, this was the official expectation of new immigrants, and it led to the idea of the American melt- ing pot.
associative play The third stage in Parten’s social play levels, in which children play with peers but still focus on their own individual needs and interests.
attachment theory The view that attach- ment is a critical model that sets the stage for healthy development.
attachment The emotional bond that develops between a child and adult care- taker. It can be secure or insecure in quality.
authoritarian parents Parents whose parenting style is characterized by high expectations, non-negotiable punishments (sometimes physical), and inflexibility.
authoritative parents Parents whose par- enting style is characterized by high expecta- tions, warmth, consistency, negotiation, and flexibility.
autonomy versus shame and doubt The stage in Erickson’s theory concerned with a toddler’s efforts and independence and, depending on the caregiver’s reaction to those attempts, the child’s sense of guilt.
autonomy The desire to make one’s own choices and direct one’s own behavior. This developmental task is described in the sec- ond of Erikson’s psychosocial stages.
behaviorism An observable change of behavior caused by the environment: rewards, removing negative stimuli, and punishments.
bicultural The ability to live and function successfully in two different cultural settings, such as a home and school with different cultural contexts.
bidirectional The two-way nature of an interaction, from adult to child and from child to adult.
bioecological theory Another term for Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
blended family A family consisting of both step and biological children as well as parents.
boundaries In family systems theory, the extent to which each individual family mem- ber operates independently and how much each member operates as a unit or group.
caring community An early care or educa- tion program in which all adults interact as partners or friends.
cause and effect The relationship between what a child does and its effect; the gradual
Glossary
Glossary
understanding that everything we do has consequences, good or bad.
centrism A characteristic of the preop- erational stage (2 to 7 years old) in which children can handle only one piece of infor- mation, or idea, at a time. The introduction of the second idea pushes out the first one from the child’s thinking.
Child Find The agency attached to local public schools charged with identifying children who may need special education services in preschool. They are also required to help find appropriate educational services for the child and family.
child maltreatment Aversive treatment of a child under 18 years old; comes in four forms: neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse.
child-proofing Making the home and early care and education program safe for young children. For example, long cords need to be placed out of reach and gates should be placed at the top of stairs.
chronosystem The fifth of Bronfenbrenner’s structures. It refers to changes both in histori- cal development and developmental mile- stones in the child’s life.
circumplex model A systems theory approach to analyzing family cohesion, flex- ibility, and communication.
climate In family systems theory, the nature of the family’s emotional and physical envi- ronment; how warm and supportive or cold and disorganized they are.
collective self-efficacy The efficacy indi- viduals foster when working in a group.
collectivist A society in which the good of the group is valued and the individual is downplayed. It is a view that values group achievements and loyalty over individual achievements and pride.
colorism A system of hierarchy within communities of color that gives preference to people with lighter skin and European features.
competence The ability to do things, e.g., dressing oneself, knowing how to write one’s name, having social skills, making friends, or playing constructively with peers.
constructive play The second of Piaget’s cognitive play stages, characterized by chil- dren using objects and materials to construct new and different combinations: playing with sand and water, art, woodwork, etc.
continuity of care Having the caregiver move as the infant matures, so the child and caregiver remain together over a significant time period (e.g., from infant to age 3).
cooperative play The last of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play together, have specific roles, and have a shared pur- pose. In this type of play, children are able to control their own individual needs for the overall play activity.
cortisol A hormone often found at elevated levels when children are under stress. Can cause long-term brain damage and learning disabilities.
co-sleeping Children sleeping in the same room as their parents, often in a bassinet or crib next to the parents’ bed or in the same bed. See family bed.
cultural context The various cultural groups to which a family and a child belong, and which influence the family’s and child’s behaviors, values, and worldview. Because cultures are dynamic, and children grow through development stages, these contexts and the way they interact are continually changing.
cultural continuity Consistency among behaviors, expectations, discipline and beliefs practiced at home, and those practiced in the early care and education program.
Glossary
cultural memoirs Records that answer the questions “Who am I as a cultural being, and what are the influences in my life that have made me who I am?” These might be books, pictures, oral histories, and so on.
cultural pluralism Another name for the salad bowl; the view that a society should be composed of many groups that maintain their culture and identity while contributing to the greater society.
cultural scripts The various ways people from different cultures respond to the envi- ronment; social referencing is used by adults to teach children these cultural scripts.
culturally responsive teaching An approach to teaching and caring that is sen- sitive and effective with people from a vari- ety of different cultural backgrounds.
culture The way individuals view the world, acquired by belonging to various groups; it is a complex and dynamic association with one’s world and other individuals.
curriculum by celebration approach Determining curricula themes by celebra- tions, such as Christmas, St. Patrick’s Day, and Cinco de Mayo. This approach tends to reinforce a tourist approach to diversity and does not help young children learn to under- stand both the deeper significant or cultural differences, and the universal nature of all people.
developmental crisis A major psychologi- cal theme or task that is particularly impor- tant at a specific stage of development and that must be resolved for satisfactory devel- opment to occur (e.g., trust versus mistrust).
developmental delays Disabilities that negatively affect learning.
developmentally appropriate prac- tice (DAP) An approach to curricula and activities that matches the ages and stages of each child; a whole-child, integrative approach. A developmentally appropriate
approach carefully considers each child’s social, emotional, cognitive, and physical development in writing objectives, develop- ing activities, and creating expectations.
dialoguing A method of solving problems that seeks win-win solutions; the opposite of arguing or debating, where one person is seen as the winner and the other person the loser.
differentiated approach An approach that adjusts instruction to match the learn- ing levels and styles of all children, including gifted and talented, twice exceptional, and students with developmental delays.
difficult temperament Describes a child who displays irregular biological functioning (e.g., is very difficult to get to sleep at night, or eats at different times of the day), and negative and often intense responses to new situations and to any kind of change.
discipline and guidance Attempts by adults to guide children into learning and internalizing socially appropriate rules and behaviors. A combination of rules, consistent adult expectations, and helping children understand the relationship between their behaviors, good and bad, and the results they produce.
disengaged families Families in which each member values individual autonomy and acting independently.
disoriented/disorganized attachment Infants who display conflicting behaviors, both when their mother leaves and when she returns.
disposition Relatively consistent habits of mind or characteristic ways of responding to experiences in various types of situations. Disposition influences future learning and thinking.
diversity within diversity The vast diver- sity that exists within any large group, be it racial, gender, age, language, etc.
Glossary
dominant culture The group in any society that has the most power and control; it may or may not be a numerical majority. In the United States, it has been white, Christian men; in Guatemala, it is Catholic Latinos; in Brazil, it is descendants of the Portuguese.
Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale A series of tools developed at the Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute to evaluate the physical and social environment of infant, toddler, preschool, and school-age programs.
early intervention An approach to work- ing with children with disabilities that is based on a belief that the sooner a disability is identified and addressed, the better. This is a shift in thinking, because in the past most disabilities were detected after children entered the K-12 school program.
easy temperament Describes a child who has regular sleep and feeding schedules, enjoys new situations and challenges, and is generally happy.
ecole maternelle The French version of preschool programs.
ecological systems theory Bronfenbrenner’s theory that provides five general contexts in which a child’s growth, development, and learning are embedded.
effortful control The process a child uses to learn how to control emotions and delay gratification, which itself is related to the development of a conscience.
ego-centrism A characteristic of the pre- operational stage (2 to 7 years old), accord- ing to Piaget, in which the child views the world through the lens of the self and the needs and desires of the self.
emotional intelligence (EQ) Children’s emotional self-awareness, their understand- ing of other people’s feelings, and their abil- ity to manage what they feel.
emotional regulation The ability to inhibit, control or maintain an emotional response to accomplish a goal, which is often to behave socially and appropriately in difficult and frustrating situations.
empowerment A sense of personal power and self-control; the belief that one has some control over their actions and feelings.
enmeshed families Families in which togetherness, belonging, and emotional con- nectedness of members within a family— even conformity—are emphasized.
equilibrium According to family systems theory, a sort of balance that tells members of a family what to expect in family dynam- ics, despite ongoing difficulties and stress. It allows families to function effectively under stress and other difficulties.
exceptional children Children with one or more developmental delays or who are gifted.
executive function The development of the child’s prefrontal cortex during the preschool years, a result of maturation and experience, improving the child’s attention, emotional regulation, and memory.
exosystem Contexts that indirectly affect the child, such as the city council, economic development, school board, and the parent’s workplace in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
extended family Families consisting of children living with grandparents or other relatives and one or more biological parents.
extrinsic motivation Motivation that is encouraged by external rewards such as praise, stickers, and candy. This approach is the foundation of behavioral psychology, in which a child’s behavior and learning is modified by the external environment: rewards.
extrinsic reinforcements Rewards for a behavior from outside of one’s self, which
Glossary
increases the prevalence of the behavior occurring. Examples are stickers, smiles from a parent or teacher, verbal rewards (“good job”), and candy.
fall-zone materials Absorbent material placed under swings and climbing structures on playgrounds to prevent head and other injuries when children fall.
false belief The inability of young children to understand there is a difference between what children imagine and believe things to be, and what they really are. This is one rea- son why young children repeatedly hide in the same place when playing hide-and-seek: If it is a good place to hide, they will con- tinue to hide there.
family bed A practice in which infants and young children sleep in the same bed as their parents.
family cohesion A component of the cir- cumplex model of family adaptability and cohesion that focuses on the emotional bond that family members have with one another.
family flexibility A component of the circumplex model of family adaptability and cohesion that focuses on the amount of change in leadership, role relationships, and relationship rules.
family functions The essential things all families do, regardless of their structure, to care for and support the development and education of their children.
family structure The relationship of the adults in the family: two married parents, single parents, stepparents, extended family, foster parents, adoptive parents, same-sex parents, and grandparents.
family systems theory An approach to working with families that examines how all family members influence each other in pre- dictable and recurring ways. This approach examines patterns and strengths of family interactions.
family-centered early care and educa- tion A holistic approach to working with children and their families that recognizes all children develop, grow, and learn within the context of a family, and therefore early child- hood programs must serve whole families.
feelings The emotions triggered by inter- nal or external events. Can be pleasant or uncomfortable; the body responds physically to these emotions.
foster families Temporary situations in which children are cared for as they wait to be adopted or to be reunited with their bio- logical or other parents.
free choice Allowing children to make their own choices from a controlled number of options, such as learning centers and art materials. It is up to the teacher to establish the options.
free play Play opportunities in which chil- dren choose how they play, with whom they play, and what they play with. Teachers can still control much of the play by arranging the environment and limiting the choices.
functional play The first of Piaget’s four cognitive stages, in which children play with objects based on their physical properties, such as bouncing a ball and stacking blocks.
funds of knowledge What families know and pass on to their children. This includes traditions, values, histories, and family stories.
games with rules The last of Piaget’s cognitive stages, in which children can play games while following external rules, such as duck duck goose, t-ball, and soccer.
Gardner’s Eight Intelligences A view that people (and children) process infor- mation using a variety of approaches, or intelligences, as opposed to using a single intelligence quotient. These intelligences include: Logical/Mathematical, Verbal/ Linguistic, Visual/Spatial, Musical, Bodily
Glossary
Kinesthetic, Interpersonal, Intrapersonal, and Naturalist.
gender What it means to be male and female in different cultures; the ways differ- ent societies and cultures acculturate girls and boys.
gifted and talented students Students whose abilities, talents, and potential accomplishments are so outstanding that they require special provisions to meet their educational needs.
goodness-of-fit The ability to match the physical and emotional environment to the unique temperament of each individual child.
Great Society programs Federal pro- grams enacted during the 1960s designed to reduce poverty in America. Two remain- ing programs are Head Start and No Child Left Behind (which used to be called the Elementary and Secondary Education Act).
guilt The feelings young children may develop if they are not supported in their sincere attempts at initiative; the failure to achieve initiative in Erikson’s third stage: ini- tiative versus guilt.
Head Start Performance Standards Standards used to establish the level of performance required in local Head Start programs, for every component area. These standards are used for self-evaluation and the official federal triennial program review.
Head Start Policy Council The governing body of a local Head Start program, made up of parents and community members. The policy council is one example of giving real power and control of Head Start to low- income participants.
hierarchy of needs A theory of human needs developed by Maslow that suggests basic human needs have to be fulfilled before other, more advanced needs can be met.
hierarchy In family systems theory, who makes the decisions and has the control in the family. In some families, both parents share control; in others, the authority is culturally specific, based on age, gender, income, etc.
Home Improvement for Parents of Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY) A parent- involvement school readiness program that assists parents in preparing their 3- to 5-year-olds for successful school entry. Uses home visits and group meetings.
humanism A psychological movement begun in the 1960s by Abraham Maslow and Carl Rogers that focuses on univer- sal human traits and the potential of all humans.
inclusion Integrating children with develop- mental delays within the regular classroom; including all children as part of the class- room community.
independent cultures Cultures that value independence, in which parents raise their children to be independent.
individualistic A focus on the value and importance of the individual in society, as opposed to the group and the ability to function effectively within a group.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act A federal law passed in 1975 that guar- antees children with disabilities, ages 3-21, certain rights in school (all schools). It now includes children, birth to age 3, under a separate section of the act.
initiative versus guilt The third stage in Erikson’s psychosocial theory, when the child is highly motivated to learn, risk, and explore.
initiative According to Erikson, this is the stage at which the child is interested in learning about the world, mastering new skills, and making new friends.
Glossary
insecure-avoidant attachment An attachment relationship in which the infant avoids connection with the caregiver, as when the infant does not seem to care about the caregiver’s presence, absence, or departure.
insecure-resistant/ambivalent attach- ment A relationship between the infant and caregiver characterized by inconsistent reac- tions to the caregiver’s leaving and return.
intellectual autonomy Being governed by oneself and making cognitive decisions for oneself.
intelligence quotient (IQ) The measure of a child’s intelligence, based on a single score on the IQ test and the child’s age. Considered by some to be a measure of potential learning. Others consider it a cul- turally biased view of a child’s potential.
interdependent cultures Cultures in which the focus is on people depending on each other and raising children to be consid- erate of others and loyal to the group.
internal working model The self-view a child develops through the attachment process. For example, a rejected child may begin to see himself or herself as a victim, as someone whom others do not love or care for.
interracial families Families in which the parents belong to different traditional U.S. Census categories, such as African American and white.
intrinsic motivation Motivation that comes from within; the desire to master skills, make friends, learn new worlds, and experiment with new ideas.
intrinsic reinforcement Internal good feelings and a sense of success and accom- plishment, as a result of a behavior.
language diversity The variety of lan- guages spoken in the United States and in U.S. early care and education programs.
learning styles Another name for Gardner’s eight intelligences (Logical/ Mathematical, Verbal/Linguistic, Visual/ Spatial, Musical, Bodily Kinesthetic, Interpersonal, Intrapersonal, and Naturalist).
logical consequences Consequences to negative behavior or a rule infraction that is logically tied to the child’s behavior: Spilling milk is addressed by cleaning up the spill. For this approach to work, the child has to understand the logical connection.
macrosystem The overall cultural, political, and institutional factors that affect a child’s life, such as culture, democracy, and equal- ity, in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
maturation The understanding that the development of children in all areas, from physical and emotional to linguistic and cog- nitive, is greatly affected by the child’s age.
melting pot The original view in the United States that all new immigrants were expected to reject their own cultural heri- tage and assimilate, or melt, into a single American cultural identity.
mental representations Piaget’s term for the process children use to create images in their minds to represent the world, and how they use these images to think about the world.
mesosystem Linkages between two or more of the microsystems (such as the family and early childhood program) in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory.
microsystem The immediate settings that have a direct impact on the child, such as the home, community, and early care and education program.
modeling/social-cognitive approach Modeling works by the learner (child) observing the behavior of the model; after the behavior of the model is reinforced, the learner repeats (imitates) the behavior of the model. A model can be real (parent, teacher,
Glossary
professional athlete) or symbolic (book, TV, and movie characters). The model must have status in the eyes of the learner and be viewed by the learner as being competent in what they are modeling.
moral reasoning Moral reasoning is the thinking children engage in as they deter- mine moral responses and appropriate behaviors.
multicultural Providing a variety of cultural perspectives; a society in which people from many different cultures function and reside equally.
multiracial children Children whose bio- logical parents come from two or more traditional U.S. Census categories, such as African American and white, or Native American and Asian.
mutual conflict Conflicts between families and programs that require full involvement from all parties to solve.
myelination The covering of neural con- nections in the brain with a fatty sheath of myelin, which provides insulation and speeds up neural messages.
National Standards for Family-School Partnerships Standards developed by the National PTA to evaluate the effectiveness of program/school-family collaborations.
negative reinforcement Increasing a behavior through the removal of a stimulus, usually an unpleasant one. For example, when a driver puts on a seatbelt, he or she eliminates the annoying buzzer that is pro- duced to coax the driver to use the seatbelt.
neutral stimuli Stimuli that the organism (or child) does not respond to. These can be for any of the senses: sight, sound, touch, smell, and taste.
New York Longitudinal Study A study, begun in the 1950s and conducted by Thomas and Chess, that recognized infants are born with distinctive temperaments.
No Child Left Behind A federal law that has resulted in the focus of the K-12 curricu- lum on literacy, math, and science and the extensive use of standardized assessments. Many of these ideas have found their way into early childhood programs, because edu- cators and parents want children to be ready for school.
nonliterality One of the characteristics of play, in which objects, people, and scripts do not need to follow the real world. Fantasy play is a good example.
not-for-profit programs Programs designed to serve people without making money, such as schools, Head Start pro- grams, and religious programs. Some early childhood programs are not-for-profit; some are for profit.
nuclear family The traditional family dynamic consisting of a mother and father and their biological children.
object permanence The awareness that objects are not temporary but still exist even when they cannot be seen or heard. Before learning object permanence, once an object is removed from an infant’s sight (e.g., placed behind the mother’s back) the infant ceases to be interested in it, assuming it no longer exists.
object play Use of objects in play, such as blocks, puzzles, and crayons.
onlooker play When children passively observe other children playing. Many chil- dren choose to watch others play before they attempt to play themselves, or before they enter the play activity with the other children.
parallel play The second of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play next to each other but do not influence each other’s play. Children like to be in the presence of others their own age, even if they do not need to communicate with them.
Glossary
parent education Serves to assist par- ents in raising and educating their children. Teachers are the experts, and parents are expected to learn from these experts.
parent involvement An approach that uses parents to help implement the early care and education program’s philosophy and to help teachers implement activities in the classroom (e.g., volunteering in the class- room and on field trips, collecting resources, or arranging for classroom visitors).
performance standards Indicators used to determine program quality in the federal Early Head Start and Head Start programs. Accountability for the federal funds used to run these local programs is provided through the program evaluations of performance standards in each program area.
permissive parents Parents whose parent- ing style is characterized by warmth and a lax approach to discipline. Permissive parents have no to low expectations, and behave more as a friend than parent.
personal space A comfort zone regard- ing physical proximity while communicating with others; it differs from culture to culture. People from different cultures meeting for the first time are often uneasy about what they view as violations of personal space.
play years The preschool years (ages 3 to 5 or 6), during which children love to play and learn a great deal through play.
polygamous family A family consisting of a father and multiple wives and their children.
Portage model A home-based early child- hood intervention model targeting families of children with developmental delays or who are at risk of delays.
positive affect One of the characteristics of play, which is a positive, affirming feeling.
positive reinforcement Rewards to a child’s behaviors that increase the probabil- ity of the behavior occurring in the future.
These can be intrinsic (e.g., feeling a sense of mastery) or extrinsic (e.g., stickers and grades).
positive reinforcers Rewards that increase a person’s behavior.
power assertion An approach to discipline and guidance that depends on controlling the child’s behavior through physical and nonphysical punishment, based on the abso- lute power of the adult. Often this form of punishment is unreasonable and illogical (threats, belittling remarks, sarcasm, and physical force).
prefrontal cortex The front part of the brain, which controls planning, judgment, and self-regulation.
Premack principle The opportunity to engage in a favorite activity after completing a less favorable one; a form of reinforcement used to modify children’s behavior.
preoperational stage The second of Piaget’s four stages, which spans approxi- mately 2 to 7 years of age. During this stage, children can represent past experiences and events through language, dramatic play, and art; they can remember past activities and recall them later.
primary attachment relationship Infants attach to a significant adult in the child’s life. This adult is usually the mother, but not always.
primary caregiver A term used to desig- nate the main person who takes care of an infant or young child in an early care or edu- cation setting. This person will move up with the child as the child moves into different age groups.
primary emotions The basic emotions of joy, anger, sadness, and fear, from which other emotions develop.
primary reinforcers A reinforcer (reward) that satisfies a built-in, often biological need, such as water and food.
Glossary
PRISM The evaluation process used by Head Start to evaluate all local Head Start and Early Head Start programs.
problem solving The ability of adults and children to work out a solution to a problem or situation, either individually or with some- one else.
process orientation One of the charac- teristics that define play: The pleasure and purpose is the process, not the end product. Most children enjoy playing because the process is enjoyable; research suggests that imposing an end product on play reduces children’s interest in it.
program accreditation Evaluation pro- cesses for early care and education pro- grams developed by a variety of child care and early childhood associations, including the National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC). They evaluate program quality and are used by parents to select programs and by funding sources to determine program quality improvement.
Project Head Start A federal program initially for low-income preschool children, begun in 1965. Now the program also includes Early Head Start, for low-income families with infants and toddlers.
prosocial behaviors Behaviors aimed at helping others; in early care and education programs, this includes sharing, following the direction of teachers, and solving con- flicts with other children in a constructive manner.
proximal processes Interactions between the child and the environment, though which the child’s potential (determined through genetics) is actualized through vari- ous effective psychological functions.
punishment A behavioral approach that reduces the child’s inappropriate behavior through the presentation of a negative stim- ulus and the removal of a pleasant stimulus.
real models People whom children imitate to learn new behaviors, such as parents and teachers.
reciprocal determinism The process by which the individual is both influenced by and influences the social environment; how a child’s temperament affects the adult’s response to the child.
reciprocal interaction A circular behavior scheme in which the negative temperament of the child causes the adults’ interactions with the child to be likewise negative. This, in turn, reinforces the child’s difficult tem- perament and behaviors.
relationship-based organization An organizational climate that focuses on the relationships between members of the organization, rather than on hierar- chies of power, specific roles, and lines of communication.
RERUN Problem-Solving Process A step- by-step process to address conflicts between parents and the early care and the education center.
resilient self-efficacy An understanding that sustained effort and persistence are needed for success.
response cost Withdrawal of a previously earned reinforcement. For example, a child loses a privilege that the child just earned.
roles In family systems theory, the specific function each family member has; roles might be peacemaker, clown, rescuer, or vic- tim. Each role has certain expectations from others in the family.
rules The scripts we use to live our lives— laws, standards, traditions, and history.
salad bowl Another name for cultural plu- ralism; the view that a society is composed of many groups that maintain their cultural identity, while contributing to the greater society.
Glossary
same-sex families Families consisting of gay or lesbian parents.
scaffolding A Vygotskian concept whereby experts (i.e., adults and older children) pro- vide teaching support to a child, with the amount of support being reduced as the child gains competence.
secondary reinforcers A previously neu- tral stimulus that now acts as a reinforcer, due to becoming a conditioned stimulus: money, stickers, words, etc.
secure attachment Infants who mildly protest when their mother leaves, but then actively seek reunion with their mother when she returns. The securely attached infant then goes back to explore and play with the toys, using his or her mother as a strong psychological base.
self-concept A child’s view of himself or herself. It is neither good nor bad; at the preschool age, it is based largely on what a child can do.
self-efficacy A child’s belief in what the child can do, learn, and accomplish. Children with a high level of this belief are willing to try out new things and to risk new endeav- ors; children with a low level of this are reluctant to try anything new.
self-esteem A personal evaluation of one’s own traits, abilities, and characteris- tics; a judgment of one’s worth, value, or competence.
self-image The view each one of us has of ourselves: Who am I?
sensorimotor intelligence The repeti- tive, stereotypical behaviors children engage in during Piaget’s sensorimotor stage. According to Piaget, these repetitive actions are the beginning of primitive thought and cognition.
sensorimotor stage According to Piaget, at this age children develop primitive con- structs about the world by combining
sensory and physical (motor) actions into combinations that they then repeat. An example of a sensorimotor scheme is a child seeing an object, tracking the object with her eyes, grabbing the object, and putting it in her mouth to feel and taste.
separation anxiety Infants develop a fear of separating from their primary caregivers— usually their mother. This fear exhibits itself in the child’s crying and protesting when the caregiver leaves and usually develops at about 6–8 months of age.
shame and doubt In Erickson’s theory, the feelings that develop in a toddler when the toddler’s sincere and strongly motivated attempts at exploration and autonomy are met with criticism or resistance.
single-parent families Families consisting of a single parent.
slow-to-warm temperament The slow- to warm child is somewhat irregular in his/ her biological functions, exhibits a negative response to new stimuli, and adapts slowly to change.
social cognitive theory Bandura’s theory that explains how children learn from real and symbolic models. According to Bandura, children learn from role models if they believe the model is competent in what they are doing, and if the model is rewarded for what they do (vicarious reinforcement).
social competence The ability to function effectively in a variety of social contexts, from family and neighborhood to school and workplace.
social referencing Observing the expres- sions and responses of others to an unknown object, person, or event, in order to ascertain how to proceed.
social skills training An approach that teaches children the unwritten rules around social interactions that most children learn unconsciously.
Glossary
socializing agent A person or institution (e.g., family) that teaches children the behav- iors, values, mores, and norms of a society and culture.
sociocultural theory Vygotsky’s theory of learning, which emphasizes the role of oth- ers (adults and children) and language in the learning process.
solitary play The first of Parten’s social play stages, in which children play alone, ignoring anyone close to them.
stepfamily A family in which children from a former relationship live with a biological and stepparent.
Strange Situation An experiment by Mary Ainsworth, in which she observed infants, aged 12 to 18 months old, their mother, and a stranger. Based on the infant’s behavior with the mother, the nature of the attach- ment is determined.
stranger anxiety A wariness of interac- tions with strangers; this begins around 6 months of age and intensifies around 9 months of age.
Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) The death of a young child (before age 2) during sleep due to unknown causes. SIDS is one of the leading causes of infant death during the first few months of life.
symbolic models Role models in books, movies, computer games, and TV whom children imitate and learn from.
symbolic/dramatic/fantasy play The third stage of Piaget’s cognitive play stages, in which children use objects and each other as symbols for other things: A block is a phone; a child is a doctor.
synchrony The rapid, responsive, coor- dinated interchange of behaviors and responses between an infant and caregiver. A responsive “dance.”
temperament Behavioral and emotional dimensions of a young child that develop early in childhood and form the basis for later personality.
theory of mind The ability of young chil- dren to understand that mental states, such as beliefs, desires, and fantasies, are sepa- rate from reality.
time away Removal of a child from an activity or group to another task or group.
time out A discipline procedure that removes a child from an activity and places the child in a boring, neutral environment for a short period of time. This is also a form of punishment.
transracially adopted children Adopted children who are of a different race or eth- nicity from their adoptive parents, such as Chinese and Korean children adopted by white parents.
trust versus mistrust (age birth to 1 year old) The first stage in Erikson’s theory, where an infant learns to trust or mistrust adults/ caregivers in his/her life.
turn taking A complex skill that requires participants to read cues and determine the best time to advocate for their own turn.
twice exceptional Children who are both gifted and have one or more developmental delays.
uninvolved/neglectful parents Belong to one of four parenting styles, characterized by lack of warmth and providing little if any control of their children. They are not emo- tionally connected to their children; many are consumed with their own problems and challenges.
unrelated consequences Punishing a child’s inappropriate behavior with some- thing that is unrelated to the behavior.
verbal reprimands Scolding or harsh words from the teacher or parent designed
Glossary
to suppress undesirable behaviors; may also be threats.
vicarious reinforcement The reinforc- ing of a model’s behavior with the intent of changing the behavior of the observer or learner. Part of social cognitive theory. One of the reasons modeling is so effective in changing a child’s behavior is that the child believes she will receive the same rewards that the model has received (fame, popular- ity, money, and so on).
wait time Providing silence after a question has been asked to allow students to care- fully reflect on the question and develop an answer. Providing this also communicates to student that their response has value, and that the question is not simply being asked for the teacher to give a predetermined answer.
whole child A curricular approach that encourages development and learning in all domains—physical, cognitive, social, and emotional—in an integrated manner. Many believe this is the ideal approach to teaching preschool-aged children, because it stimu- lates many different parts of the brain while developing important nerve connections.
Women, Infants and Children (WIC) A federal program that provides healthy and nutritious food to low-income mothers of young children.
zone of proximal development The dynamic region in which learning and devel- opment takes place in a child. It is a zone between what a child can do independently and what the child can do with expert assistance.
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- front_matter
- chapter_01
- chapter_02
- chapter_03
- chapter_04
- chapter_05
- chapter_06
- chapter_07
- chapter_08
- chapter_09
- chapter_10
- glossary
- references