Throughout paper. 1 page

DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

Aime Cesaire

Translated by Joan Pinkham

A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

by Robin D. G. Kelley

MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS

NEW YORK

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Cesaire Alme. [Discours sur Ie colonialisme. English] Discourse on colonialism I Alme C6aire; translated by Joan Pinkham.

A of anticolonialism I Robin D.G. Kelley. p. em.

Contents: A poetics of anticolonialism I Robin D.G. Kelley- Discourse on colonialism I Alme C6aire - An interview with Alme Cesaire I Rene Llcm:"lle.

ISBN 1-58367-025-4 (pbk.) - ISBN 1-58367 -024-6 (cloth) 1. Colonies. 2. Colonies-Mrica. 3. Postcolonialism. I. Kelley, Robin D.G.

Poetics of anticolonialism. II. Tide: Poetics of anticolonialism. III. Tide.

JV51 .C413 2000 325'.3-dc21

Monthly Review Press 122 West 27th Street New York, NY 10001

Printed in Canada

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3

00-020238

CIP

[ Contents}

Robin D. G. Kelley

A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM 7

Aime Crfsaire

DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM 29

Rene Depestre

AN INTERVIEW WITH AIME CESAIRE 79

Notes 95

[ Introduction]

A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

Robin D. G. Kelley

Aime Cesaire's Discourse on Colonialism might be best described as a declaration of war. I would almost call it a "third world manifesto,"

but hesitate because it is primarily a polemic against the old order bereft of the kind of propositions and proposals that generally accompany manifestos. Yet, Discourse speaks in revolutionary ca­ dences, capturing the spirit of its age just as Marx and Engels did 102 earlier in their little manifesto. First published in 1950 as Discours sur Ie colonialisme, it appeared just as the old empires were on the verge of collapse, thanks in part to a world war against fascism that left Europe in material, spiritual, and philosophical shambles. 1 It was the age of decolonization and revolt in Mrica, Asia, and Latin

America. Five years earlier, in 1945, black people from around the globe gathered in Manchester, England, for the Fifth Pan-Mrican Congress to discuss the freedom and future of Mrica. Five years later,

in 1955, representatives from the Non-Aligned Nations gathered in

7

8 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

Bandung, Indonesia, to discuss the freedom and future of the third world. Mao's revolution in China was a year old, while the Mau Mau in Kenya were just gearing up for an uprising against their colonial masters. The French encountered insurrections in Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Cameroon, and Madagascar, and suffered a humiliating defeat by the Viet Minh at Dien Bien Phu. Revolt was in the air. India, the Philippines, Guyana, Egypt, Guatemala, South Mrica, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, Harlem, you name it. Revolt! Malcolm X once described this extraordinary moment, this long decade from the end of the Second World War to the late 1950s, as a "tidal wave of color."

Discourse on Colonialism is indisputably one of the key texts in this "tidal wave" of anticolonial literature produced during the postwar period-works that include W.E.B. Du Bois's Color and Democrary(1945) and The WorldandAfrica(1947), Frantz Fanon's Black Skin, White Masks ( 1952), George Padmore's Pan-Africanism or Communism?: The Coming Struggle for Africa ( 1956), Albert Memmi's The Colonizer and the Colonized ( 1957), Richard Wright's White Man Listen! ( 1957), Jean-Paul Same's essay, "Black Or­ pheus" ( 1948), and journals such as Presence Africaine and Aftican Revolution. Like much of the radical literature produced during this epoch, Discourse places the colonial question front and center. Although Cesaire, remaining somewhat true to his Communist affiliation, never quite dethrones the modern proletariat from its exalted status as a revolutionary force, the European working class is practically invisible. This is a book about colonialism, its impact on the colonized, on culture, on history, on the very concept of civilization itself, and most importantly, on the colonizer. In the finest Hegelian fashion, Cesaire demonstrates how colonialism works ro "decivilize" the colonizer: torture, violence, race hatred,

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 9

and immorality constitute a dead weight on the so-called civilized, pulling the master class deeper and deeper into the abyss of barba­ rism. The instruments of colonial power rely on barbaric, brutal violence and intimidation, and the end result is the degradation of Europe itself Hence cesaire can only scream: "Europe is indefensible."

Europe is also dependent. Anticipating Fanon's famous propo­ sition that "Europe is literally the creation of the Third World," Cesaire reveals, over and over again, that the colonizers' sense of superiority, their sense of mission as the world's civilizers, depends on turning the Other into a barbarian.2 The Mricans, the Indians, the Asians cannot possess civilization or a culture equal to that of the imperialists, or the latter have no purpose, no justification for the exploitation and domination of the rest of the world. The colonial encounter, in other words, requires a reinvention of the colonized, the deliberate destruction of the past-what Cesaire calls "thingification." Discourse, then, has a double-edged meaning: it is Cesaire's discourse on the material and spiritual havoc created by colonialism, and it is a critique of colonial discourse. Anticipating the explosion of work we now call "postcolonial studies," Cesaire's critique of figures such as Dominique O. Mannoni, Roger Caillois, Ernest Renan, Yves Florenne, and Jules Romains, among others, reveals how the circulation of colonial ideology-an ideology of racial and cultural hierarchy-is as essential to colonial rule as police and corvee labor.

Surprisingly, few assessments of postcolonial criticism pay much attention to Discourse, besides mentioning it in a litany of "pioneer­ ing" works without bothering to elaborate on its contents. Robert Young's White Mythologies: Writing History and the West ( 1990) dates the origins of postcolonial studies to Fanon's Wretched of the Earth, despite the fact that some of the arguments in Fanon were

10 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

already present in Discourse. 3 On the other hand, literary critics tend to skip over Discourse or dismiss it as an anomaly born of Cesaire's eleven-year stint as a member of the Communist Party of Martinique. It has been read in terms of whether it conforms to or breaks from "Marxist orthodoxy.

,,4 1 want to suggest that Discourse made some critical contributions to our thinking about colonialism, fascism, and revolution. First, its recasting of the history of Western Civilization helps us locate the origins of fascism within colonialism itself; hence, within the very traditions of humanism, critics believed fascism threatened. Second, Cesaire was neither confused about Marxism nor masquerading as a Marxist when he wrote Discourse. On the contrary, he was attempting to revise Marx, along the lines of his predecessors such as W.E.B. Du Bois and M.N. Roy, by suggesting that the anticolonial struggle supersedes the proletarian revolution as the fundamental historical movement of the period. The implications are enormous: the coming revolution was not posed in terms of capitalism versus socialism (the very last paragraph notwithstanding, but we shall return to this later), but in terms of the complete and total overthrow of a racist, colonialist system that would open the way to imagine a whole new world.

What such a world might look like is never spelled out, but that brings me to the final point about Discourse: it should be read as a surrealist text, perhaps even an unintended synthesis of Cesaire's understanding of poetry (via Rimbaud) as revolt and his re-vision of historical materialism. For all of his Marxist criticism and Negri� tudian assertion, Cesaire's text plumbs the depths of one's uncon­ scious so that colonialism might be comprehended throughout the entire being. It is full of flares, full of anger, full of humor. It is not a solution or a strategy or a manual or a little red book with pithy quotes. It is a dancing flame in a bonfire.

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 11

Aime cesaire's credentials as colonial critic are impeccable. He was born on June 26, 1913 in the small town of Basse�Pointe, Martinique where he, along with five siblings, were raised by a mother who was a dressmaker, and a father who held a post as the local tax inspector. Although their father was well educated and they shared the cultural sensibilities of the petit bourgeois, the Cesaires nonetheless lived close to the edge of rural poverty. Aime turned out to be a brilliant, precocious student and, at age eleven, was admitted to the Lycee Schoelcher in Fort-de-France. There he met Leon­ Gontran Damas from Guiana, one of his childhood soccer-mates (who would go on to collaborate with cesaire and Senegalese poet Leopold Sedar Senghor in launching the Negritude movement). cesaire graduated from the Lycee in 1931 and took prizes in French, Latin, English, and history. Unlike many of his colleagues, he could not wait to leave home for the mother country-France. "I was not at ease in the Antillean world," he recalled. That would change during his eight-year stay in Paris.5

Once settled in Paris, he enrolled at the Lycee Louis-Ie-Grand to prepare for the grueling entrance exams to get into the Ecole Normale Superieure. There he met a number of like-minded intel­ lectuals, most notably Senghor. Meeting Senghor, and another Senegalese intellectual, Ousman Soce, inspired in Cesaire an interest in Mrica, and their collaborations eventually gave birth to the concept of Negritude. There were other black diasporic intellectual circles in Paris at the time, notably the group surrounding the Nardal sisters of Martinique (Paulette, Jane, and Andree), who ran a salon out of which came La Revue du monde noir, edited by Paulette Nardal and Leo Sajous. Another circle of Martinican students, consisting mainly of Etienne Lero, Rene Menil, J.M. Monnerot, and Pierre and Simone Yoyotte, joined together to declare their

12 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

commitment to surrealism and communist revolution. In their one and only issue of Legitime Defense, published in 1932, they excori­ ated the French-speaking black bourgeoisie, attacked the servility of most West Indian literature, celebrated several black u.s. writers like Langston Hughes and Claude McKay, and denounced racism (paying special attention to the Scottsboro case). Cesaire knew about the Nardal sisters' salon but found it entirely "too bourgeois" for his tastes. And though he had read Legitime Defense, he consid­ ered the group too assimilated: "There was nothing to distinguish them either from the French surrealists or the French Communists. In other words, their poems were colorless.,

,6

Cesaire, Senghor, Leon Damas, and others, were part of a different intellectual circle that centered around a journal called L 'Etudiant noir. In its March 1935 issue, Cesaire published a passionate tract against assimilation, in which he first coined the term "Negritude." It is more than ironic that at the moment Cesaire's piece appeared, he was hard at work absorbing as much French and European humanities as possible in preparation for his entrance exams for the Ecole Normale Superieure. The exams took their toll, for sure, though the psychic and emotional costs of having to imbibe the very culture Cesaire publicly rejected must have exacerbated an already exhausting regimen. After completing his exams during the summer of 1935, he took a short vacation in Yugoslavia with a fellow student. While visiting the Adriatic coast, Cesaire was overcome with memories of home after seeing a small island from a distance. Moved, he stayed up half the night working on a long poem about the Martinique of his youth-the land, the people, the majesty of the place. The next morning when he inquired about the little island, he was told it was called Martinska. A magical chance encounter, to say the least; the words he penned

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 13

that moonlit night were the beginnings of what would subsequently become his most famous poem of all: Cahier d'un retour au pays natal (Notebook of a Return to My Native Land). The next summer he did return to Martinique, but was greeted by an even greater sense of alienation. He returned to France to complete his thesis on Mrican-American writers of the Harlem Renaissance and their representations of the South, and then, on July 10, 1937, married Suzanne Roussy, a fellow Martinican student with whom he had worked on L 'Etudiant noir.7

The couple returned to Martinique in 1939 and began teaching in Fort-de-France. Joining forces with Rene Menil, Lucie Thesee, Aristide Maugee, Georges Gratiant, and others, they launched a journal called Tropiques. The appearance of Tropiques coincided with the fall of F ranee to the fascist Vichy regime, which conse­ quently put the colonies of Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Guiana under Vichy rule. The effect was startling; any illusions Cesaire and his comrades might have harbored about colorblind French broth­ erhood were shattered when thousands of French sailors arrived on the island. Their racism was blatant and direct. As literary critic A. James Arnold observed, "The insensitivity of this military regime also made it difficult for Martinicans to ignore the fact that they were a colony like any other, a conclusion that the official policy of assimilation had masked somewhat. These conditions contributed to radicalizing Cesaire and his friends, preparing them for a more anticolonialist posture at the end of the war."s The official policy of the regime to censor Tropiques and interdict the publication when it was deemed subversive also hastened the group's radicalization. In a notorious letter dated May 10, 1943, Martinique's Chief of Information Services, Captain Bayle, justified interdicting Tropiques for being "a revolutionary review that is racial and sectarian." Bayle

14 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

accused the editors of poisoning the spirit of society, sowing hatred and ruining the morale of the country. Two days later, the editors penned a brilliant polemical response:

To Lieutenant de Vaisseau Bayle:

Sir, We have received your indictment of Tropiques.

"Racists," "sectarians," "revolutionaries," and traitors to the

country," "poisoners of souls," none of these epithets really offends

us. "Poisoners of Souls," like and traitors to our

good Country," like Zola, ... "Revolutionaries," like the Hugo of

"Chatiments." "Sectarians," passionately, like Rimbaud and Lau­

treamont. Racists, yes. Of the racism of Toussaint L'Ouverture, of

Claude McKay and Langston Hughes that of Drumont

and Hitler. As to the rest of it, don't expect us to plead our case,

or to launch into vain recriminations, or discussion. We do not

speak the same language.

Signed: Aime Cesaire, Suzanne Cesaire, Georges Gratiant, Aristide

Maugee, Rene Menil, Lucie Thesee.9

But in order for Tropiques to survive, they had to camouflage their boldness, passing it off as a journal of West Indian folklore. Yet, despite the repressions and the ruses, Tropiques survived the war as one of the most important and radical surrealist publications in the world. Lasting from 1941 to 1945, the essays and poems it published (by the cesaires, Rene MeniI, and others) reveal the evolution of a sophisticated anticolonial stance, as well as a vision of a postcolonial future. Theirs was a vision of freedom that drew on Modernism and a deep appreciation for pre-colonial African modes of thought and practice; it drew on Surrealism as the strategy of revolution of the mind and Marxism as revolution of the produc-

ROBIN D,G, KELLEY 15

tive forces. It was an effort to carve out a position independent of all of a kind of wedding of Negritude, Marxism, and surrealism, and their collective efforts would have a profound impact on international surrealism, in general, and on Andre Breton, in particular. Tropiques also published Breton, as well as texts by Pierre Mabille, Benjamin Peret, and other surrealists.lO In fact, it is not too much to proclaim Suzanne Cesaire as one of surrealism's most original theorists. Unlike critics who boxed sur­ realism into narrow "avant garde" tendencies such as futurism or cubism, Suzanne cesaire linked it to broader movements such as Romanticism, socialism, and Negritude. Surrealism, she argued, was not an ideology as such but a state of mind, a "permanent readiness for the Marvelous." In a 1941 issue of Tropiques, she imagined new possibilities in terms that were foreign to Marxists; she called on readers to embrace "the domain of the strange, the marvelous and the fantastic, a domain scorned by people of certain inclinations. Here is the freed image, dazzling and beautiful, with a beauty that could not be more unexpected and overwhelming. Here are the poet, the painter, and the artist, presiding over the metamor­ phoses and the inversions of the world under the sign of hallucina­ tion and madness."n And yet, when she speaks of the domain of the Marvelous, she has her sights on the chains of colonial domina­ tion, never forgetting the crushing reality of everyday life in Martinique and the rest of the world. In "Surrealism and Us: 1943," she writes with a boldness and clarity that would come to charac­ terize her husband's Discourse on Colonialism:

Thus, far from contradicting, diluting, or diverting our revolu­

tionary attitude toward life, surrealism strengthens it. It nourishes an

impatient strength within us, endlessly reinforcing the massive army

of refusals.

16 A POETICS OF ANTICOLON IALISM

And I am also thinking of tomorrow.

Millions of black hands will fling their terror across the furious skies

of world war. Freed from a long benumbing slumber, the most

disinherited of all peoples will rise up from plains of ashes.

Our surrealism will supply this rising people with a punch from its

very depths. Our surrealism will enable us to finally transcend the

sordid dichotomies of the present: whites/Blacks, Europeans/Afri­

cans, civilized/savages-at last rediscovering the magic power of the

mahoulis, drawn directly from living sources. Colonial idiocy will be purified in the welder's blue flame. We shall recover our value as metal,

our cutting edge of steel, our unprecedented communions. 12

Although the influence of surrealism on Aime Cesaire has been called into question recently, the question of his surrealism is usually posed in terms of Andre Breton's influence on Cesaire. Surrealism in this context is treated as "European thought," and like Marxism, considered foreign to non-European traditions. But this sort of "diffusionist" interpretation leaves no room for the Cesaires (both Aime and Suzanne) to be innovators of surrealism, to have intro­ duced fresh ideas to Breton and his colleagues. I want to suggest that the Cesaires not only embraced surrealism-independently of the Paris Group, I might add-but opened new vistas and contributed enormously to theorizing the "domain of the Marvelous." 1 3

Aime Cesaire, after all, has never denied his surrealist leanings. AB he explains in the interview appended here: "Surrealism pro­ vided me with what I had been confusedly searching for. I have accepted it joyfully because in it I have found more of a confir­ mation than a revelation." Surrealism, he explained, helped him to summon up powerful unconscious forces. "This, for me, was a call to Mrica. I said to myself: it's true that superficially we are

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 17

French, we bear the marks of French customs; we have been branded by Cartesian philosophy, by French rhetoric; but if we break with all that, if we plumb the depths, then what we will find is fundamentally black." And, in another interview with Jacqueline Leiner, he was even more enthusiastic about Breton's role: "Breton brought us boldness, he helped us take a strong stand. He cut short our hesitations and research. I realized that the majority of the problems I encountered had already been resolved by Breton and surrealism. I would say that my meeting with Breton was confirmation of what I had arrived at on my own. This saved us time, let us go quicker, further. The encounter was

d· ,,14 F h . d .

extraor mary. urt ermore, even as a commulllst eputy m the later 1940s, Cesaire continued to publish poetry for surrealist publications such as Le Surrealism en 1947, an exhibit catalogue edited by Andre Breton and Marcel Duchamp. His surrealist imagery is undeniable in two poetry collections from that era, Les Armes miraculeuses ( Miraculous Weapons) in 1944 and Solei! cou coupe (Beheaded Sun) in 1948.15

Cesaire's essay, "Poetry and Cognition," which he delivered during his seven-month visit to Haiti in 1944, and which appeared in Tropiques the following year, represents one of his most systematic statements on the revolutionary nature of poetry. Opening with the simple but provocative proposition that "Poetic knowledge is born in the great silence of scientific knowledge," he then attempts to demonstrate why poetry is the only way to achieve the kind of knowledge we need to move beyond the world's crises. Cesaire's embrace of poetry as a method of achieving clairvoyance, of obtaining the knowledge we need to move forward, is crucial for understanding Discourse, which appears just five years later. If we think of Discourse as a kind of historical prose poem against the

18 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

realities of colonialism, then perhaps we should heed Cesaire's point that "What presides over the poem is not the most lucid intelligence, the sharpest sensibility or the subtlest feelings, but as a whole." This means everything, every history, every future, every dream, every life form, from plant to animal, every creative im­ pulse-is plumbed from the depths of the unconscious. If poetry is, indeed, a powerful source of knowledge and revolt, one might expect to employ it as Discourse's sharpest weapon. And I think most readers will agree that those passages which sing, that sound the war drums, that explode spontaneously, are the most powerful sections of the essay. But those readers who are expecting a systematic critique replete with hypotheses, sufficient evidence, topic sentences, and bullet points, are bound for disappointment. Con­ sider Cesaire's third proposition regarding poetic knowledge: "Poetic knowledge is that in which man spatters the object with all of his mobilized riches." 16

Surrealism is also important to the formation of Discourse because, like the movements that gave rise to Pan-Mricanism and Negritude, it has its own independent anticolonial roots. I am not suggesting that Cesaire's critique of colonialism necessarily derived from the surrealists; rather, I want to suggest that the mutual attraction engendered between Cesaire (and many other black intellectuals at the time) and the surrealists can be partly explained by affinities in their position toward Empire. Up until the mid-1920s, the Euro­ pean surrealists were largely cultural iconoclasts who made radical pronouncements but displayed little interest in social revolution. But that would change in 1925, when the Paris Surrealist Group and the extreme left of the French Communist Party were drawn together by their support of Abd-el-Krim, leader of the Rif uprising against French colonialism in Morocco. They actively called for the

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 19

overthrow of French colonial rule. That same year, in an "Open Letter" to Paul Claudel, writer and French ambassador to Japan, the Paris group announced: 'We profoundly hope that revolutions, wars, colonial insurrections, will annihilate this Western civilization whose vermin you defend even in the Orient." Seven years later, the Paris group produced its most militant statement on the colonial question to date. Titled "Murderous Humanitarianism" (1932) and drafted mainly by Rene Crevel and signed by Andre Breton, Paul Eluard, Benjamin Peret, Yves Tanguy, and the Martinican surreal­ ists Pierre Yoyotte andJ.M. Monnerot, the document is a relentless attack on colonialism, capitalism, the clergy, the black bourgeoisie, and hypocritical liberals. They argue that the very humanism upon which the modern West was built also justified slavery, colonialism, and genocide. And they called for action, noting, "we Surrealists pronounced ourselves in favor of changing the imperialist war, in its chronic and colonial form, into a civil war. Thus we placed our energies at the disposal of revolution, of the proletariat and its struggles, and defined our attitude towards the colonial problem, and hence towards the color question.'

, 17

While "Murderous Humanitarianism" certainly resonates with Cesaire's critique, he had less faith in the proletariat-the European proletariat, that is-than those who signed this document. More­ over, as a product of the period following the Second World War, Discourse goes one step further by drawing a direct link between the logic of colonialism and the rise of fascism. Cesaire provocatively points out that Europeans tolerated "Nazism before it was inflicted on them, that they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then, it had been applied only to non-European peoples; that they have cultivated that Nazism, that they are respon­ sible for it, and that before engulfing the whole edifice of Western,

20 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

Christian civilization in its reddened waters, it oozes, seeps, and trickles from every crack." So the real crime of fascism was the application to white people of colonial procedures "which until then had been reserved exclusively for the Arabs of Algeria, the 'coolies' ofIndia, and the 'niggers' of Mrica." (p. 36) Here we must situate cesaire within a larger context of radical black intellectuals who had come to the same conclusions before the publication of Discourse. As Cedric Robinson argues, a group of radical black intellectuals, including W.E.B. Du Bois, C.L.R James, George Padmore, and Oliver Cox, understood fascism not as some aberration from the march of progress, an unexpected right-wing turn, but a logical development of Western Civilization itself. They viewed fascism as a blood relative of slavery and imperialism, global systems rooted not only in capitalist political economy but racist ideologies that were already in place at the dawn of modernity. As early as 1936, Ralph Bunche, then a radical political science professor at Howard University, suggested that imperialism birth to fascism. "The doctrine of Fascisin," wrote Bunche, "with its extreme jingoism, its exaggerated exaltation of the state and its comic-opera glorification of race, has given a new and greater impetus to the policy of world imperialism which had conquered and subjected to systematic and ruthless exploitation virtually all of the darker populations of the earth." Du Bois made some of the clearest statements to this effect: "I knew that Hitler and Mussolini were fighting communism, and using race prejudice to make some white people rich and all colored people poor. But it was not until later that I realized that the colonialism of Great Britain and France had exactly the same object and methods as the fascists and the Nazis were trying clearly to use." Later, in The World and Africa (1947), he writes: "There was no Nazi atrocity-concentration camps, wholesale maiming and mur-

ROSIN D.G. KELLEY 21

der, defilement of women or ghastly blasphemy of childhood­ which Christian civilization or Europe had not long been practicing against colored folk in all parts of the world in the name of and for the defense of a Superior Race born to rule the world.

,, 18

The very idea that there was a superior race lay at the heart of the matter, and this is why elements of Discourse also drew on Negrirude's impulse to recover the history of Mrica's accomplish­ ments. TakirIg his cue from Leo Frobenius's injunction that the "idea of the barbaric Negro is a European invention," 19 Cesaire sets out to prove that the colonial mission to "civilize" the primitive is just a smoke screen. If anything, colonialism results in the massive destruction of whole societies-societies that not only function at a high level of sophistication and complexity, but that might offer the West valuable lessons about how we might live together and remake the modern world. Indeed, cesaire's insistence that pre-colo­ nial Mrican and Asian cultures "were not only ante-capitalist ... but also anti-capitalist," anticipated romantic claims advanced by African nationalist leaders such as Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, and Senghor himself, that modern Africa can establish socialism on the basis of pre-colonial village life.

Discourse was not the first place Cesaire made the case for the barbaric West following the path of the civilized African. In his Intro­ duction to Victor Schoelcher's Esclavage et colonisation, he wrote:

The men they took away knew how to build houses, govern empires,

erect cities, cultivate fields, mine for metals, weave cotton, forge steeL

Their religion had its own beauty, based on mystical connections

with the founder of the city. Their customs were pleasing, built on

unity, kindness, respect for age.

22 A POETICS OF ANTlCOLONIALlSM

No coercion, only mutual assistance, the joy of living, a free accep­

tance of discipline.

d 20 Order-Earnestness-Poetry and Free om.

Reading this passage, and the book itself, deeply affected one of Cesaire's brightest students, named Frantz Fanon. It was a revela­ tion for him to discover cities in Africa and "accounts of learned black.,." "All of that," he noted in Black Skin, White Masks (1952), "exhumed from the past, spread with its insides out, made it possible for me to find a valid historical place. The white man was wrong, I was not a primitive, not even a half-man, I belonged to a race that had already been working in gold and silver two thousand years

,,21 ago. Negritude turned out to be a miraculous weapon in the struggle

to overthrow the "barbaric Negro." A ... Cedric Robinson points out in Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, this was no easy task, since the invention of the Negro--and by exten­ sion the fabrication of whiteness and all the racial boundary policing that came with it-required "immense expenditures of psychic and intellectual energies of the West." An entire generation of "en light­ ened" European scholars worked hard to wipe out the cultural and intellecrual contributions of Egypt and Nubia from European history, to whiten the West in order to maintain the purity of the "European" race. They also stripped all of Africa of any semblance of "civilization," using the printed page to eradicate their history and thus reduce a whole continent and its progeny to little more than beasts of burden or brutish heathens. The result is the fabrica­ tion of Europe as a discrete, racially pure entity, solely responsible for modernity, on the one hand, and the fabrication of the Negro on the other.22

, .1

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 23

Yet, despite Cesaire's construction of pre-colonial Africa as an aggregation of warm, communal societies, he never calls for a return. Unlike his old friend Senghor, Cesaire's concept of Negritude is future-oriented and modern. His position in Discourse is unequivo­ cal: "For us the problem is not to make a utopian and sterile attempt to repeat the past, but to go beyond. It is not a dead society that we want to revive. We leave that to those who go in for exoticism .. .. It is a new society that we must create, with the help of our brother slaves, a society rich with all the productive power of modern times, warm with all the fraternity of olden days."

Then comes the shocking next line: "For some examples showing that this is possible, we can look

to the Soviet Union." By 1950, of course, Cesaire had been a leader in the Communist

Party of Martinique for about five years. On the Communist ticket, he was elected mayor of Fort-de-France as well as Deputy to the French National Assembly. Now, given everything he has written thus far, everything that he has lived, why would he hold up Stalinism circa 1950s as an exemplar of the new society? Why would a great poet and major voice of surrealism and Negritude suddenly join the Communist Party? Actually, once we consider the context of the postwar world, his decision is not shocking at all. First, remember that Communist parties worldwide, especially in Europe, were at their height immediately after the war, and Joe Stalin spent the war years as an ally of liberal democracy. Second, several leading writers and artists committed to radical social change, particularly in the Caribbean and Latin America, became Communists--in­ eluding Cesaire's friends, Jacques Romain, Nicolas Guillen, and Rene Depestre. Third, Cesaire, who was reluctant to become in­ volved in politics, discovered early on that he could be effective.

24 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

Almost as soon as he was elected, Cesaire set out to change the status of Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guiana, and Reunion from colonies to "departments" within the French Republic. Departmentaliza­ tion, he insisted, would put these areas on an equal footing with departments in metropolitan France. cesaire's eloquent and pas­ sionate arguments led to a law in 1946 resulting in departmentali­ zation. However, his dream that assimilation of the old colonies into the republic would guarantee equal rights turned out to be a pipe dream. In the end, French officials were sent to the colonies in greater numbers, often displacing some of the local black Martini­ can bureaucrats. By the time he drafted the popularly known third edition of Discourse in 1955, he had become an outspoken critic of d I· . 2, epartmenta lzatlOn ..

Thus, given cesaire's role as Communist leader, we should not be surprised by Discourse's nod to the Soviet Union, or even the final closing lines of the text, in which he names proletarian revolution as our savior. What is jarring, however, is how incongruous these statements are in relation to the rest of the text. After demonstrating that Europe is a dying civilization, one on the verge of self-destruc­ tion (in which the chickens of colonial violence and tyranny have come home to roost while the white working class looks on in silent complicity), he proposes proletarian revolution as the final solution! Yet, throughout the book, he anticipates Fanon, implying that there is nothing worth saving in Europe, that the European working class has too often joined forces with the European bourgeoisie in their support of racism, imperialism, and colonialism, and that the uprisings of the colonized might point the way forward. Ultimately, Discourse is a challenge to, or revision of, Marxism; it draws on surrealism and the anti-rationalist ideas of Cesaire' s early poetry and explorations in Negritude. It is fairly unmaterialist in the way it cries

ROBIN D.G. KELLEY 25

out for new spiritual values to emerge out of the study of what colonialism sought to destroy.

Cesaire's position vis-a.-vis Marxism becomes even clearer less than one year after the third edition of Discourse appeared. In October 1956, Cesaire pens his famous letter to Maurice Thorez, Secretary General of the French Communist Party, tendering his resignation from the party. Besides its stinging rebuke of Stalinism, the heart of the letter dealt with the colonial question-not just the Party's policies toward the colonies but the colonial relationship berween the metropolitan and the Martinican Communist Parties. Arguing that people of color need to exercise self-determination, he warned against treating the "colonial question . .. as a subsidiary part of some more important global matter." Racism, in other words, cannot be subordinate to the class struggle. His letter is an even bolder, more direct assertion of third world unity than Dis­ course. Although he still identifies as a Marxist and is still open to alliances, he cautions that there "are no allies by divine right." If following the Communist Party " pillages our most vivifying friend­ ships, breaks the bond that weds us to other West Indian islands, severs the tie that makes us Africa's child, then I say communism has served us ill in having us trade a living brotherhood for what seems to be the coldest of all chill abstractions." More important, Cesaire's investment in a third-world revolt paving the way for a new society certainly anticipates Fanon. He had practically given up on Europe and the old humanism and its claims of universality, opting instead to re-define the "universal" in a way that did not privilege Europe. Cesaire explains, ''I'm not going to confine myself to some narrow particularism. But I don't intend either to become lost in a disembodied universalism . .. . I have a different idea of a universal. It is a universal rich with all that is particular, rich with all the

26 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

particulars there are, the deepening of each particular, the coexis­ tence of them all."24

What Cesaire articulates in Discourse, and more explicitly in his letter to Thorez, distills the spirit that swept through African intellectual circles in the age of decolonization. This pervasive spirit was what Negritude was all about then; it was never a simple matter of racial essentialism. Critic, scholar, and filmmaker Manthia Diawara beautifully captures the atmosphere of the era and, implic­ itly, what these radical critiques of the colonial order, such as Discourse on Colonialism, meant to a new generation: "The idea that Negritude was bigger even than Africa, that we were part of an international moment which held the promise of universal emanci­ pation, that our destiny coincided with the universal freedom of workers and colonized people worldwide-all this gave us a bigger and more important identity than the ones previously available to us through kinship, ethnicity, and race. . . . The awareness of our new historical mission freed us from what we regarded in those days as the archaic identities of our fathers and their religious entrap­ ments; it freed us from race and banished our fear of the whiteness of French identity. To be labeled the saviors of humanity, when only recently we had been colonized and despised by the world, gave us a feeling of righteousness, which bred contempt for capitalism, racialism of all origins, and tribalism. ,,25

In light of recent events-genocide in East Africa, the collapse of democracy throughout the continent, the isolation of Cuba, the overthrow of progressive movements throughout the so-called third world-some might argue that the moment of truth has already

passed, that Cesaire and Fanon's predictions proved false. We're facing an era where fools are calling for a renewal of colonialism,

where descriptions of violence and instability draw on the vety

I I I

ROBIN D.G. KEl.LEY 27

colonial language of "barbarism" and "backwardness" that cesaire critiques in these pages. But this is all a mystification; the fact is, while colonialism in its formal sense might have been dismantled, the colonial state has not. Many of the problems of democracy are products of the old colonial state whose primary difference is the presence of black faces. It has to do with the rise of a new ruling class-the class Fanon warned us about-who are content with mimicking the colonial masters, whether they are the old-school British or French officers, the new jack u.s. corporate rulers, or the Stalinists whose sympathy for the "backward" countries often mir­ rored the vety colonial discourse Cesaire exposes.

As the true radicals of postcolonial theoty will tell you, we are

hardly in a "postcolonial" moment. The official apparatus might have been removed, but the political, economic, and cultural links established by colonial domination still remain with some altera­ tions. Discourse is less concerned with the specifics of political economy than with a way of thinking. The lesson here is that colonial domination required a whole way of thinking, a discourse in which everything that is advanced, good, and civilized is defined and measured in European terms. Discourse calls on the world to move forward as rapidly as possible, and yet calls for the overthrow

of a master class's ideology of progress, one built on violence, destruction, genocide. Both Fanon and Cesaire warn the colored world not to follow Europe's footsteps, and not to go back to the ancient way, but to carve out a new direction altogether. What we've been witnessing, however (and here I must include Cesaire's own beloved Martinique, where he still holds forth as mayor of Fort-de­

France) hardly reflects the imagination and vision captured in these brief pages. The same old political parties, the same armies, the same methods of labor exploitation, the same education, the same tactics

28 A POETICS OF ANTICOLONIALISM

of incarceration, exiling, snuffing out artists and intellectuals who dare to imagine a radically different way of living, who dare to invent the marvelous before our very eyes.

In the end, Discourse was never intended to be a road map or a blueprint for revolution. It is poetry and therefore revolt. It is an act of insurrection, drawn from Cesaire's own miraculous weapons, molded and shaped by his work with Tropiques and its challenge to the Vichy regime; by his imbibing of European culture and his sense of alienation from both France and his native land. It is a rising, a blow to the master who appears as owner and ruler, teacher and comrade. It is revolutionary graffiti painted in bold strokes across the great texts of Western Civilization; it is a hand grenade tossed with deadly accuracy, dearing the field so that we might write a new history with what's left standing. Discourse is hardly a dead docu­ ment about a dead order. If anything, it is a call for us to plumb the depths of the imagination for a different way forward. Just as Cesaire drew on Lautn:!amont's Chants de Maldoror to illuminate the can­ nibalistic nature of capitalism and the power of poetic knowledge, Discourse offers new insights into the consequences of colonialism and a model for dreaming a way out of our postcolonia l predicament. While we still need to overthrow all vestiges of the old colonial order, destroying the old is just half the battle.

DISCOURSE ON COLO NIALIS M

Aime Cesaire

Translated by Joan Pinkham

DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

by Aime Cesaire

A civilization that proves incapable of solving the problems it

creates is a decadent civilization.

A civilization that chooses to close its eyes to its most crucial

problems is a stricken civilization.

A civilization that uses its principles for trickery and deceit is a

dying civilization.

The fact is that the so-called European civilization-"Western"

civilization-as it has been shaped by two centuries of bourgeois

rule, is incapable of solving the two major problems to which its

existence has given rise: the problem of the proletariat and the

colonial problem; that Europe is unable to justifY itself either before

the bar of "reason" or before the bar of "conscience"; and that,

increasingly, it takes refuge in a hypocrisy which is all the more

odious because it is less and less likely to deceive.

31

3 2 DISCOURSE O N COLONIALISM

Europe is indefensible. Apparently that is what the American strategists are whispering

to each other. That in itself is not serious.

What is serious is that "Europe" is morally, spiritually indefen­

sible.

And today the indictment is brought against it not by the European masses alone, but on a world scale, by tens and tens of

millions of men who, from the depths of slavery, set themselves up

as judges. The colonialists may kill in Indochina, torture in Madagascar,

imprison in Black Africa, crack down in the West Indies. Hence­

forth the colonized know that they have an advantage over them.

They know that their temporary "masters" are lying. Therefore that their masters are weak.

And since I have been asked to speak about colonization and civilization, let us go straight to the principal lie that is the source of all the others.

Colonization and civilization?

In dealing with this subject, the commonest curse is to be the dupe in good faith of a collective hypocrisy that cleverly misrepresents

problems, the better to legitimize the hateful solutions provided for them.

In other words, the essential thing here is to see clearly, to think

clearly-that is, dangerously-and to answer clearly the innocent first question: what, fundamentally, is colonization? To agree on

what it is not: neither evangelization, nor a philanthropic enterprise, nor a desire to push back the frontiers of ignorance, disease, and tyranny, nor a project undertaken for the greater glory of God, nor

an attempt to extend the rule of law. To admit once and for all,

AIME CESAIRE 3 3

without flinching a t the consequences, that the decisive actors here are the adventurer and the pirate, the wholesale grocer and the ship

owner, the gold digger and the merchant, appetite and force, and behind them, the baleful projected shadow of a form of civilization

which, at a certain point in its history, finds itself obliged, for

internal reasons, to extend to a world scale the competition of its antagonistic economies.

Pursuing my analysis, I find that hypocrisy is of recent date; that neither Cortez discovering Mexico from the top of the great teocalli,

nor Pizzaro before Cuzco (much less Marco Polo before Cambuluc),

claims that he is the harbinger of a superior order; that they kill; that they plunder; that they have helmets, lances, cupidities; that the

slavering apologists came later; that the chief culprit in this domain

is Christian pedantry, which laid down the dishonest equations Christianity = civilization, paganism savagery, from which there could not but ensue abominable colonialist and racist consequences, whose victims were to be the Indians, the Yellow peoples, and the Negroes.

That being settled, I admit that it is a good thing to place

different civilizations in contact with each other; that it is an excellent thing to blend different worlds; that whatever its own particular genius may be, a civilization that withdraws into itself

atrophies; that for civilizations, exchange is oxygen; that the great good fortune of Europe is to have been a ctossroads, and that because

it was the locus of all ideas, the receptacle of all philosophies, the

meeting place of all sentiments, it was the best center for the redistribution of energy.

But then I ask the following question: has colonization really

placed civilizations in contact? Or, if you prefer, of all the ways of establishing contact, was it the best?

I answer no.

34 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

And I say that between colonization and civilization there is an infinite distance; that out of all the colonial expeditions that have

been undertaken, out of all the colonial statutes that have been

drawn up, out of all the memoranda that have been dispatched by

all the ministries, there could not come a single human value.

First we must study how colonization works to decivilize the

colonizer, to brutalize him in the true sense of the word, to degrade

him, to awaken him to buried instincts, to covetousness, violence,

race hatred, and moral relativism; and we must show that each time

a head is cut off or an eye put out in Vietnam and in France they

accept the fact, each time a little girl is raped and in France they

accept the fact, each time a Madagascan is tortured and in France

they accept the fact, civilization acquires another dead weight, a

universal regression takes place, a gangrene sets in, a center of

infection begins to spread; and that at the end of all these treaties

that have been violated, all these lies that have been propagated, all

these punitive expeditions that have been tolerated, all these pris­

oners who have been tied up and "interrogated," all these patriots

who have been tortured, at the end of all the racial pride that has

been encouraged, all the boastfulness that has been displayed, a

3 5

36 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

poison has been distilled into the veins of Europe and, slowly but surely, the continent proceeds toward savagery.

And then one fine day the bourgeoisie is awakened by a terrific boomerang effect: the gestapos are busy, the prisons flll up, the torturers

standing around the racks invent, refine, discuss.

People are surprised, they become indignant. They say: "How strange! But never mind-i t's Nazism, it will pass!" And they wait,

and they hope; and they hide the truth from themselves, that it is barbarism, the supreme barbarism, the crowning barbarism that sums up all the daily barbarisms; that it is Nazism, yes, but that

before they were its victims, they were its accomplices; that they tolerated that Nazism before it was inflicted on them, that they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then,

it had been applied only to non-European peoples; that they have cultivated that Nazism, that they are responsible fo r it, and that

before engulfing the whole edifice of Western, Christian civilization in its reddened waters, it oozes, seeps, and trickles from every crack.

Yes, it would beworthwhile to srudy clinically, in detail, the steps

taken by Hitler and Hitlerism and to reveal to the very distin­ guished, very humanistic, very Christian bourgeois of the twentieth century that without his being aware of it, he has a Hitler inside

him, that Hitler inhabits him, that Hitler is his de mon, that if he rails against him, he is being inconsistent and that, at bottom, what

he cannot forgive Hitler fo r is not the crime in itself, the crime against man, it is not the humiliation of man as such, it is the crime against the white man, the humiliation of the white man, and the fact that

he applied to Europe colonialist procedures which until then had been reserved exclusively fo r the Arabs of Algeria, the "coolies" of India, and the "niggers" of Mrica.

AIME CESAIRE 3 7

And that i s the great thing I hold against pseudo-humanism:

that ror toO long it has diminished the rights of man, that its concept of those rights has been-and still is-narrow and fragmentary, incom­ plete and biased and, all things considered, sordidly racist.

I have talked a good deal about Hitler. Because he deserves it:

he makes it possible to see things on a large scale and to grasp the fact that capitalist society, at its present stage, is incapable of establishing a concept of the rights of all men, just as it has proved incapable of establishing a system of individual ethics. Whether one

likes it or not, at the end of the blind alley that is Europe, I mean the

Europe of Adenauer, Schuman, Bidault, and a few others, there is Hitler. At the end of capitalism, which is eager to outlive its day,

there is Hitler. At the end of formal humanism and philosophic renunciation, there is Hitler.

And this being so, I cannot help thinking of one of his state­ ments: "We aspire not to equality but to domination. The country

of a foreign race must become once again a country of serfs , of agricultural laborers, or industrial workers. It is not a question of eliminating the inequalities among men but of widening them and making them into a law."

That rings clear, haughty, and brutal, and plants us squarely in the middle of howling savagery. But let us come down a step.

Who is speaking? I am ashamed to say it: it is the Western humanist, the "idealist" philosopher. That his name is Renan is an accident. That the passage is taken from a book entitled La Riforme intellectuelle et morale, that it was written in France just after a war which France had represented as a war o f right against might, tells us a great deal about bourgeois morals.

3 8 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

The regeneration of the inferior or degenerate races by the

superior races is part of the providential order of things for humanity.

With us, the common man is nearly always a declasse nobleman, his

heavy hand is better suited to handling the sword than the menial

tool. Rather than work, he chooses to fight, that is, he returns to his

first estate. Regere imperio po pulos, that is our vocation. Pour forth this

all-consuming activity onto countries which, like China, are ctying

aloud for foreign conquest. Turn the adventurers who disturb Euro­

pean society into a ver sacrum, a horde like those of the Franks, the

Lombards, or the Normans, and every man will be in his right role.

Nature has made a race of workers, the Chinese race, who have

wonderful manual dexterity and almost no sense of honor; govern

them with justice, levying fro m them, in return for the blessing o f

such a governmen t, an ample allowance for the conquering race, and

they will be satisfied; a race of tillers of the soil, the Negro; treat him

with kindness and humanity, and all will be as it should; a race of masters and soldiers, the European race. Reduce this noble race to

working in the ergastulum like Negroes and Chinese, and they rebel.

In Europe, every rebel is, more or less, a soldier who has missed his

calling, a creature made for the heroic life, before whom you are

setting a task that is contrary to his race, a poor worker, too good a

soldier. But the life at which our workers rebel would make a Chinese

or a fellah happy, as they are not military creatures in the least. Let

each one do what he is made for, and all will be well.

Hitler ? Rosenberg? No, Renan. But let us come down one step fur ther. And it is the long­

winded politician. Who protests? No one, so far as I know, when M. Albert Sarraut , the former governor-general of Indochina, holding forth to t he students at the Ecole Coloniale, teaches them t hat it would be puerile to object to the European colonial enterprises in t he name of "an alleged right to possess the land

AIME CESAJRE 39

one occupies , and some sort of right to remain in fierce isolation, which would leave unutilized resources to lie forever idle in t he hands of incompetents."

And who is roused to indignation when a certain Rev. Barde assures us t hat if t he goods of this world "remained divided up indefinitely , as t hey would be without colonization, they would answer neither t he purposes of God nor t he just demands of the human collectivity"?

Since, as his fellow Christian, t he Rev. Muller, declares : " Hu­ manity must not, cannot allow the incompetence, negligence, and laziness of t he uncivilized peoples to leave idle indefinitely the wealth which God has confided to them, charging them to make it serve the good of all."

No one. I mean not one established writer, not one academic, not one

preacher , not one crusader for t he right and for religion, not one "defender of the human person."

And yet, through the mouths of the Sarrauts and the Bardes, the Mullers and the Renans , through the mouths of all those who considered-and consider-it lawful to apply to non-European peoples "a kind of expropriation for public purposes" for the benefit of nations t hat were stronger and better equipped, it was already Hitler speaking!

What am I driving at? At this idea : that no one colonizes innocently , that no one colonizes with impunity either; t hat a nation which colonizes, that a civilization which justifies colonization­ and therefore force-is already a sick civilization , a civilization which is morally diseased, which irresistibly, progressing from one conse­ quence to another, one denial to another, calls for its Hitler, I mean its punishment.

40 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALI SM

Colonization: bridgehead in a campaign to civilize barbarism,

from which there may emerge at any moment the negation of

civilization, pure and simple.

Elsewhere I have cited at length a few incidents culled from the

history of colonial expeditions.

Unfortunately, this did not find favor with everyone. It seems

that I was pulling old skeletons out of the doset. Indeed!

Was there no point in quoting Colonel de Montagnac, one of

the conquerors of Algeria: "In order to banish the thoughts that

sometimes besiege me, I have some heads cut off, not the heads of artichokes but the heads of men."

Would it have been more advisable to refuse the floor to Count

d'Herisson: "It is true that we are bringing back a whole barrelful

of ears collected, pair by pair, from prisoners, friendly or enemy." Should I have denied Saint-Arnaud the right to profess his

barbarous faith: "We lay waste, we burn, we plunder, we destroy

the houses and the trees."

Should 1 have prevented Marshal Bugeaud from systematizing

all that in a daring theory and invoking the precedent of famous ancestors: "We must have a great invasion of Mrica, like the

invasions of the Franks and the Goths."

Lasdy, should 1 have cast back into the shadows of oblivion the

memorable feat of arms of General Gerard and kept silent about the

capture of Ambike, a city which, to tell the truth, had never dreamed

of defending itself. "The native riflemen had orders to kill only the

men, but no one restrained them; intoxicated by the smell of blood,

they spared not one woman, not one child. . . . At the end of the

afternoon, the heat caused a light mist to arise: it was the blood of

the five thousand victims, the ghost of the city, evaporating in the

setting sun."

AIME CESAJ RE 41

Yes or no, are these things true? And the sadistic pleasures, the

nameless delights that send voluptuous shivers and quivers through

Loti's carcass when he focuses his field glasses on a good massacre

of the Annamese? True or not true? And if these things are true, as

no one can deny, will it be said, in order to minimize them, that

these corpses don't prove anything?

For my part, if 1 have recalled a few details of these hideous

butcheries, it is by no means because I take a morbid delight in them, but because I think that these heads of men, these collections of ears,

these burned houses, these Gothic invasions, this steaming blood,

these cities that evaporate at the edge of the sword, are not to be so

easily disposed o£ They prove that colonization, I repeat, dehuman-

even the most civilized man; that colonial activity, colonial

enterprise, colonial conquest, which is based on contempt for the

native and justified by that contempt, inevitably tends to change

him who undertakes it; that the colonizer, who in order to ease his

conscience gets into the habit of seeing the other man as an animal

accustoms himself to treating him like an animal, and tends objectively

to transform himse!finto an animal. It is this result, this boomerang

effect of colonization that I wanted to point out.

Unfair? No. There was a time when these same facts were a source of pride, and when, sure of the morrow, people did not mince

words. One last quotation; it is from a certain Carl Siger, author of

an Essai sur fa colonisation (Paris, 1907) :

The new countries offer a vast field for individual, violent activi­

ties which, in the metropolitan countries, would run up against

certain prejudices, against a sober and orderly conception of life, and

which, in the colonies, have greater freedom to develop and, conse­

quently, to affirm their worth. Thus to a certain extent the colonies

42 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALl S M

can serve as a safety valve for modern society. Even if this were their only value, it would be immense.

Truly, there are sins for which no one has the power to make amends and which can never be fully expiated.

But let us speak about the colonized. I see clearly what colonization has destroyed: the wonderful

Indian civilizations--and neither Deterding nor Royal Dutch nor Standard Oil will ever console me for the Aztecs and the Incas.

I see clearly the civilizations, condemned to perish at a future date, into which it has introduced a principle of ruin: the South Sea Islands, Nigeria, Nyasaland. I see less clearly the contributions it has made.

Security? Culture? The rule of law? In the meantime, I look around and wherever there are colonizers and colonized face to face, I see force, brutality, cruelty, sadism, conflict, and, in a parody of education, the hasty manufacture of a few thousand subordinate functionaries, "boys," artisans, office clerks, and interpreters neces­ sary for the smooth operation of business.

I spoke of contact. Between colonizer and colonized there is room only for forced

labor, intimidation, pressure, the police, taxation, theft, rape, com­ pulsory crops, contempt, mistrust, arrogance, self-complacency, swinishness, brainless elites, degraded masses.

No human contact, but relations of domination and submission which turn the colonizing man into a classroom monitor, an army sergeant, a prison guard, a slave driver, and the indigenous man into an instrument of production.

My turn to state an equation: colonization = "thingification." I hear the storm. They talk to me about progress, about "achieve­

ments," diseases cured, improved standards of living.

AIME CESAIRE 43

J am talking about societies drained of their essence, cultures trampled underfoot, institutions undermined, lands confiscated, religions smashed, magnificent artistic creations destroyed, extraor­ dinary possibilities wiped out.

They throw facts at my head, statistics, mileages of roads, canals, and railroad tracks.

J am talking about thousands of men sacrificed to the Congo­ Ocean? I am talking about those who, as I write this, are digging the harbor of Abidjan by hand. I am talking about millions of men torn from their gods, their land, their habits, their life-from life, from the dance, from wisdom.

J am talking about millions of men in whom fear has been cunningly instilled, who have been taught to have an inferiority complex, to tremble, kneel, despair, and behave like flunkeys.

They dazzle me with the tonnage of cotton or cocoa that has been

exported, the acreage that has been planted with olive trees or grape­

vmes. J am talking about natural economies that have been disrupted­

harmonious and viable economies adapted to the indigenous popu­ lation--about food crops destroyed, malnutrition permanently introduced, agricultural development oriented solely toward the benefit of the metropolitan countries; about the looting of products, the looting of raw materials.

They pride themselves on abuses eliminated. I too talk about abuses, but what I say is that on the old

ones-very real-they have superimposed others--very detestable. They talk to me about local tyrants brought to reason; but I note that in general the old tyrants get on very well with the new ones, and that there has been established between them, to the detriment of the people, a circuit of mutual services and complicity.

44 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

They talk to me about civilization, I talk about proletarianization and mystification.

For my part, I make a systematic defense of the non-European civilizations.

Every day that passes, every denial of justice, every beating by the police, every demand of the workers that is drowned in blood, every scandal that is hushed up, every punitive expedition, every police van, every gendarme and every militiaman, brings home to us the value of our old societies.

They were communal societies, never societies of the many for the few.

They were societies that were not only ante-capitalist, as has been said, but also anti-capitalist.

They were democratic societies, always. They were cooperative societies, fraternal societies. I make a systematic defense of the societies destroyed by

imperialism. They were the fact, they did not pretend to be the idea; despite

their faults, they were neither to be hated nor condemned. They were content to be. In them, neither the word flilure nor the word avatar had any meaning. They kept hope intact.

Whereas those are the only words that can, in all honesry, be applied to the European enterprises outside Europe. My only consolation is that periods of colonization pass, that nations sleep only for a time, and that peoples remain.

This being said, it seems that in certain circles they pretend to have discovered in me an "enemy of Europe" and a prophet of the return to the pre-European past.

For my part, I search in vain for the place where I could have expressed such views; where I ever underestimated the importance

A I M E CESAIRE 45

of Europe in the history of human thought; where I ever preached a return of any kind; where I ever claimed that there could be a return.

The truth is that I have said something very different: to wit, that the great historical tragedy of Africa has been not so much that it was too late in making contact with the rest of the world, as the manner in which that contact was brought about; that Europe began to "propagate" at a time when it had fallen into the hands of the most unscrupulous financiers and captains of industry; that it was our misfortune to encounter that particular Europe on our path, and that Europe is responsible before the human community for the highest heap of corpses in history.

In another connection, in judging colonization, I have added that Europe has gotten on very well indeed with all the local feudal lords who agreed to serve, woven a villainous compliciry with them, rendered their tyranny more effective and more efficient, and that it has actually tended to prolong artificially the survival of local pasts in their most pernicious aspects.

I have said-and this is something very different-that coloni­ alist Europe has grafted modern abuse onto ancient injustice, hateful racism onto old inequality.

That if I am attacked on the grounds of intent, I maintain that colonialist Europe is dishonest in trying to justify its colonizing activity a posteriori by the obvious material progress that has been achieved in certain fields under the colonial regime-since sudden change is always possible, in history as elsewhere; since no one knows at what stage of material development these same countries would have been if Europe had not intervened; since the introduction of technology into Africa and Asia, their administrative reorganization, in a word, their "Europeanization," was (as is proved by the example of Japan) in no way tied to the European occupation; since the

46 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

Europeanization of the non-European continents could have been

accomplished otherwise than under the heel of Europe; since this

movement of Europeanization was in progress; since it was even

slowed down; since in any case it was disrorted by the European

takeover. The proof is that at present it is the indigenous peoples of Africa

and Asia who are demanding schools, and colonialist Europe which

refuses them; that it is the African who is asking for ports and roads, and colonialist Europe which is niggardly on this score; that it is the

colonized man who wants to move forward, and the colonizer who

holds things back.

To go further, I make no secret of my opinion that at the present

time the barbarism of Western Europe has reached an incredibly

high level, being only surpassed-far surpassed, it is true-by the

barbarism of the United States.

And I am not talking about Hitler, or the prison guard, or the

adventurer, but about the "decent fellow" across the way; not about

the member of the SS, or the gangster, but about the respectable

bourgeois. In a time gone by, Leon Bloy innocently became indig­

nant over the fact that swindlers, perjurers, forgers, thieves, and

procurers were given the responsibility of "bringing to the Indies the example of Christian virtues."

We've made progress: today it is the possessor of the "Christian

virtues" who intrigues-with no small success-for the honor of

administering overseas territories according to the methods of

forgers and torturers.

47

48 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

A sign that cruelty, mendacity, baseness, and corruption have sunk deep into the soul of the European bourgeoisie.

I repeat that I am not talking about Hitler, or the 55, or pogroms, or summary executions. But about a reaction caught unawares, a reflex permitted, a piece of cynicism tolerated. And if evidence is wanted, I could mention a scene of cannibalistic hysteria that I have been privileged to witness in the French National Assembly.

By Jove, my dear colleagues (as they say) , I take off my hat to you (a cannibal's hat, of course) .

Think of it! Ninety thousand dead in Madagascar! Indochina trampled underfoot, crushed to bits, assassinated, tortures brought back from the depths of the Middle Ages! And what a spectacle! The delicious shudder that roused the dozing deputies. The wild uproar! Bidault, looking like a communion wafer dipped in shit-unctuous and sanctimonious cannibalism; Moutet-the cannibalism of shady deals and sonorous nonsense; Coste-Floret-the cannibalism of an unlicked bear cub, a blundering fool.

Unforgettable, gentlemen! With fine phrases as cold and solemn as a mummy's wrappings they tie up the Madagascan . With a few conventional words they stab him for you. The time it takes to wet your whistle, they disembowel him for you. Fine work! Not a drop of blood will be wasted.

The ones who drink it straight, to the last drop. The ones like Ramadier, who smear their faces with it in the manner of 5ilenus;3 Fontlup-Esperaber, 4 who starches his mustache with it, the walrus mustache of an ancient Gaul; old Desjardins bending over the emanations from the vat and intoxicating himself with them as with new wine. Violence! The violence of the weak. A significant thing: it is not the head of a civilization that begins to rot first. It is the heart.

AIME CESAIRE 4 9

I admit that as far as the health of Europe and civilization is concerned, these cries of "Kill! kill! " and "Let's see some blood," belched forth by trembling old men and virtuous young men educated by the Jesuit Fathers, make a much more disagreeable impression on me than the most sensational bank holdups that occur in Paris.

And that, mind you, is by no means an exception. On the contrary, bourgeois swinishness is the rule. We've been

on its trail for a century. We listen for it, we take it by surprise, we sniff it out, we follow it, lose it, find it again, shadow it, and every day it is more nauseatingly exposed. Oh! the racism of these gentlemen does not bother me. I do not become indignant over it. I merely examine it. I note it, and that is all . I am almost grateful to it for expressing itself openly and appearing in broad daylight, as a sign. A sign that the intrepid class which once stormed the Bastilles is now hamstrung. A sign that it feels itself to be mortal. A sign that it feels itself to be a corpse. And when the corpse starts to babble, you get this sort of thing:

There was only too much truth in this first impulse of the

Europeans who, in the century of Columbus, refosed to recognize as their

follow men the degraded inhabitants of the new world. . . . One cannot gaze upon the savage for an instant without reading the anathema written, I do not say upon his soul alone, but even on the external form

of his body.

And it's signed Joseph de Maistre. (That's what is ground out by the mystical mill.) And then you get this:

From the selectionist point of view, I would look upon it as

unfortunate if there should be a very great nu merical expans ion of

50 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

the yellow and black elements, which would be difficult to eliminate.

However, if the society of the future is organized on a dualistic basis,

with a ruling class of dolichocephalic blonds and a class of inferior race

confined to the roughest labor, it is possible that this latter role would fall

to the yellow and black elements. In this case, moreover, they would

not be an inconvenience for the dolichocephalic blonds but an

advantage . . . . It must not be forgotten that [slavery] is no more abnormal

than the domestication of the horse or the ox. It is therefore possible that

it may reappear in the future in one form or another. It is probably

even inevitable that this will happen if the simplistic solution does

not come about instead-that of a single superior race, leveled out

by selection.

That's what is ground out by the scientific mill, and it's signed Lapouge.

And you also get this (from the literary mill this time) :

I know that I must believe myself superior to the poor Bayas of

the Mambere. I know that I must take pride in my blood When a superior

man ceases to believe himself superior, he actually ceases to be

superior. . . . When a superior race ceases to believe itself a chosen race,

it actually ceases to be a chosen race.

And it's signed Psichari-soldier-of-Mrica. Translate it into newspaper jargon and you get Faguet:

The barbarian is of the same race, after all, as the Roman and the

Greek. He is a cousin. The yellow man, the black man, is not our

cousin at all. Here there is a real difference, a real distance, and a very

great one: an ethnological distance. After all, civilization has never yet

been made except by whites . . . . If Europe becomes yellow, there will

certainly be a regression, a new period of darkness and confusion, that

is, another Middle Ages.

AIME CESAlRE 5 1

And then lower, always lower, to the bottom of the pit, lower than the shovel can go, M. Jules Romains, of the Academie F ran<;:aise and the Revue des Deux Mondes. (It doesn't matter, of course, that M. Farigoule changes his name once again and here calls himself 5alsette for the sake of convenience.)5 The essential thing is that M. Jules Romains goes so far as to write this:

I am willing to carry on a discussion only with people who agree

to pose the following hypothesis: a France that had on its metropoli­

tan soil ten million Blacks, five or six million of them in the valley of

the Garonne. Would our valiant populations of the Southwest never

have been touched by race prej udice? Would there not have been the

slightest apprehension if the question had arisen of turning all powers

over to these Negroes, the sons of slaves? . . . I once had opposite me a row of some twenty pure Blacks . . . . I will not even censure our

Negroes and Negresses for chewing gum. I will only note . . . that

this movement has the effect of emphasizing the jaws, and that the

associations which come to mind evoke the equatorial forest rather

than the procession of the Panathenaea . . . . The black race has not yet

produced, will never produce, an Einstein, a Stravinsky, a Gershwin.

One idiotic comparison for another: since the prophet of the Revue des Deux Mondes and other places invites us to draw parallels between "widely separated" things, may I be permitted, Negro that I am, to think (no one being master of his free associations) that his voice has less in common with the rustling of the oak of Dodona­ or even the vibrations of the cauldron-than with the braying of a Missouri ass.6

Once again, I systematically defend our old Negro civilizations: they were courteous civilizations.

So the real problem, you say, is to return to them. No, I repeat. We are not men for whom it is a question of "either-or." For us, the

52 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

problem is not to make a utopian and sterile attempt to repeat the

past, but to go beyond. I t is not a dead society that we want to revive.

We leave that to those who go in for exoticism. Nor is it the present

colonial society that we wish to prolong, the most putrid carrion that ever rotted under the sun. It is a new society that we must create,

with the help of all our brother slaves, a society rich with all the productive power of modern times, warm with all the fraternity of

olden days. For some examples showing that this is possible, we can look to

the Soviet Union.

But let us return to M. Jules Romains: One cannot say that the petty bourgeois has never read anything.

On the contrary, he has read everything, devoured everything.

Only, his brain functions after the fashion of certain elementary types of digestive systems. It filters. And the filter lets through only

what can nourish the thick skin of the bourgeois's dear conscience.

Before the arrival of the French in their country, the Vietnamese

were people of an old culture, exquisite and refined. To recall this

fact upsets the digestion of the Banque d'Indochine. Start the

forgetting machine!

These Madagascans who are being tortured today, less than a

century ago were poets, artists, administrators? Shhhhhl Keep your

lips buttoned! And silence falls, silence as deep as a safe! Fortu­ nately, there are still the Negroes. Ah! the Negroes! talk about

the Negroes!

All right, let's talk about them.

About the Sudanese empires? About the bronzes of Benin?

Shango sculpture? That's all right with me; it will us a change

from all the sensationally bad art that adorns so many European

capitals. About African music. Why not?

Al ME CESAIRE 5 3

And about what the first explorers said, what they saw . . . . Not

those who feed at the company mangers! But the d'Elbees, the

Marchais, the Pigafettas! And then Frobenius! Say, you know who

he was, Frobenius? And we read together: "Civilized to the marrow

of their bones! The idea of the barbaric Negro is a European • . » mvenuon.

The petty bourgeois doesn't want to hear any more. With a

twitch of his ears he flicks the idea away. The idea, an annoying fly.

Therefore, comrade, you will hold as enemies--Ioftily, lucidly, consistently-not only sadistic governors and greedy bankers, not only prefects who torture and colonists who flog, not only corrupt,

check-licking politicians and subservient judges, but likewise and for the same reason, venomous journalists, goitrous academics,

wreathed in dollars and stupidity, ethnographers who go in for

metaphysics, presumptuous Belgian theologians, chattering intel­ lectuals born stinking out of the thigh of Nietzsche, the paternalists, the embracers, the corrupters, the back-slappers, the lovers of

exoticism, the dividers, the agrarian sociologists, the hoodwinkers, the hoaxers, the hot-air artists, the humbugs, and in general, all those

who, performing their functions in the sordid division of labor for

the defense of Western bourgeois society, try in diverse ways and by infamous diversions to split up the forces of Progress--even if it means denying the very possibility ofProgress--all of them tools of

A I ME CESAI R E 5 5

capitalism, all of them, openly or secretly, supporters of plundering colonialism, all of them responsible, all hateful, all slave-traders, all henceforth answerable for the violence of revolutionary action.

And sweep out all the obscurers, all the inventors of subterfuges,

the charlatans and tricksters, the dealers in gobbledygook. And do not seek to know whether personally these gentlemen are in good or bad faith, whether personally they have good or bad intentions.

Whether personally-that is, in the private conscience of Peter or

Paul--they are or are not colonialists, because the essential thing is

that their highly problematical subjective good faith is entirely

irrelevant to the objective social implications of the evil work they perform as watchdogs of colonialism.

And in this connection, I cite as examples (purposely taken from very different disciplines) :

-From Gourou, his book Les Pays tropicaux, in which, amid certain correct observations, there is expressed the fundamental thesis, biased and unacceptable, that there has never been a great

tropical civilization, that great civilizations have existed only in

temperate climates, that in every tropical country the germ of

civilization comes, and can only come, from some other place outside the tropics, and that if the tropical countries are not under

the biological curse of the racists, there at least hangs over them,

with the same consequences, a no less effective geographical curse.

-From the Rev. Tempels, missionary and Belgian, his "Bantu

philosophy," as slimy and fetid as one could wish, but discovered

very opportunely, as Hinduism was discovered by others, in order to counteract the "communistic materialism" which, it seems,

threatens to turn the Negroes into "moral vagabonds . " -From the historians o r novelists o f civilization (it's the same

thing)-not from this one or that one, but from all of them, or

56 D I S C O U RSE ON COLONIALISM

almost all-their false objectivity, their chauvinism, their sly racism,

their depraved passion for refusing to acknowledge any merit in the non-white races, especially the black-skinned races, their obsession with monopolizing all glory for their own race.

-From the psychologists, sociologists et aL, their views on "primitivism," their rigged investigations, their self-serving alizations, their tendentious speculations, their insistence on the marginal, "separate" character of the non-whites, and-although

each of these gentlemen, in order to impugn on higher authority the weakness of primitive thought, claims that his own is based on

the firmest rationalism-their barbaric repudiation, for the sake of the cause, of Descartes's statement, the charter of universalism, that " reason . . . is found whole and entire in each man," and that "where

individuals of the same species are concerned, there may be degrees in respect of their accidental qualities, but not in of their I: ,,7 lOrms, or natures.

B ut let us not go too quickly. It is worthwhile to follow a few of

these gentlemen. I shall not dwell upon the case of the historians, neither the

historians of colonization nor the Egyptologists. The case of the former is too obvious, and as for the latter, the mechanism by which they delude their readers has been definitively taken apart by Sheikh Anta Diop in his book Nations negres et culture, the most daring book yet written by a Negro and one which will without question play an important part in the awakening of Mrica. 8

Let us rather go back. To M. Gourou, to be exact. Need I say that it is from a lofty height that the eminent scholar

surveys the native populations, which "have taken no part" in the development of modern science? And that it is not from the effort of these populations, from their liberating struggle, from their

I

A I M f CfSAIRE 57

concrete fight for life, freedom, and culture that he expects the salvation of the tropical countries to come, but from the good

colonizer-since the law states categorically that "it is cultural elements developed in non-tropical regions which are ensuring and

will ensure the progress of the tropical regions toward a larger population and a higher civilization."

I have said that M. Gourou's book contains some correct obser­ vations: "The tropical environment and the indigenous societies," he writes, drawing up the balance sheet on colonization, " have suffered from the introduction of techniques that are ill adapted to them, from corvees, porter service, forced labor, slavery, from the transplanting of workers from one region to another, sudden changes

in the biological environment, and special new conditions that are less favorable."

A fine record! The look on the university rector's face! The look on the cabinet minister's face when he reads that! Our Gourou has slipped his leash; now we're in for it; he's going to tell everything; he's beginning: "The typical hot countries find themselves faced

with the following dilemma: economic stagnation and protection of the natives or temporary economic development and regression of the natives. " "Monsieur Gourou, this is very serious! I'm giving

you a solemn warning: in this game it is your career which is at stake." So our Gourou chooses to back off and refrain from speci­ fYing that, if the dilemma exists, it exists only within the framework of the existing regime; that if this paradox constitutes an iron law, it is only the iron law of colonialist capitalism, therefore of a society that is not only perishable but already in the process of perishing.

What impure and worldly geography! If there is anything better, it is the Rev. Tempels. Let them

plunder and torture in the Congo, let the Belgian colonizer seize all

5 8 D ISCOURSE O N COLONIALISM

the natural resources, let him stamp out all freedom, let him crush all pride-let him go in peace, the Reverend Father T empeis consents to all that. But take care! You are going to the Congo? Respect-I do not say native property (the great Belgian companies might take that as a dig at them) , I do not say the freedom of the natives (the Belgian colonists might think that was subversive talk) , I do not say the Congolese nation (the Belgian government might take it much amiss)-I say: You are going to the Congo? Respect the Bantu philosophy!

"It would be really outrageous," writes the Rev. Tempels, "if the white educator were to insist on destroying the black man's own, particular human spirit, which is the only reality that prevents us from considering him as an inferior being. It would be a crime against humanity, on the part of the colonizer, to emancipate the primitive races from that which is valid, from that which constitutes a kernel of truth in their traditional thought, etc."

What generosity, Father! And what zeal! N ow then, know that Bantu thought is essentially ontological;

that Bantu ontology is based on the truly fundamental notions of a life force and a hierarchy of life forces; and that for the Bantu the ontological order which defines the world comes from God and, as a divine decree, must be respected.9

Wonderful! Everybody gains: the big companies, the colonists, the government--everybody except the Bantu, naturally.

Since Bantu thought is ontological, the Bantu only ask for satisfaction of an ontological nature. Decent wages! Comfortable housing! Food! These Bantu are pure spirits, I tell you: "What they desire first of all and above all is not the improvement of their economic or material situation, but the white man's recognition of and respect for their dignity as men, their full human value."

AI ME CESAIRE 5 9

I n short, you tip your hat to the Bantu life force, you give a wink to the immortal Bantu soul. And that's all it costs you! You have to admit you're getting off cheap!

As for the government, why should it complain? Since, the Rev. T empels notes with obvious satisfaction, "from their first contact with the white men, the Bantu considered us from the only point of view that was possible to them, the point of view of their Bantu philosophy" and " integrated us into their hierarchy of lifo forces at a very high level "

In other words, arrange it so that the white man, and particularly the Belgian, and even more particularly Albert or Leopold, takes his place at the head of the hierarchy of Bantu life forces, and you have done the trick. You will have brought this miracle to pass: the Bantu god will take responsibility for the Belgian colonialist order, and any Bantu who dares to raise his hand against it will be guilty of sacrilege.

As for M. Mannoni, in view of his book and his observations on the Madagascan soul, he deserves to be taken very seriously.

Follow him step by step through the ins and outs of his little conjuring tricks, and he will prove to you as clear as day that colonization is based on psychology, that there are in this world groups of men who, for unknown reasons, suffer from what must be called a dependency complex, that these groups are psychologi­ cally made for dependence; that they need dependence, that they crave it, ask for it, demand it; that this is the case with most of the colonized peoples and with the Madagascans in particular.

Away with racism! Away with colonialism! They smack too much of barbarism. M. Mannoni has something better: psychoanalysis. Embellished with existentialism, it gives astonishing results: the most down-at-the-heel cliches are re-soled for you and made good as new; the most absurd prejudices are explained and j ustified; and, as if by magic, the moon is turned into green cheese.

60 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

But listen to him:

It is the destiny of the Occidental to face the obligation laid down

by the commandment Thou shalt leave thy fother and thy mother. This

obligation is incomprehensible to the Madagascan. At a given time

in his development, every European discovers in himself the desire .

. . to break the bonds of dependency, to become the equal of his

father. The Madagascan, never! He does not experience rivalry with

the paternal authority, "manly protest, " or Adlerian inferiority--ordeals

through which the European must pass and which are like civilized

forms . . . of the initiation rites by which one achieves manhood . . .

Don't let the subtleties of vocabulary, the new terminology, frighten you! You know the old refrain: "The-Negroes-are-big-chil­ dren." They rake it, they dress it up for you, tangle it up for you. The result is Mannoni. Once again, be reassured! At the start of the journey it may seem a bit difficult, bur once you get there, you'll see, you will find all your baggage again. Nothing will be missing, not even the famous white man s burden. Therefore, give ear: "Through these ordeals" (reserved for the Occidental), "one tri­ umphs over the infantile fear of abandonment and acquires freedom and autonomy, which are the most precious possessions and also the b urdens of the Occidental."

And the Madagascan? you ask A lying race of bondsmen, Kipling would say. M. Mannoni makes his diagnosis: "The Madagascan does not even try to imagine such a situation of abandonment . . . . He desires neither personal autonomy nor free responsibility. " (Come on, you know how it is. These Negroes can't even imagine what freedom is. They don't want it, they don't demand it. It's the white agitators who put that into their heads. And if you gave it to them, they wouldn't know what to do with it.)

AIME CESA I RE 61

If you point out to M. Mannoni that the Madagascans have nevertheless revolted several times since the French occupation and again recently in 1947, M. Mannoni, faithful to his premises, will explain to you that that is purely neurotic behavior, a collective madness, a running amok; that, moreover, in this case it was not a question of the Madagascans' setting out to conquer real objectives but an "imaginary security," which obviously implies that the oppression of which they complain is an imaginary oppression. So clearly, so insanely imaginary, that one might even speak of monstrous ingratitude, according to the classic example of the Fijian who burns the drying-shed of the captain who has cured him of his wounds.

If you criticize the colonialism that drives the most peaceable populations to despair, M. Mannoni will explain to you that after all, the ones responsible are not the colonialist whites but the colo­ nized M adagascans. Damn it all, they took the whites for gods and expected of them everything one expects of the divinity!

If you think the treatment applied to the Madagascan neurosis was a trifle tough, M. Mannoni, who has an answer for everything, will prove to you that the famous brutalities people talk about have been very greatly exaggerated, that it is all neurotic fabrication, that the tortures were imaginary tortures applied by "imaginary execu­ tioners." As for the French government, it showed itself singularly moderate, since it was content to arrest the Madagascan deputies, when it should have sacrificed them, if it had wanted to respect the laws of a healthy psychology.

I am not exaggerating. It is M. Mannoni speaking:

Treading very classical paths, these Madagascans transformed

their saints into martyrs, their saviors into scapegoats; they wanted to

62 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

wash their imaginary sins in the blood of their own gods. They were

prepared, even at this price, or rather only at this price, to reverse their

attitude once more. One feature of this dependent psychology would

seem to be that, since no one can serve two masters, one of the two

should be sacrificed to the other. The most agitated of the colonialists

in Tananarive had a confused understanding of the essence of this

psychology of sacrifice, and they demanded their victims. They besieged

the High Commissioner's office, assuring him that if they were

granted the blood of a few innocents, "everyone would be satisfied."

This attitude, disgraceful from a human point of view, was based on

what was, on the whole, a fairly accurate perception of the emotional

disturbances that the population of the high plateaux was going through.

Obviously, it is only a step from this to absolving the bloodthirsty

colonialists. M. Mannoni's "psychology' is as "disinterested," as "free,"

as M. Gourou's geography or the Rev. T empels' missionary theology!

And the striking thing they all have in common is the persistent bourgeois attempt to reduce the most human problems to comfort­ able, hollow notions: the idea of the dependency complex in Man­ noni, the ontological idea in the Rev. Tempels, the idea of "tropicality" in Gourou. What has become of the Banque d'Indochine in all that?

And the Banque de Madagascar? And the bullwhip? And the taxes? And the handful of rice to the Madagascan or the nhaque ?lO And the martyrs? And the innocent people murdered? And the blood­

stained money piling up in your coffers, gentlemen? They have evaporated! Disappeared, intermingled, become unrecognizable in

the realm of pale ratiocinations.

But there is one unfortunate thing for these gentlemen. It is that

their bourgeois masters are less and less responsive to a tricky argument and are condemned increasingly to turn away from them

and applaud others who are less subtle and more brutal. That is

AIME CESAIRE 6 3

precisely what gives M. Yves Florenne a chance. And indeed, here, neatly arranged on the tray of the newspaper Le Monde, are his little offers of service. No possible surprises. Completely guaranteed, with proven efficacy, fully tested with conclusive results, here we have a

form of racism, a French racism still not very sturdy, it is true, but promising. Listen to the man himself:

"Our reader" (a teacher who has had the audacity to contradict the irascible M. Florenne), " . . . contemplating two young half-breed

girls, her pupils, has a sense of pride at the feeling that there is a growing measure of integration with our French family . . . . Would her response be the same if she saw, in reverse, France being integrated into the black family (or the yellow or red, it makes no difference) , that is to say, becoming diluted, disappearing?"

It is clear that for M. Yves Florenne it is blood that makes France, and the fuundations of the nation are biological: "Its people, its

genius, are made of a thousand-year-old equilibrium that is at the

same time vigorous and delicate, and . . . certain alarming distur­ bances of this equilibrium coincide with the massive and often

dangerous infusion of foreign blood which it has had to undergo

over the last thirty years." I n short, cross-breeding-that is the enemy. No more social

crises! No more economic crises! All that is left are racial crises! Of course, humanism loses none of its prestige (we are in the Western

world) , but let us understand each other: "It is not by losing itself in the human universe, with its blood

and its spirit, that France will be universal, it is by remaining itself."

That is what the French bourgeoisie has come to, five years after the

defeat of Hider! And it is precisely in that that its historic punish­ ment lies: to be condemned, returning to it as though driven by a

vice, to chew over Hider's vomit.

64 D I SCOURSE O N COLO N I AL I S M

Because after all, M. Yves Florenne was still fussing over peasant novels, "dramas of the land," and stories of the evil eye when, with a far more evil eye than the rustic hero of some tale of witchcraft, Hitler was announcing: "The supreme goal of the People-State is to preserve the original elements of the race which, by spreading culture, create the beauty and dignity of a superior humanity."

M . Yves Florenne is aware of this direct descent. And he is far from being embarrassed by it. Fine. That's his right. As it is not our right to be indignant about it. Because, after all, we must resign ourselves to the inevitable and

say to ourselves, once and for all, that the bourgeoisie is condemned to become evety day more snarling, more openly ferocious, more shameless, more summarily barbarous; that it is an implacable law that every decadent class finds itself turned into a receptacle into which there flow all the dirty waters of histoty; that it is a universal law that before it disappears, every class must first disgrace itself completely, on all fronts, and that it is with their heads buried in the dunghill that dying societies utter their swan songs.

dossier is indeed overwhelming. A beast that by the elementary exercise of its vitality spills blood

and sows death-you remember that historically it was in the form of this fierce archetype that capitalist society first revealed itself to the best minds and consciences.

Since then the animal has become anemic, it is losing its hair, its hide is no longer glossy, but the ferocity has remained, barely mixed with sadism. It is easy to blame it on Hitler. On Rosenberg. On J linger and the others. On the 55.

But what about this: "Everything in this world reeks of crime: the newspaper, the wall, the countenance of man."

Baudelaire said that, before Hitler was born! Which proves that the evil has a deeper source. And Isidore Ducasse, Comte de Lautreamont! 1 1

6 5

66 DISCOURSE O N COLONIALISM

In this connection, it is high time to dissipate the atmosphere of scandal that has been created around the Chants de Maldoror.

Monstrosity? Literary meteorite? Delirium of a sick imagination? Come, now! How convenient it is!

The truth is that Lautreamont had only to look the iron man forged by capitalist society squarely in the eye to perceive the monster, the everyday monster, his hero.

No one denies the veracity of Balzac. But wait a moment: take Vautrin, let him be j ust back from the

tropics, give him the wings of the archangel and the shivers of malaria, let him be accompanied through the streets of Paris by an escort of Uruguayan vampires and carnivorous ants, and you will have Maldoror. 12

The setting is changed, but it is the same world, the same man, hard, inflexible, unscrupulous, fond, if ever a man was, of "the flesh of o ther men."

To digress for a moment within my digression, I believe that the day will come when, with all the elements gathered together, all the sources analyzed, all the circumstances of the work elucidated, it will be possible to give the Chants de Maldoror a materialistic and historical interpretation which will bring to light an altogether unrecognized aspect of this frenzied epic, its implacable denuncia­ tion of a very particular form of society, as it could not escape the sharpest eyes around the 1865.

Before that, of course, we will have had to clear away the occultist and metaphysical commentaries that obscure the path; to re-estab­ lish the importance of certain neglected stanzas-for example, that strangest passage of all, the one concerning the mine oflice, in which we will consent to see nothing more or less than the denunciation of the evil power of gold and the hoarding up of money; to restore

A I M E CESAIRE 67

to its true place the admirable episode of the omnibus, and be willing to find in it very simply what is there, to wit, the scarcely allegorical picture of a society in which the privileged, comfortably seated, refuse to move closer together so as to make room for the new arrival. And-be it said in passing-who welcomes the child who has been callously rej ected? The people! Represented here by the ragpicker. Baudelaire's ragpicker:

Paying no heed to the spies of the cops, his thralls,

He pours his heart out in stupendous schemes.

He takes great oaths and dictates sublime laws,

Casts down the wicked, aids the victims' cause. 1 3

Then i t will be understood, will i t not, that the enemy whom Lautreamont has made the enemy, the cannibalistic, brain-devouring "Creator," the sadist perched on "a throne made of human excre­ ment and gold," the hypocrite, the debauchee, the idler who "eats the bread of others" and who from time to time is found dead drunk, "drunk as a bedbug that has swallowed three barrels of blood during the night," it will be understood that it is not beyond the clouds that one must look for that creator, but that we are more likely to find him in Desfosses's b usiness directory and on some comfortable executive board!

But let that be. The moralists can do nothing about it. Whether one likes it or not, the bourgeoisie, as a class, is condemned

to take responsibility for all the barbarism of history, the tortures of the Middle Ages and the Inquisition, warmongering and the appeal to the raison d 'Etat, racism and slavery, in short everything against which it protested in unforgettable terms at the time when, as the attacking class, it was the incarnation of human progress.

68 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

The moralists can do nothing about it. There is a law of progressive dehumanization in accordance with which henceforth on the agenda of the bourgeoisie there is-there can be--nothing but violence, corruption, and barbarism.

I almost forgot hatred, lying, conceit. I almost forgot M. Roger Caillois.14 Well then: M. Caillois, who from time immemorial has been given

the mission to teach a lax and slipshod age rigorous thought and dignified style, M. Caillois, therefore, has just been moved to mighty wrath.

Why? Because of the great betrayal of Western ethnography which,

with a deplorable deterioration ofits sense of responsibility, has been using all its ingenuity of late to cast doubt upon the overall supe­ riority of Western civilization over the exotic civilizations.

Now at last M. Caillois takes the field. Europe has this capacity for raising up heroic saviors at the most

critical moments. It is unpardonable on our part not to remember M. Massis, who,

around 1927, embarked on a crusade for the defense of the West. We want to make sure that a better fate is in srore for M. Caillois,

who, in order to defend the same sacred cause, transforms his pen into a good Toledo dagger.

What did M. Massis say? He deplored the fact that "the destiny of Western civilization, and indeed the destiny of man," were now threatened; that an attempt was being made on all sides "to appeal to our anxieties, to challenge the daims made for our culture, to call into question the most essential part of what we possess," and he swore to make war upon these "disastrous prophets."

M . Caillois identifies the enemy no differently. It is those "European intellectuals" who for the last fifty years, "because of

A l M E CESAIRE 69

exceptionally sharp disappointment and bitterness, " have relent­ lessly "repudiated the various ideals of their culture," and who by so doing maintain, "especially in Europe, a tenacious malaise."

It is this malaise, this anxiety, which M. Caillois, for his part, d 1 5 means to put to an en .

And indeed, no personage since the Englishman of the Victorian age has ever surveyed history with a conscience more serene and less clouded with doubt.

His doctrine? It has the virtue of simplicity. That the West invented science. That the West alone knows how

to think; that at the borders of the Western world there begins the shadowy realm of primitive thinking, which, dominated by the notion of participation, incapable oflogic, is the very model offaulty thinking.

At this point one gives a start. One reminds M. Caillois that the famous law of participation invented by Levy-Bruhl was repudiated by Levy-Bruhl himself; that in the evening of his life he proclaimed to the world that he had been wrong in "trying to define a charac­ teristic, that was peculiar to the primitive mentality so far as logic was concerned"; that, on the contrary, he had become convinced that "these minds do not differ from ours at all from the point of view of logic . . . . Therefore, [that they] cannot tolerate a formal contradiction any more than we can . . . . Therefore, [that they] reject as we do, by a kind of mental reflex, that which is logically .

'bl ,, 1 6 Impossl e . A waste o f time! M . Caillois considers the rectification t o be null

and void. For M. Caillois, the true Levy-Bruhl can only be the Levy-Bruhl who says that primitive man talks raving nonsense.

Of course, there remain a few small facts that resist this doctrine. To wit, the invention of arithmetic and geometry by the Egyptians. To wit, the discovery of astronomy by the Assyrians. To wit, the

70 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

birth of chemistry among the Arabs. To wit, the appearance of

rationalism in Islam at a time when Western thought had a furiously pre-logical cast to it. But M. Caillois soon puts these impertinent details in their place, since it is a strict principle that "a discovery

which does not fit into a whole" is, precisely, only a detail, that is

to say, a negligible nothing. As you can imagine, once off to such a good start, M. Caillois

doesn't stop half way.

Having annexed science, he's going to claim ethics too.

Just think of it! M. Caillois has never eaten anyone! M. Caillois

has never dreamed of finishing off an invalid! It has never occurred to M. Caillois to shorten the days of his aged parents! Well, there you

have it, the superiority of the West: "That discipline of life which

tries to ensure that the human person is sufficiently respected so that it is not considered normal to eliminate the old and the infirm."

The conclusion is inescapable: compared to the cannibals, the

dismemberers, and other lesser breeds, Europe and the West are the incarnation of respect for human dignity.

But let us move on, and quickly, lest our thoughts wander to

Algiers, Morocco, and other places where, as I write these very

words, so many valiant sons of the West, in the semi-darkness of

dungeons, are lavishing upon their inferior Mrican brothers, with

such tireless attention, those authentic marks of respect for human

dignity which are called, in technical terms, "electricity," "the

bathtub," and "the bottleneck." Let us press on: M. Caillois has not yet reached the end of his

list of outstanding achievements. After scientific superiority and

moral superiority comes religious superiority. Here, M. Caillois is careful not to let himself be deceived by the

empty prestige of the Orient. mother of gods, perhaps. Anyway,

AIME CESAJRE 7 1

Europe, mistress of rites. And see how wonderful i t is: on the one

hand--outside of Europe --ceremonies of the voodoo type, with all

their "ludicrous masquerade, their collective frenzy, their wild alcoholism, their crude exploitation of a naIve fervor," and on the

other hand-in Europe-those authentic values which Chateaubri­

and was already celebrating in his Genie du christianisme: 'The dogmas and mysteries of the Catholic religion, its liturgy, the

symbolism of its sculptors and the glory of the plainsong."

Lastly, a final cause for satisfaction: Gobineau said: "The only history is white." M. Caillois, in turn,

observes: "The only ethnography is white." It is the West that studies the ethnography of the others, not the others who study the

ethnography of the West.

A cause for the greatest jubilation, is it not? And the museums of which M. Caillois is so proud, not for one

minute does it cross his mind that, all things considered, it would

have been better not to needed them; that Europe would have done better to tolerate the non-European civilizations at its side,

leaving them alive, dynamic and prosperous, whole and not muti­ lated; that it would have better to let them develop and fulfill themselves than to present for our admiration, duly labelled, their

dead and scattered parts; that anyway, the museum by itself is

nothing; that it means nothing, that it can say nothing, when smug

self-satisfaction rots the eyes, when a secret contempt for others

withers the heart, when racism, admitted or not, dries up sympathy; that it means nothing if its only purpose is to feed the delights of

vanity; that after all, the honest contemporary of Saint Louis, who

fought Islam but respected it, had a better chance of knowing it than do our contemporaries (even if they have a smattering of ethno­

graphic literature), who despise it.

72 D I S C O URSE ON COLON IALI S M

N o , i n the scales o f knowledge all the museums i n the world will never weigh so much as one spark of human sympathy.

And what is the conclusion of all that? Let us be fair; M. Caillois is moderate. Having established the superiority of the West in all fields, and

having thus re-established a wholesome and extremely valuable hierarchy, M. Caillois gives immediate proof of this superiority by concluding that no one should be exterminated. With him the Negroes are sure that they will not be lynched; the Jews, that they will not feed new bonfires. There is just one thing: it is important for it to be clearly understood that the Negroes, Jews, and Austra­ lians owe this tolerance not to their respective but to the magnanimity of M. Caillois; not to the dictates of science, which can offer only ephemeral truths, but to a decree of M. Caillois's conscience, which can only be absolute; that this tolerance has no conditions, no guarantees, unless it be M. Caillois's sense of his duty to himself

Perhaps science will one day declare that the backward cultures and retarded peoples which constitute so many dead weights and impedimenta on humanity's path must be cleared away, but we are assured that at the critical moment the conscience M. Caillois, transformed on the spot from a clear conscience into a noble conscience, will arrest the executioner's arm and pronounce the salvus sis.

To which we are indebted for the following j uicy note:

For me, the question of the equality of races, peoples, or cultures

has meaning only if we are talking about an equality in law, not an

equality in fuct. In the same way, men who are blind, maimed, sick,

feeble-minded, ignorant, or poor (one could hardly be nicer to the

non-Occidentals) are not respectively equal, in the material sense of

l I."', "

, "

[

A I M E CESAIRE 73

the word, to those who are strong, dear-sighted, whole, healthy,

intelligent, cultured, or rich. The latter have greater capacities which,

the way, do not give them more rights but only more duties . . . .

Similarly, whether for biological or historical reasons, there exist at

present differences in level, power, and value among the various

cultures. These differences entail an inequality in fact. They in no

way j ustify an inequality of rights in favor of the so-called superior

peoples, as racism would have it. Rather, they confer upon them

additional tasks and an increased responsibility.

Additional tasks? What are they, if not the tasks of ruling the world? I ncreased responsibility? What is it, if not responsibility for

the world? And Caillois-Aclas charitably plants his feet firmly in the dust

and once again raises to his stutdy shoulders the inevitable white man's burden.

The reader must excuse me for having talked about M. Caillois at such length. It is not that I overestimate to any degree whatever the intrinsic value of his "philosophy" reader will have been able to j udge how seriously one should take a thinker who, while claiming to be dedicated to rigorous logic, sacrifices so willingly to prejudice and wallows so voluptuously in cliches. But his views are worth special attention because they are significant.

Significant of what? Of the state of mind of thousands upon thousands of Europeans

or, to be very precise, of the state of mind of the Western petty bourgeoisie.

Significant of what? Of this: that at the very time when it most often mouths the

word, the West has never been further from being able to live a true humanism-a humanism made to the measure of the world.

One of the values invented by the bourgeoisie in former times

and launched throughout the world was man-and we have seen what has become of that. The other was the nation.

It is a fact: the nation is a bourgeois phenomenon. Exactly; but if I turn my attention from man ro nations, I note

that here too there is great danger; that colonial enterprise is to the

modern world what Roman imperialism was to the ancient world:

the prelude to Disaster and the forerunner of Catastrophe. Come,

now! The Indians massacred, the Moslem world drained of itself,

the Chinese world defiled and perverted for a good century; the

Negro world disqualified; mighty voices stilled forever; homes

scattered to the wind; all this wreckage, all this waste, humanity

reduced to a monologue, and you think all that does not have its price? The truth is that this policy cannot but bring about the ruin of

74

A I M E CESAIRE 7 5

Europe itself, and that Europe, i f i t i s not careful, will perish from the void it has created around itself.

They thought they were only slaughtering Indians, or Hindus,

or South Sea Islanders, or Mricans. They have in fact overthrown,

one after another, the ramparts behind which European civilization

could have developed freely.

I know how fallacious historical parallels are, particularly the one

I am about to draw. Nevertheless, permit me to quote a page from

Edgar Quinet for the not inconsiderable element of truth which it

contains and which is worth pondering.

Here it is:

People ask why barbarism emerged all at once in ancient civilization.

I believe I know the answer. It is surprising that so simple a cause is not

obvious to everyone. The system of ancient civilization was composed of

a certain number of nationalities, of countries which, although they

seemed to be enemies, or were even ignorant of each other, protected,

supported, and guarded one another. When the expanding Roman

Empire undertook to conquer and destroy these groups of nations, the

dazzled sophists thought they saw at the end of this road humaniry

triumphant in Rome. They talked about the uniry of the human spirit;

it was only a dream. It happened that these nationalities were so many

bulwarks protecting Rome itself . . . . Thus when Rome, in its alleged

triumphal march toward a single civilization, had destroyed, one after

the other, Carthage, Egypt, Greece, Judea, Persia, D acia, and Cisalpine

and Transalpine Gaul, it came to pass that it had itself swallowed up the

dikes that protected it against the human ocean under which it was to

perish. The magnanimous Caesar, by crushing the two Gauls, only paved

the way for the Teutons. So many societies, so many languages extin­

guished, so many cities, rights, homes annihilated, created a void around

Rome, and in those places which were not invaded by the barbarians,

barbarism was born spontaneously. The vanquished Gauls changed into

Bagaudes. Thus the violent downfall, the progressive extirpation of

76 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

individual cities, caused the crumbling of ancient civilization. That social

edifice was supported by the various nationalities as by so many different

columns of marble or porphyry.

When, to the applause of the wise men of the time, each of these

living columns had been demolished, the edifice carne crashing down;

and the wise men of our day are still trying to understand how such

mighty ruins could have been made in a moment's time.

And now I what else has bourgeois Europe done? It has undermined civilizations, destroyed countries, ruined nationalities, extirpated "the root of diversity." No more dikes, no more bulwarks. The hour of the barbarian is at hand. The modern barbarian. The American hour. Violence, excess, waste, mercantilism, bluff, con­ formism, stupidity, vulgarity, disorder.

In 1913, Ambassador Page wrote to Wilson: "The future of the world belongs to us . . . . Now what are we

going to do with the leadership of the world presently when it clearly falls into our hands?"

And in 1914: "What are we going to do with this England and this Empire, presently, when economic forces unmistakably put the leadership of the race in our hands?"

This Empire . . . And the others . . . And indeed, do you not see how ostentatiously these gentlemen

have just unfurled the banner of anti-colonialism? "Aid to the disinherited countries, "says Truman. "The time of the

old colonialism has passed." That's also Truman. Which means that American high finance considers that the time

has come to raid evety colony in the world. So, dear friends, here you have to be careful!

I know that some of you, disgusted with Europe, with all that hideous mess which you did not witness by choice, are turning--oh!

A I M E CESAIRE 77

in no great numbers-toward America and getting used to looking upon that country as a possible liberator.

" What a godsend!" you think. "The bulldozers! The massive investments of capital! The toads!

The ports!" "But American racism!" "So what? European racism in the colonies has inured us to it!" And there we are, ready to run the great Yankee risk. So, once again, be careful! American domination-the only domination from which one

never recovers. I mean from which one never recovers unscarred. And since you are talking about factories and industries, do you

not see the tremendous factory hysterically spitting out its cinders in the heart of our forests or deep in the bush, the factory for the production of lackeys; do you not see the prodigious mechanization, the mechanization of man; the gigantic rape of everything intimate, undamaged, undefiled that, despoiled as we are, our human spirit has still managed to the machine, yes, have you never seen it, the machine for crushing, for grinding, for degrading peoples?

So that the danger is immense. So that unless, in Mrica, in the South Sea Islands, in Madagascar

(that is, at the gates of South Mrica), in the West Indies (that is, at the gates of America), Western Europe undertakes on its own initiative a policy of nationalities, a new policy founded on respect for peoples and cultures-nay, more--unless Europe galvanizes the dying cultures or raises up new ones, unless it becomes the awakener of countries and civilizations (this being said without taking into account the admirable resistance of the colonial peoples primarily symbolized at present by Vietnam, but also by the Mrica of the Rassemblement Democratique Mricain), Europe will have deprived

78 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

itself of its last chance and, with its own hands, drawn up over itself the pall of mortal darkness.

Which comes down to saying that the salvation of Europe is not a matter of a revolution in methods. It is a matter of the Revolu­ tion-the one which, until such time as there is a classless society, will substitute for the narrow tyranny of a dehumanized bourgeoisie the preponderance of the only class that still has a universal mission, because it suffers in its flesh from all the wrongs of history, from all the universal wrongs: the proletariat.

AN I N T E RV I EW WITH AI M E C E S A I RE

Conducted by Rene Depestre

The following interview with Aimtf Ctfsaire was conducted by Haitian poet and militant Rene Depestre at the Cultural Congress of Havana in 1967. It first appeared in Poesias, an anthology ofCesaires writings published by Casa de las Americas. It has been translated from the Spanish by Maro Riofrancos.

RENE DEPESTRE: The critic Lilyan Kesteloot has written that Return to My Native Land is an auto biographical book. Is this opinion well founded?

AIME CESAIRE: Certainly. It is an autobiographical book, but at the same time it is a book in which I tried to gain an

understanding of myself. In a certain sense it is closer to the

truth than a biography. You must remember that it is a young person's book: I wrote it just after I had finished my studies

and had come back to M artinique. These were my first

contacts with my country after an absence of ten years, so I really found myself assaulted by a sea of impressions and

images. At the same time I felt a deep anguish over the

prospects for Martinique.

R.D.: How old were you when you wrote the book?

AC.: I must have been around twenty-six.

R.D.: Nevertheless, what is striking about it is its great maturity.

8 1

82 D I S COURSE ON COLONIALISM

A.C: It was my first published work, but actually it contains poems

that I had accumulated, or done progressively. I remember hav­

ing written quite a few poems before these.

R.D.: But they have never been published.

A.C: They haven't been published because I wasn't very happy with

them. The friends to whom I showed them found them inter­

esting, but they didn't satisfy me.

R.D.: Why?

A.C: Because I don't think I had found a form that was my own . I was

still under the influence of the French poets. In short, if Return to My Native Land took the form of a prose poem, it was truly by chance. Even though I wanted to break with French literary

traditions, I did not actually free myself from them until the

moment I decided to turn my back on poetry. In fact, you could

say that I became a poet by renouncing poetry. Do you see what

I mean? Poetry was for me the only way to break the stranglehold

the accepted French form held on me.

R.D.: In her introduction to your selected poems published by Editions

Seghers, Lilyan Kesteloot names Mallarme, Claudel, Rimbaud,

and Lautreamont among the poets who have influenced you.

A.C: Lautreamont and Rimbaud were a great revelation for many

poets of my generation. I must also say that I don't renounce

Claudel. His poetry, in Tete d'Or for example, made a deep impression on me.

R.D.: There is no doubt that it is great poetry.

A C : Yes, truly great poetry, very beautiful. Naturally, there were many

things about Claudel that irritated me, but I have always consid­

ered him a great craftsman with language.

A I M E CESAIRE 83

R.D.: Your Return to My Native Land bears the stamp of personal experience, your experience as a Martinican youth, and it also

deals with the itineraries of the Negro race in the Antilles, where

French influences are not decisive.

A C : I don't deny French influences myself. Whether I want to or not,

as a poet I express myself in French, and dearly French literature

has influenced me. But I want to emphasize very strongly that­

while using as a point of departure the elements that French

literature gave me-at the same time I have always striven to

create a new language, one capable of communicating the African

heritage. In other words, for me French was a tool that I wanted

to use in developing a new means of expression. I wanted to create

an Antillean French, a black French that, while still being French,

had a black character.

R.D.: Has surrealism been instrumental in your effort to discover this

new French language?

AC: I was ready to accept surrealism because I already had advanced

on my own, using as my starting points the same authors that

had influenced the surrealist poets. Their thinking and mine had common reference points. Surrealism provided me with what I

had been confusedly searching for. I have accepted it j oyfully

because in it I have found more of a confirmation than a revela­ tion. 1t was a weapon that exploded the French language. It shook

up absolutely everything. This was very important because the traditional forms-burdensome, overused forms-were crush­ mg me.

R.D.: This was what interested you in the surrealist movement . . .

A.C: Surrealism interested me to the extent that it was a liberating factor.

84 DISCOURSE ON COLON IALISM

R.D.: So you were very sensitive to the concept of liberation that

surrealism contained. Surrealism called forth deep and uncon­

scious forces.

A.C.: Exactly. And my thinking followed these lines: Well then, if I

apply the surrealist approach to my particular situation, I can

summon up these unconscious forces. This, for me, was a call to Africa. I said to myself: it's true that superficially we are French,

we bear the marks of French customs; we have been branded by

Cartesian philosophy, by French rhetoric; but if we break with

all that, if we plumb the depths, then what we will find is

fundamentally black.

R.D.: In other words, it was a process of disalienation. AC.: Yes, a process of disalienation, that's how I interpreted surrealism. R.D.: That's how surrealism has manifested itself in your work: as an

effort to reclaim your authentic character, and in a way as an

effort to reclaim the African heritage.

AC.: Absolutely.

R.D.: And as a process of detoxification.

AC.: A plunge into the depths. It was a plunge into Africa for me.

R.D.: It was a way of emancipating your consciousness.

AC.: Yes, I felt that beneath the social being would be found a pro­

found being, over whom all sorts of ancestral layers and alluviums

had been deposited.

R.D.: Now, I would like to go back to the period in your life in Paris when

you collaborated with Uopold Sedar Senghor and Uon-Gon­

tran Damas on the small periodical L Etudiant wir. Was this the

first stage of the Negritude expressed in Return to My Native Land? AC.: Yes, it was already Negritude, as we conceived of it then. There

were two tendencies within our group. On the one hand, there

A I M E CESAI RE 8 5

were people from the left, Communists at that time, such as J.

Monnerot, E. Uro, and Rene Meni!. They were Communists,

and therefore we supported them. But very soon I had to re­

proach them-and perhaps l owe this to Senghor-for being

French Communists. There was nothing to distinguish them

either from the French surrealists or from the French Commu­

nists. In other words, their poems were colorless.

R.D.: They were not attempting disalienation.

AC . : In my o pinion they bore the marks of assimilation. At that time

Martinican students assimilated either with the French rightists

or with the French leftists. But it was always a process of assimi­

lation.

R.D.: At bottom what separated you fro m the Communist Martinican

students at that time was the Negro question.

AC.: Yes, the Negro question. At that time I criticized the Commu­

nists for forgetting our Negro characteristics. They acted like

Communists, which was all right, but they acted like abstract

Communists . I maintained that the political question could not

do away with our condition as Negroes. We are Negroes, with a

great number of historical peculiarities. I suppose that I must have been influenced by Senghor in this. At the time I knew

absolutely nothing about Africa. Soon afterward I met Senghor,

and he told me a great deal about Africa. He made an enormous

impression on me: I am indebted to him for the revelation of

Africa and African singularity. And I tried to develo p a theory to

encompass all of my reality.

R.D.: You have tried to particularize Communism . . .

AC.: Yes, it is a very old tendency of mine. Even then Communists

would reproach me for speaking of the Negro problem-they

86 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

called it my racism. But I would answer: Marx is all right, but

we need to complete Marx. I felt that the emancipation of the

Negro consisted of more than just a political emancipation.

R.D.: Do you see a relationship among the movements between the

two world wars connected to L 'Etudiant noir, the Negro Renais-

sance Movement in the United States, La Revue indigene in Haiti,

and Negrismo in Cuba?

A.c.: I was not influenced by those other movements because I did not know of them. But I'm sure they are parallel movements.

R.D.: How do you explain the emergence, in the years between the two

world wars, of these parallel movements---in Haiti, the United

States, Cuba, Brazil, Martinique, etc.-that recognized the cul-

tural particularities of Africa?

A. c.: I believe that at that time in the history of the world there was a coming to consciousness among Negroes, and this manifested

itself in movements that had no relationship to each other.

R.D.: There was the extraordinary phenomenon of jazz.

A.c.: Yes, there was the phenomenon of jazz. There was the Marcus Garvey movement. I remember very well that even when I was

a child I had heard people speak of Garvey.

R.D.: Marcus Garvey was a sort of Negro prophet whose speeches had

galvanized the Negro masses of the United States. His objective

was to take all the American Negroes to Africa.

A.c.: He inspired a mass movement, and for several years he was a symbol to American Negroes. In France there was a newspaper

called Le Cri des negres.

R.D.: I believe that Haitians like Dr. Saj ous, Jacques Roumain, and

Jean Price-Mars collaborated on that newspaper. There were also

A.c.:

R.D.:

A.c.:

R.D.:

A. c.:

AIME CESAIRE 87

six issues of La Revue du montle noir, written by Rene Maran,

Claude McKay, Price-Mars, the Achille brothers, Sajous, and others.

I remember very well that around that time we read the poems

of Langston Hughes and Claude McKay. I knew very well who

McKay was because in 1 929 or 1 930 an anthology of American

Negro poetry appeared in Paris. And McKay's novel, Banjo­

describing the life of dock workers in Marseilles---was published

in 1 930. This was really one of the first works in which an author

spoke of the Negro and gave him a certain literary dignity. I must

say, therefore, that although I was not directly influenced by any

American Negroes, at ieast I felt that the movement in the United

States created an atmosphere that was indispensable for a very

clear coming to consciousness. During the 1 920s and 1 930s I

came under three main influences, roughly speaking. The first

was the French literary influence, through the works of Mal­

larme, Rimbaud, Laurreamont and Claudel. The second was

Africa. I knew very little abour Africa, but I deepened my knowl­

edge through ethnographic s tudies.

I believe that European ethnographers have made a contribution

to the development of the concept of Negritude.

Certainly. And as for the third influence, it was the Negro Ren­

aissance Movement in the United States, which did not influence

me directly but still created an atmosphere which allowed me to

become conscious of the solidarity of the black world.

At that time you were not aware, for example, of developments

along the same lines in Haiti, centered around La Revue indigene

and Jean Price-Mars' s book, Aimi parla l'onde.

No, it was only later that I discovered the Haitian movement

and Price-Mars's famous book.

8 8 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALIS M

RD.: How would you describe your encounter with Senghor, the encounter between Antillean Negritude and African Negritude?

Was it the result of a particular event or of a parallel development

of consciousness?

AC.: It was simply that in Paris at that time there were a few dozen Negroes of diverse origins. There were Mricans, like Senghor,

Guianans, Haitians, North Americans, Antilleans, etc. This was

very important for me.

R D . : In this circle of Negroes in Paris, was there a consciousness of the importance of African culture?

AC.: Yes, as well as an awareness of the solidarity among blacks. We had come from different parts of the world. It was our first meeting.

We were discovering ourselves. This was very important.

RD.: It was extraordinarily important. How did you come to develop the concept of Negritude?

AC.: I have a feeling that it was somewhat of a collective creation. I used the term first, that's true. But it's possible we talked about

it in our group. It was really a resistance to the politics of assimi­

lation. Until that time, until my generation, the French and the

English-but especially the French-had followed the politics

of assimilation unrestrainedly. We didn't know what Africa was.

Europeans despised everything about Africa, and in France people

spoke of a civilized world and a barbarian world. The barbarian

world was Mrica, and the civilized world was Europe. Therefore the best thing one could do with an African was to assimilate

him: the ideal was to turn him into a Frenchman with black skin.

RD.: Haiti experienced a similar phenomenon at the beginning of the nineteenth century. There is an entire Haitian pseudo-literature,

created by authors who allowed themselves to be assimilated. The

independence of Haiti, our first independence, was a violent

AIME CESAIRE 8 9

attack against the French presence in our country, but our first

authors did not attack French cultural values with equal force. They

did not proceed toward a decolonization of their consciousness.

AC.: This is what is known as bovarisme. In Martinique also we were in the midst of bovarisme. I still remember a poor little Martini­

can pharmacist who passed the time writing poems and sonnets

which he sent to literary contests, such as the Floral Games of

Toulouse. He felt very proud when one of his poems won a prize.

One day he told me that the judges hadn't even realized that his

poems were written by a man of color. To put it in other words,

his poetry was so impersonal that it made him proud. He was

filled with pride by something I would have considered a crush­

ing condemnation.

R.D.: It was a case of total alienation. AC.: I think you've put your finger on it. Our struggle was a struggle

against alienation. That struggle gave birth to Negritude. Because

Antilleans were ashamed of being Negroes, they searched for all

sorts of euphemisms for Negro: they would say a man of color,

a dark-complexioned man, and other idiocies like that.

RD.: Yes, real idiocies. AC.: That's when we adopted the word negre, as a term of defiance.

I t was a defiant name. To some extent it was a reaction of enraged

youth. Since there was shame about the word negre, we chose the

word negre. 1 must say that when we founded L 'Etudiant noir, I

really wanted to call it L 'Etudiant negre, but there was a great

resistance to that among the Antilleans.

RD.: Some thought that the word negre was offensive. AC.: Yes, too offensive, too aggressive, and then I took the liberty

of speaking of negritude. There was in us a defiant will, and we

found a violent affirmation in the words negre, and negritude.

90 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

RD.: I n Return to My Native Land you have stated that Haiti was the

cradle of Negritude . In your words, " H aiti, where Negritude

stood on its feet for the first time." Then, in your opinion, the

history of our country is in a certain sense the prehistory of

Negritude. How have you applied the concept of Negritude to

the history of Haiti?

AC.: Well, after my discovery of the North American Negro and my

discovery of Africa, I went on to explore the totality of the black

world, and that is how I came upon the history of Haiti. I love

Martinique, but it is an alienated land, while Haiti represented

for me the heroic Antilles, the African Antilles. I began to make

connections between the Antilles and Africa, and Haiti is the

most African of the Antilles. It is at the same time a country with

a marvelous history: the first Negro epic of the New World was

written by Haitians, people like Toussaint L'Ouverture, Henti

Christophe, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, etc. Haiti is not very well

known in Martinique. I am one of the few Martinicans who

know and love Haiti.

RD.: Then for you the first independence struggle in Haiti was a

confirmation, a demonstration of the concept of Negritude. Our

national history is Negritude in action.

AC.: Yes, Negritude in action. Haiti is the country where Negro

people stood up for the first time, affirming their determination

to shape a new world, a free world.

RD.: During all of the nineteenth century there were men in Haiti

who, without using the term Negritude, understood the signifi­

cance of Haiti for world history. Haitian authors, such as Han­

nibal Price and Louis-Joseph Janvier, were already speaking of

the need to reclaim black cultural and aesthetic values. A genius

like Antenor Firmin wrote in Paris a book entitled De lega/ite

AIME ChSAIRE 9 1

des races humaines, i n which he tried to re-evaluate African culture

in Haiti in order to combat the total and colorless assimilation

that was characteristic of our early authors. You could say that

beginning with the second half of the nineteenth century, some

Haitian authors-Justin Lherisson, Frederic Marcel in, Fernand

Hibbert, and Antoine Innocent-began to discover the peculi­

arities of our country, the fact that we had an African past, that

the slave was not born yesterday, that voodoo was an important

element in the development of our national culture. Now it is

necessary to examine the concept of Negritude more closely.

Negritude has lived through all kinds of adventures. I don't

believe that this concept is always understood in its original sense,

with its explosive nature. In fact, there are people today in Paris

and other places whose objectives are very different from those

of Return to My Native Land

AC.: I would like to say that everyone has his own Negritude. There

has been too much theorizing about Negritude. I have tried not

to overdo it, out of a sense of modesty. But if someone asks me

what my conception of Negtitude is, I answer that above all it is

a concrete rather than an abstract coming to consciousness. What

I have been telling you about-the atmosphere in which we

lived, an atmosphere of assimilation in which Negro people were

ashamed of themselves-has great importance. We lived in an

atmosphere of rej ection, and we developed an inferiority com­

plex. I have always thought that the black man was searching for

his identity. And it has seemed to me that if what we want is to

establish this identity, then we must have a concrete conscious­

ness of what we are-that is, of the first fact of our lives: that we

are black; that we were black and have a history, a history that

contains certain cultural elements of great value; and that Ne-

92 DISCOURSE ON COLON IALI SM

groes were not, as you put it, born yesterday, because there have

been beautiful and important black civilizations. At the time we

began to write, people could write a history of world civilization

without devoting a single chapter to Africa, as if Africa had made

no contributions to the world. Therefore we affirmed that we

were Negroes and that we were proud of it, and that we thought

that Africa was not some sort of blank page in the history of

humanity; in sum, we asserted that our Negro heritage was

worthy of respect, and that this heritage was not relegated to the

past, that its values were values that could still make an important

contribution to the world.

R.D.: That is to say, universalizing values . . . A.C.: Universalizing, living values that had not been exhausted. The

field was not dried up: it could still bear fruit if we made the

effort to irrigate it with our sweat and plant new seeds. So this

was the situation: there were things to tell the world. We were

not dazzled by European civilization. We bore the imprint of

European civilization but we thought that Africa could make a

contribution to Europe. It was also an affirmation of our solidar­

ity. That's the way it was: I have always recognized that what was

happening to my brothers in Algeria and the United States had

its repercussions in me. I understood that I could not be indif­

ferent to what was happening in Haiti or Africa. Then, in a way,

we slowly came to the idea of a sort of black civilization spread

throughout the world. And I have come to the realization that

there was a "Negro situation" that existed in different geographi­

cal areas, that Africa was also my country. There was the African

continent, the Antilles, Haiti; there were Martinicans and Bra­

zilian Negroes, etc. That's what Negritude meant to me.

Al ME CESAIRE 9 3

R D.: There has also been a movement that predated Negritude itself­ I'm speaking of the Negritude movement between the two world

wars-a movement you could call pre-Negritude, manifested by

the interest in African art that could be seen among European

painters. Do you see a relationship between the interest ofEuro­

pean artists and the coming to consciousness of Negroes?

AC.: Certainly. This movement is another factor in the development of our consciousness. Negroes were made fashionable in France

by Picasso, Vlaminck, Braque, etc.

R D . : During the same period, art lovers and art historians-for exam­ ple Paul Guillaume in France and Carl Einstein in Germany­

were quite impressed by the quality of African sculpture. African

art ceased to be an exotic curiosity, and Guillaume himself came

to appreciate it as the "life-giving sperm of the twentieth century

of the spirit. "

A C . : I also remember the Negro Anthology of Blaise Cendrars. R. D . : It was a book devoted to the oral literature of African Negroes.

I can also remember third issue of the art journal Action,

which had a number of articles by the artistic vanguard of that

time on African masks, sculptures, and other art objects. And we

shouldn't forget Guillaume Apollinaire, whose poetry is full of

evocations of Africa. To sum up, do you think that the concept

of Negritude was formed on the basis of shared ideological and

political beliefs on the part of its proponents? Your comrades in

Negritude, the first militants of Negritude, have followed a dif­

ferent path from you. There is, for example, Senghor, a brilliant

intellect and a fiery poet, but full of contradictions on the subject

of Negritude.

DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

A.c.: Our affinities were above all a matter of feeling. You either felt black o r did not feel black. But there was also the political aspect.

Negritude was, after all, part of the left. I never thought for a

moment that our emancipation could come from the right­

that's impossible. We both felt, Senghor and I, that our liberation

placed us on the left, but both of us refused to see the black

question as simply a social question. There are people, even

today, who thought and still think that it is all simply a matter

of the left taking power in France, that with a change in the

economic conditions the black question will disappear. I have

never agreed with that at all. I think that .the economic question is important, but it is not the only thing.

R.D.: Certainly, because the relationships between consciousness an d

reality are extremely complex. That's why it is equally necessary

to decolonize our minds, our inner life, at the same time that we

decolonize society.

A.c.: Exactly, and I remember very well having said to the Martinican Communists in those days, that black people, as you have

pointed out, were doubly proletarianized and alienated: in the

first place as workers, but also as blacks, because after all we are

dealing with the only race which is denied even the notion of

humanity.

[ Notes }

A P O ET I C S OF ANTICO L O N IAL I S M

by Robin D. G. Kelley

AUTHOR'S NOTE: Mad props to Christopher Phelps for inviting me to write this essay; to Franklin Rosemont for passing along key documents, commenting on and

correcting an earlier draft, and for his untiring support; to Cedric Robinson for

forcing me to come to terms with Cisaire s critique of Marxism in the first place; to Judith MacFarlane for her wonderfol and exact translations; to Elleza and

Diedra for cultivating the Marvelous. This essay is dedicated to Ted Joans and

Laura Corsiglia with love and gratitude for our "Discourse on Theloniolism. "

1 . The first edition was published i n 1950 by Editions Redame. A revised and expanded edition, published by Presence Mricaine in 1 955, was later

translated and published by Monthly Review Press in 1 972.

2. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, translated by Constance Far­ rington (New York: Grove Press, 1 967), p. 1 02.

3. Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West (London: Routledge, 1 990), p. 1 1 9. A compelling defense of Cesaire's Discourse, which has influenced my thinking on this text's relation to postcolonial

studies, is Bart Moore-Gilbert, Postcolonial Theory: Contexts, Practices, Politics

95

96 DISCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

(London: Verso, 1 997). He argues that Discourse not only anticipated Fanon, but works by Homi Bhabha, Edward Said, Wilson Harris, Chinua Achebe, and Chinweizu.

4. See, for example, A James Arnold, Modernism and Negritude: The Poetry and Poetics of Aim! Ctsaire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1 9 8 1 ) ; M.A.M. Ngal, Aime Cesaire: Un Homme a la recherche d'une patrie (Dakar: Nouvelles Editions Mricaines, 1 983); Lilyan Kesteloot and B. Kotchy, Aime Cisaire, L 'Homme et l'oeuvre (Paris: Presence Mricaine, 1 973); Jane L Pallister, Aime Cesaire (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1 99 1 ) ; Susan Frut­ kin, Aim! Cesaire: Black Between Worlds (Miami: Center for Advanced I nternational Studies, 1 973).

5 . Arnold, Modernism and Negritude, pp. 1 -8, quote from page 8 . 6. Quote from "An Interview with Aime Ccsaire" appended at the end of

Discourse p. 8 5 ; Arnold, Modernism and Negritude, pp. 8-9; on black diasporic intellectuals in Paris, see Tyler Stovall, Paris Noir: African-Ameri­ cans in the City of Light (Boston and New York: H oughton Mifflin, 1 996); Brent Edwards, "Black Globality: The International Shape of Black I ntel­ lectual Culture," (ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1 997) .

7. Maryse Conde, "Cahier d'un retour au pays natal": Cesaire, Analyse critique (Paris: Hatier, 1 978); Norman Shapiro, ed., Negritude: Black Poetry from Africa and the Caribbean (New York: October House, 1 970) , p. 224; Pallister, Aime Ctsaire, pp. xiii-xiv.

8. Arnold, Modernism and Negritude, pp. 1 2- 1 3 . 9 . "Lettre du Lieutenant d e vaisseau Bayle, chef d u service d'information, au

directeur de la revue Tropiques, Fort-de-France, May 1 0, 1 943" and "Reponse de Tropiques a M. le Lieutenant de vaisseau Bayle, Fort-de-France, May 1 2, 1 943," (signed Aime Ccsaire, Suzanne Cesaire, Georges Gratiant, Aristide Maugee, Rene Meni/, Lucie Thesee) , Tropiques, vol. 1 , cd. by Aime Cesaire [facsimile reproduction] (Paris: Editions Jean-Michel Place, 1 978), Documents-Annexes, pp. xxxvi-xxxviii.

1 0. See Michael Richardson, ed., Refosal of the Shadow: Surrealism and the Caribbean, trans. by Michael Richards o n and Krzysztof Fijalkowski (Lon­ don: Verso, 1 996), pp. 7- 1 5 , 69- 1 82; Franklin Rosemont, ed., Andre Breton-What is Surrealism?: Selected Writings (New York: Pathfinder, 1 978), pp. 83-92; Arnold, Modernism andNegritude, pp. 1 2- 1 3.

NOTES 9 7

1 1 . Quote fro m Penelope Rosemont, ed., Surrealist Women: A n International Anthology (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1 998), p. 1 37; Franklin Rosemont, "Suzanne Cesaire: In the Light of Surrealism," (unpublished paper in author's possession) .

1 2. Penelope Rosemont, ed., Surrealist Women, pp. 1 36-37. "Surrealism and Us: 1 943" is also reprinted in Michael Richardson, ed., Refusalofthe Shadow, pp. 1 23-26, but I prefer Rosemont's translation.

1 3. Brent Hayes Edwards offers an illuminating description of Cesaire's poetic challenge to surrealism. While he sees Cesaire's work as a departure from Surrealism, I like to think of it as a transformation. Brent Hayes Edwards, "Ethnics of Surrealism," Transition 78 ( 1 999), pp. 1 32-34.

14. Jacqueline Leiner, "Entretien avec A.C.," in Tropiques, vol. I , ed. by Aime

Cesaire [facsimile reproduction] (paris: Editions Jean-Michel Place, 1 978). 1 5, Pallister, Aime Ctsaire, pp. 29-33. 16. Reprinted as "Poetry and Knowledge" i n Michael Richardson, ed., Refusal

of the Shadow, pp. 1 34- 1 4 5 . 1 7. Rosemont, ed., Andre Breton-What is Surrealism?, pp. 36-37; Maurice

Nadeau, The History of Surrealism, trans. by Richard Howard (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1 989, orig. 1 944), p. 1 1 7; "M urderous H umanitarianism," reprinted in &tee Traitor--Speciallssue-­ Surrealism: Revolution Against Whiteness 9 (Summer 1 998), pp. 67-69. The document first appeared in Nancy Cunard, ed., Negro: An Anthology (New York, 1 996 reprint, orig. 1 934).

1 8. Cedric J. Robinson, "Fascism and the Response of Black Radical Theorists" (unpublished paper in author's possession); Cedric J. Robinson, "Fascism and the Intersection of Capitalism, Racialism, and Historical Conscious­ ness," Humanities in Society 3, no. 6 (Autumn 1 983), pp. 325-49; Cedric J. Robinson, "The African Diaspora and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis," Race and Class 27, no. 2 (Autumn 1 98 5), pp. 5 1 -65; W.E. B . Du Bois, The

Autobiography of W.E.B. Du Bois, ed. by Herbert Aptheker (New York: International Publishers, 1 968), pp. 305-6; Ralph J. Bunche, "French and British Imperialism in West Africa," Journal of Negro History 2 1 , no. 1

(January 1 936), p. 3 1 ; W.E.B. Du Bois, The World andAfrica (New York: International Publishers, 1 947) , p. 23.

1 9. Cesaire, Senghor, and their colleagues i n the Negritude movement had been fascinated with Leo Frobenius, the German irrationalist whose massive

98 D l SCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

20.

2 1 .

22.

23.

24.

2 5 .

ethnography, Histoire de la civilisation afticaine, provided a powerful defense

of Mrican civilization. See Suzanne Cesaire, "Leo Frobenius and the Prob­

lem of Civilization [ 1 94 1 ] , " in Michael Richardson, ed., Refosal of the

Shadow, pp. 82-87; L.S. Senghor, 'The Lessons of Leo Frobenius," in Leo

Frobenius: An Anthology, ed. E. Haberland (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner

Verlag, 1 973), p. vii; Jacqueline Leiner, "Entretien avec A.c." Aime "Introduction to Victor Schoelcher," Esclavage et colonisation (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1 948), p. 7; also quoted in Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. by Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1 967), 1 30-3 1 . Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, p . 1 30.

Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition

(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000).

Arnold, Modernism and Negritude, p. 1 4, pp. 1 69-70; Susan Frutkin, Aime

Gesaire: Black Between Worlds, pp. 26-27.

Aime Cesaire, Letter to Maurice Thora (Paris: Presence Mricaine, 1 9 57), p.

6, p. 7, pp. 14- 1 5 . Manthia Diawara, In Search ofAftica (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

1 9 98), pp. 6-7. Although the specific topic of Diawara's essay is Jean-Paul

Sartre's "Black Orpheus," he is speaking generally here about a whole body

of literature that includes works by Cesaire and Fanon.

1.

2 .

3 .

4.

5 .

[ Notes }

D I S COURS E ON C O L O N I ALI S M

by Aime Ctsaire

This is a reference to the account of the taking ofThuan-An which appeared

in Le Figaro in September } 883 and is quoted in N. Serban's book, Loti, sa

vie, son oeuvre. "Then the great slaughter had begun. They had fired in

double-salvos! and it was a pleasure to see these sprays of bullets, that were

so easy to aim, come down on them twice a minute, surely and methodically,

on command . . . . We saw some who were quite mad and stood up seized

with a dizzy desire to run . . . . They zigzagged, running every which way in

this race with death, holding their garments up around their waists in a

comical way . . . and then we amused ourselves counting the dead, etc."

A railroad line connecting Brazzaville with the port of Poi me-Noire. (Trans.) In classical mythology Silenus was a satyr, the son of Pan. He was the

foster-father of Bacchus, the god of wine, and is described as a jolly old man,

usually drunk. (Trans.)

Not a bad fellow at bottom, as later events proved, but on that day in an

absolute frenzy.

Jules Romains is the pseudonym of Louis Farigoule, which he legally

adopted in 1 953. Salsette is a character in one of his books, Salsette Discovers

America (1 942, translated by Lewis Galantiere). The passage quoted, however,

99

1 00 D I S C O U RS E ON COLONIALISM

appears only i n the expanded second edition of the book, published in

France in 1 9 5 0 . (Trans .) 6. The responses of the celebrated Greek oracle at Dodona were revealed in

the rustling of t�e leaves of a sacred oak tree. The cauldron, a famous treasure of the temple, consisted of a brass figure holding in its hand a whip made of chains, which, when agitated by the wind, struck a brass cauldron, producing extraordi narily prolonged vibrations. (frans.)

7. From the opening pages of Descartes's Discours de la methode, as translated by Arthur Wollaston in the Penguin edition ( 1 960). (Trans.)

8. See Sheikh Anta Diop, Nations negres et culture, published by Editions Presence Africaine ( 1 9 5 5) . Herodotus having declared that the Egyptians were originally only a colony of the Ethiopians, and Diodorus Siculus having repeated the same thing and aggravated his offense by portraying the Ethiopians in such a way that no mistake was possible (UPlerique omnes, " to quote the Latin translation, "niro sunt colore, facie sima, crispis capillis, "Book III, Section 8), i t was of the greatest importance to mount a counterattack. That being granted, and almost all the Western scholars having deliberately set our to tear Egypt away from Africa, even at the risk of no longer being

able to explain it, there were several ways of accomplishing the task. Gustave Le Bon's method, blunt, brazen assertion: "The Egyptians are Hamites, that is to say, whites like the Lydians, the Getulians, the Moors, the Numidians, the Berbers"; Maspero's method, which consists of making a connection, contrary to all probability, between the Egyptian language and the Semitic languages, more especially the Hebrew-Aramaic type, from which follows the conclusion that originally the Egyptians must have been Semites; Weigall's method, geographical this time, according to which Egyptian civilization could only have been born in Lower Egypt, and that from there it passed into Upper Egypt, traveling up the river . . . seeing that it could not travel down (sic) . The reader will have understood that the secret reason why this was impossible is that Lower Egypt is near the Mediterranean, hence near the white populations, while Upper Egypt is near the country of

the Negroes. In this connection, it is interesting to oppose to Weigall's thesis

the views of Scheinfurth (Au coeur de IAfrique, vol. 1 ) on the origin of the flora and fauna of Egypt, which he places "hundreds of miles upriver."

9 . I t i s clear that I a m not attacking the Bantu philosophy here, but the way in which certain people try to use it for political ends.

NOTES 1 0 1

1 0. The name given by the French to the people ofIndochina (cf. U.S. "gook") . (Trans.)

1 1 . Isidore Ducasse--the title Comte de Lautreamont is a pen name-was a precursor of surrealism who, unknown during his brief lifetime ( 1 846- 1 870) had great influence on a later generation of poets. He is remembered for a single extraordinary work, the Chants de Maldoror, a kind of epic poem in prose whose satanic hero is in violent rebellion against God and society. The disconnected episodes through which Maldoror passes are a series of

fantastic visions, occasionally mystic and lyrical, more often grotesque, macabre, and erotic, filled with sadism and vampirism. The work as a whole has the intensity of a nightmare and seems almost to spring directly from the author's subconscious. (Trans.)

1 2 . Vautrin, who appears in Le Pere Goriot (1 834) and other novels, is the arch -villain of Balzac' s ComMie humaine. A master crirninal living under the guise of a former tradesman, he is corrupt, unscrupulous, and single-minded in his pursuit offortune. With cynical insight into capitalist society, Vautrin sees himself as no more immoral than the respectable b ourgeois of his time. (Trans.)

1 3 . From "Le Vin des chiffonniers" in Les Fleurs du mal, as translated by C. F.

Macintyre. (Trans.)

1 4 . See Roger Callois, "Illusions it rebours," NouveLle Revue Franfaise, December

and January 1 95 5 .

1 5 . It i s significant that at the very time when M . Caillois was launching his

crusade, a Belgian colonialist review inspired by the government (Europe­

Afrique, no. 6, January 1 95 5 ) , was making an absolutely identical arrack o n

ethnography: "Formerly, the colonizer's fundamental conception of his

relationship to the colonized man was that of a civilized man to a savage.

Thus colonization rested on a hierarchy, crude no doubt, but firm and

clear." It is this hierarchical relationship that the author of the article, a

certain M. Piron, accuses ethnography of destroying. Like M. CailIois, he

blames Michel Leiris and Claude Levi-Strauss. He reproaches the former

for having written, in his pamphlet La Question raciaLe devant fa science

moderne: "It is childish to try to set up a hierarchy of culture." The latter

for having attacked "false evolutionism:' because it "tries to suppress the

diversity of cultures, by considering them as stages in a single development

which, starting from the same point, should make them converge toward

1 02 DI SCOURSE ON COLONIALISM

the same goal." Mircea Eliade comes in for special treatment for having dared

to write the following: "The European no longer has natives before him,

but interlocutors. It is well to know how to begin the dialogue; it is

indispensable to recognize that there no longer exists a solution of continuity

between the so-called primitive or backward world and the modern Western

world." Lastly, it is for excessive egalitarianism, for once, that American

thinkers are taken to task-Otto Klineberg, professor of psychology at

Columbia University, having declared: «It is a fundamental error to consider

the other cultures as inferior to our own simply because they are different. "

Decidedly, M. Caillois i s in good company.

16. Les Carnets de Lucien Levy-Bruhl, Presses Universitaires de France, 1 949.