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Child Protection in Islamic Contexts: Identifying Cultural and Religious Appropriate Mechanisms and Processes Using a Roundtable Methodology

This paper reports on a piece of research which brought together eight Islamic scholars, four child protection academics and two international development agencies to identify mechanisms and processes which safeguard children from harm that are congruent with Islamic scholarship and practices. Roundtable methodology was used to share knowledge, build networks and increase engagement with child protection by bringing together different stakeholders to share experiences and encourage collaboration in a relatively cost-effective manner. Four key themes were identified following initial qualitative data analysis of the roundtable discussion: (1) The convergence and divergence in Islamic thought on issues of child protection; (2) knowledge sharing and partnership working; (3) individual and collective wellbeing; and (4) mechanisms and tools for intervention. Findings from the roundtable indicate that a reliance on solely Western-based models does not allow for the trust and credibility that enable intervention at a deeper level in Islamic communities. Critically, the roundtable highlighted a significant gap in how Islamic knowledge and principles are practically applied to child protection policy and practice in international development contexts. Next steps are identified for building a knowledge base that can be practised in Islamic communities. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

KEY PRACTITIONER MESSAGES: • Religious communities are invaluable partners for protecting children and

enhancing wellbeing. • Despite clear guidance from the Quran and the Sunna about the principles of child

protection in Muslim communities, local customs and socio-political contexts can challenge their application.

• Mutual learning and shared knowledge between child protection actors and religious actors is key.

• Community harmony needs to be considered alongside individual experiences within families.

• Mistrust of ‘outsiders’ is a significant barrier to engaging with organic child protection mechanisms in Islamic contexts.

Correspondence to: Aisha Jane Hutchinson, Tilda Goldberg Centre, University of Bedfordshire, Park Square, Luton LU1 3JU, UK. E-mail: Aisha.Hutchinson@beds.ac.uk

Aisha Jane Hutchinson* Tilda Goldberg Centre, University of Bedfordshire, UK; Faculty of Human and Social Sciences, University of Southampton, UK; Centre for Social Development in Africa, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa

Patrick O’Leary Griffith University, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia

Jason Squire Kristen Hope Terre des hommes, Lebanon

‘Bringing together different stakeholders to share experiences and encourage collaboration in a relatively cost-effective manner’

Child Abuse Review Vol. 24: 395–408 (2015) Published online 3 April 2014 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/car.2304

KEY WORDS: child protection; international development; Islam; roundtable methodology

Child protection is a global concern which has mobilised internationalorganisations and national governments around the world to improve the safety and wellbeing of children. Many of the most serious and chronic protection concerns for children exist in developing countries, especially nations that have been affected by protracted conflict, political unrest or natural disasters (Healy, 2008; Lyons et al., 2006; O’Leary and Squire, 2012). While there is an overwhelming agreement that nation states have primary responsibilities to protect children, humanitarian aid and international development programmes also mobilise resources to respond to these situations. This illuminates diverse arrays of cultural, religious and societal structures which propose quite different mechanisms to protect children, of which child protection in Islamic contexts is just one example. Child protection concerns manifest themselves in Islamic communities

as they do in all communities, with particular concerns identified in relation to mother and newborn health, birth registration, child labour, corporal punishment and female genital mutilation (FGM) (Statistical, Economic and Social Research and Training Centre for Islamic Countries (SESRIC), 2010; UNICEF, 2009). For centuries, Islamic teachings, jurisprudence and philosophy have made provisions to protect and promote the welfare of children, yet Islamic thinking and processes have not been well integrated into the programmes of international child protection agencies (UNICEF, 2011). Definitions of child abuse and protection are culturally bound, along with decisions that professionals make in response to abuse (Agathonos-Georgopoulou, 1997; Connolly et al., 2006; Gough and Lynch, 2002). Religion and faith, and their associated cultural dimensions, are important social factors which influence governance, social practices and beliefs around childbearing, rearing, wellbeing and protection, shaping the way that child protection concerns are defined, identified and addressed (Chakrabartia and Chaudhuri, 2007; Connolly et al., 2006; Gilligan, 2009; Pallikadavath et al., 2004). Additionally, religious communities are invaluable partners for protecting children, particularly when religious actors have developed trusted relationships with their communities and strong links with the most vulnerable and disadvantaged (Religions for Peace and UNICEF, 2010; United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 2009; UNICEF, 2012). While it is widely recognised that religion, faith and culture shape our

investigations, interpretations and responses to child abuse and neglect (Connolly et al., 2006), relatively limited research has been undertaken in this area (Agathonos-Georgopoulou, 1992; Welbourne, 2002), especially regarding the way that interventions are understood by religious families and communities (Garb and Goren, 2010). In this paper, we report on a piece of research which brought together Islamic scholars, child protection academics and international development agencies to identify mechanisms and processes which safeguard children from harm that are congruent with Islamic scholarship and practices.

‘Many of the most serious and chronic protection concerns for children exist in developing countries’

‘Religious communities are invaluable partners for protecting children’

396 Hutchinson et al.

Background

Since its inception in the eighth century, Islamic teachings have made specific references to the duty of society, through the family unit, to protect children, providing them with an environment where they can reach their full potential (Olowu, 2008; UNICEF, 2012; UNICEF and Al-Azhar University, 2005). Of particular note is the broad spectrum of texts and practice enshrining Islamic law and jurisprudence, namely the Sharia, comprising ‘revealed’ and ‘non-revealed’ sources. Scholars of Islam have derived a number of ‘rights’ that every child should

enjoy under all circumstances. These include a child’s right to life, sustenance, property, freedom of conscience, parentage, inheritance and maintenance, a proper upbringing and to guardianship both of person and property (UNICEF and Al-Azhar University, 2005). The Sharia also contains safeguards for a child’s welfare, for example, it delineates the limits of parental authority and places duties on parents to educate and guide their child correctly (Olowu, 2008). Islamic jurisprudence regarding the welfare of the child is broader than the legal safeguards espoused in international legal instruments, including non- enforceable religious, moral and social obligations to protect children. This multidimensional approach, encompassing legal sanction and religious and social measures, strengthens and enriches the international legal efforts on the rights of the child (Olowu, 2008). Commitments to protect children have recently been more formally captured

through the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation’s Covenant on the Right of a Child in Islam (OICCRCI), which is a set of guiding principles for the care and protection of children in Muslim countries. The OICCRCI enumerates rights and obligations to protect children derived from Islamic principles and values, and these rights and freedoms are to be enjoyed by all children without discrimination. The covenant was adopted by the 32nd Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers in Yemen (June 2005) and reflects the obligations of individuals and states towards child protection under the Sharia. This covenant is clearly positioned to reorient the dominant discourse of the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) when it comes to Muslim children and child protection initiatives in Islamic communities, although there are many similarities and many nation states are signatories to both documents. Over the last decade, there has been a growing recognition of tensions,

misunderstandings and resistance to the UNCRC’s principles being uncritically adopted in Islamic contexts (Holtzhausen, 2011; Rajabi-Ardeshiri, 2009; UNICEF, 2012; UNICEF and Al-Azhar University, 2005). International non- governmental organisations (INGOs) have reported difficulties in child protection programming regarding their awareness and understanding of Islamic systems of governance and its influence, localised customs and Islamic jurisprudence (O’Leary and Squire, 2012; Squire and Hope, 2013; Miles, 1996; UNICEF, 2012). This is accentuated when INGOs are non-Islamic or ‘Western-based’ institutions that are less likely to be embedded within the local community’s culture and are suspected of delivering aid with a covert political, social, religious and/or economic agenda (Holtzhausen, 2011; O’Leary and Squire, 2012; Rajabi-Ardeshiri, 2009). Whilst most of the concepts promoted by the UNCRC are aligned with Islamic standpoints on child protection, the

‘Scholars of Islam have derived a number of ‘rights’ that every child should enjoy under all circumstances’

‘There are many similarities and many nation states are signatories to both documents’

397Child Protection in Islamic Contexts

processes and epistemological perspectives underpinning these standpoints are likely to differ; and because of this, so too will the strategies aimed at protecting children and preventing abuse. Problematically, Western-centric child protection initiatives in some Islamic contexts are seen to progress on a superficial level, but often fail to fully engage with communities (Al-Krenawi and Graham, 2000, 2003; O’Leary and Squires, 2012). This is especially the case with very sensitive issues such as early marriage, physical or sexual abuse and/or gender discrimination (UNICEF, 2012). Despite the wealth of literature on the rights and obligations of parents and

their children under Islam, and the importance of promoting partnerships between INGOs and faith communities (Robinson, 2010; UNICEF, 2012), there is a lack of literature and little discussion on the practical application of these principles (Garb and Goren, 2010). This includes their conversion into child protection programmes and the role of non-Islamic parties in promoting these mechanisms. Professionals working across cultures need to be aware of diverse approaches to child-rearing and be able to distinguish between practices which cause harm and those which positively enhance cultural identity (Koramoa et al., 2002). Limited research and policy engagement have resulted in a lack of empirically based learning to guide and assist INGOs and governments when programming in Islamic contexts and with faith-based communities. This paper seeks to address these gaps in knowledge and to identify mechanisms and processes that are congruent with Islamic scholarship to inform child protection practice in Islamic contexts.

Methods

Aims, Objectives and Research Questions

The aim of the roundtable was to establish and explore existing child protection mechanisms in Islamic communities that may be unknown or overlooked by INGOs (Squire and Hope, 2013). Partners were drawn from academic institutions and INGOs to examine Islamic approaches which could be used to prevent or respond to child protection risks. Specifically, the roundtable sought to engage with the following research questions:

1. What do the different mathahib (Islamic schools of thought) propose to inform, prevent or address specific child protection risks?

2. How can organic and/or formal Islamic community processes be applied to child protection programming to support intervention and prevention?

3. What methods are present and necessary to engage families and communities in Islamic processes and mechanisms that protect children?

Roundtable Methodology

Roundtables have been used to identify interpretive knowledge and likely responses to social phenomena (Kellam and Langevin, 2003; Pearson et al., 2002). They have also been used to increase community engagement with social problems by bringing together different stakeholders to share experiences, brainstorm and problem-solve, build networks and to encourage collaboration in a relatively cost-effective manner (Hoek and Johnson,

‘There is a lack of literature and little discussion on the practical application of these principles’

‘To establish and explore existing child protection mechanisms in Islamic communities that may be unknown or overlooked’

398 Hutchinson et al.

2010; Pennel et al., 2008). As such, they offer a forum for a diverse array of insights to be shared without a necessity for uniform consensus, which is especially relevant given the sensitive and political nature of child protection concerns across cultural and religious boundaries. However, there is limited methodological literature available to promote the use of roundtables in the social sciences. In education and policy research, designed experiments have been used in roundtables to test responses to social and pedagogical problems (Stoker and John, 2009). Roundtable methodology is distinct from focus group methodology

(Pennel et al., 2008) because it facilitates two-way exchange and problem- solving across groups of stakeholders who are all invested in the topic of discussion or ‘problem’, building bridges between groups while sharing, reviewing and consolidating knowledge (O’Flaherty et al., 2011). While facilitators were used to manage group dynamics and ensure the aims and objectives of the roundtable were met, participants were free to shape and guide the discussion, blurring the boundaries between researchers and participants. A model of the roundtable approach used is shown in Figure 1.

The Roundtable in Action

Participants The two-day roundtable, held in Beirut in June 2011, drew together eight Islamic scholars from the Middle East (including Sunni and Shiite Muslims), seven representatives from two child protection and international development agencies (Foundation Terre des hommes Lausanne (Tdh) and Islamic Relief Worldwide (IRW)) and four child protection academics from the University of Southampton and Qatar University. In total, 19 participants attended, in addition to two bilingual facilitators, two note takers (Arabic and English) and two bilingual

Figure 1. Model of the CPIC roundtable. CPIC = Child protection in Islamic contexts; IRW = Islamic Relief Worldwide; Tdh = Foundation Terre des hommes Lausanne; INGOs = international non-governmental organisations.

‘Offer a forum for a diverse array of insights to be shared without a necessity for uniform consensus’

‘In total, 19 participants attended’

399Child Protection in Islamic Contexts

translators. While participants were largely male, two female Islamic scholars were present and two female child protection academics. One of the female note takers also contributed to some of the discussions. In-depth introductions were made and a clarification of intentions and goals underpinning the roundtable were reiterated throughout (Squire and Hope, 2013). Critically, the roundtable methodology was used as a mechanism to bring

together various stakeholders in child protection who do not often ‘speak’ with each other. Participants were invited to suggest responses to specific child protection problems in a ‘safe’ environment to shape policy, intervention tools and prevention formulation. The roundtable methodology was used because it offered a model for bringing together different ‘experts’ to share, listen and problem-solve where all contributions were valued and explored.

Supporting Documentation Two literature reviews on child protection in Islamic contexts were commissioned to inform the roundtable process: one based on literature written in English, and the other on literature written in Arabic. These reviews were available in both Arabic and English. Participants were sent a copy of the reviews in their respective language prior to the roundtable, as well as a copy of the UNICEF and Al-Azhar University (2005) report entitled Children in Islam: Their Care, Development and Protection. Opportunities were given through the roundtable to comment on or refer to this baseline literature. UNICEF’s model of the protective environment was also distributed in both Arabic and English to provide a conceptual framework for the multiple levels and systems that work together to protect children (Landgren, 2005; UNICEF, 2006).

Prioritisation of Islamic Knowledge Islamic scholars, invited by the IRW and Tdh, formed a primary panel to discuss child protection issues using Islamic teachings, with all other participants arranged to observe their discussion, intervening at key moments with questions and reflections. In this context, the acknowledgement and understanding of Islamic teachings from different mathahib were used to inform the practical application of child protection models, navigating the mixing and interpretation of different teachings and community processes. To facilitate this, it was important at the very beginning to clarify the ‘intention’ of the roundtable and what would be ‘done’ with the information produced. Assurance was made that Islamic knowledge and teachings drawn from the Quran and the Sunna would be heard without judgment and not misrepresented by non-Islamic recipients.

Case Studies and Programme Development While the roundtable sought to provide a platform for discussion and mutual learning, the aim was to construct applied knowledge for use by those working in child protection intervention, prevention and policy development in Islamic contexts globally, primarily within the international development field. Two case studies were used to gain a better understanding of how different Islamic schools of thought might deal with specific protection risks both theoretically and practically based on a design experiment approach (Stoker and John, 2009). A series of prompts for discussion were used to facilitate this process, allowing for questions and comments from all participants.

‘A model for bringing together different ‘experts’ to share, listen and problem- solve’

‘It was important at the very beginning to clarify the ‘intention’ of the roundtable’

‘Two case studies were used to gain a better understanding of how different Islamic schools of thought might deal with specific protection risks’

400 Hutchinson et al.

Through this, different perspectives on child protection risks were identified, as well as differences between the protection strategies suggested to mitigate or eliminate risks. The roundtable culminated in the design of a potential child protection

intervention by Islamic scholars targeted at a specific context in response to a specific child protection risk (Squire and Hope, 2013). This exercise elucidated many of the specific tools and mechanisms which child protection agencies might draw upon in the future. This helped to channel earlier discussions, which had been very general and largely macro in focus, into applied examples at a micro-level.

Facilitation and Translation Two facilitators were crucial for managing and keeping the discussion flowing and simultaneous translation took place between Arabic and English, facilitated by two professional translators. The roundtable discussion and data were recorded by two dedicated Arabic and English note takers, using audio and audio-visual means. The audio recording and notes were used to compile a roundtable synopsis and executive summary which were distributed to all participants for comments following the roundtable and disseminated using established networks (Squire and Hope, 2013). It is these documents which form the main body of data resulting from the roundtable and inform the analysis for this paper.

Results

Several key themes were identified through the coding of themes following initial data analysis from the roundtable transcripts and confirmatory discussion with participants, namely: the convergence and divergence in Islamic thought on issues of child protection; knowledge sharing and partnership working; individual and collective wellbeing; and mechanisms and tools for intervention. Each will now be examined in more detail.

Convergence and Divergence in Islamic Thought on Issues of Child Protection

An important initial area of discussion was whether or not the various mathahib, or Islamic schools of thought, differed in their guidance on protection issues. While Siddiqui (2006) suggests that child abuse and issues of child protection are largely ignored in many Islamic contexts, all participants recognised that child abuse occurs and agreed that, in general, the mathahib did not differ significantly regarding child protection. Small differences emerged in terms of jurisprudence which were often linked to different customs and traditions. Discussion throughout the roundtable reiterated and cemented the importance of children and their protection in Islamic scholarship, and examples were given of how Islam protects children before they are born right through to ensuring suitable marriage when they are mature. This is reflected by references to children in many key Islamic texts and it was emphasised that the most vulnerable children, such as those who drop out from school, orphans and street children, should benefit from tangible services and protection, not just words.

‘Two facilitators were crucial for managing and keeping the discussion flowing’

‘Small differences emerged in terms of jurisprudence which were often linked to different customs and traditions’

401Child Protection in Islamic Contexts

There was also a general consensus that society and the wider community, including religious leaders, have a role to play in protecting children even when they are not specifically requested to do so. The role of a sheikh (elder) or imam (religious leader who leads congregational prayer) was predominantly seen as one of a counsellor, to facilitate communication and give guidance rather than force changes or engage uninvited in family life, particularly in contexts where they have no statutory powers. All of the scholars acknowledged that even with clear guidance from the

Quran and Sunna about the principles of child protection in Muslim communities, this is challenged by local traditions, customs and socio-political circumstances. Poor and variable levels of education in different communities around the world compound the misinterpretation of Islamic texts resulting in some practices being incorrectly considered as Islamic. FGM was identified as one example because it is not mentioned in the Quran and declared as haram (forbidden) in Islam but some localised community traditions and cultures still see it practised. Even at the roundtable, scholars expressed different interpretations about this practice. Another example was given in response to the issue of custodianship and whether guardianship of a fatherless child should be granted to either the maternal or paternal uncle. It emerged that differences exist between Islamic sects regarding this issue. Similarly, there were differing opinions about whether a woman who had had her hymen reconstructed following rape was obliged to inform her future husband and whether she should be considered as a virgin. In regard to the use of contraception, for example, differences were highlighted within and between mathahib. In Islam, childbearing is linked to the ability of parents to care for their child emotionally and materially. If this is absent, a case can be made for family planning, with participants using the example of the fatwa issued by Imam Khomeini in Iran that families should not have more than two children. Overall, such debates draw attention to the complexities of assuming the existence of a singular ‘Islamic perspective’, the importance of education and the need for high-quality engagement with multiple Islamic contexts and different forms of local knowledge.

Knowledge Sharing and Partnership Working

In response to the case studies and programming exercise, Islamic scholars agreed that imams and sheikhs play a key role in the protection process, both by engaging directly with families and raising awareness in the community about religious teachings on social issues. One scholar summed this up by emphasising that the role of the sheikh should be one of broader social and humanitarian education, not just worship, saying: ‘The local religious authorities should be informed, they have a role to intervene in the family, not just giving sermons’. However, it was recognised that imams are not always aware of the formal legal provisions for child protection or the aetiology of child abuse. This acknowledgement resulted in the identification of the need for specialist training on child protection so that imams and skeikhs could work alongside other professionals. Such an arrangement would be in accordance with Qur’anic teachings that encourage expertise to be sought from specialist disciplines when needed. The scholars participating in the roundtable suggested that Western international development organisations and

‘Misinterpretation of Islamic texts resulting in some practices being incorrectly considered as Islamic’

‘Islamic scholars agreed that imams and sheikhs play a key role in the protection process’

402 Hutchinson et al.

community-level imams and sheikhs join forces to work together to educate the community, using each other as a resource to promote mutual learning and establish best practice for tackling child protection concerns. In line with the need for imams and sheikhs to be trained in child protection,

there was an equally strong agreement that child protection workers from INGOs should receive training about Islamic teachings, ensuring that they have good local knowledge of the laws and religious texts related to children. This might include: knowledge of who should take custody of the child in different situations; laws regarding the discipline of children; what the status is under Islam of a girl who has been raped and who needs to know about it; the minimum age or criteria at which girls can be married; whether or not the promotion of contraception is encouraged; and whether abortion is permissible and when. It was stated that social workers should be able to seek involvement from a whole range of relevant actors, from religious courts and imams to the child’s family members.

Individual and Collective Wellbeing

Protecting children sometimes involves uninvited interventions into family life which can raise questions about how society views conflicts between the rights of parents and the rights of children (Welbourne, 2002). In response to the case studies, inquiries were made about how individual children or families are safeguarded when the protection strategy conflicts with wider family or social wellbeing. An example was given from practice where difficulties arose in protecting a child because the perpetrator of violence was well regarded and had influence in the community. One sheikh felt that a dual-pronged approach was necessary, focusing on ‘treatment’ at the level of the individual and ‘prevention’ at the level of the community. However, another scholar stated that in religious law, ‘if there is a conflict between the interests of the individual and the community, then the interests of the community may supersede the interests of the individual’. Given the careful, cautious and complex negotiations needed to gain the best

outcomes for children without causing public shame, it was felt important that child protection workers were also community members, ensuring that they have intimate understanding of the communities that they work in. Garb and Goren (2010) also found that careful readings of the complex interplay between cultural and contextual factors were required when working with Negev Bedouin families and their children in Islamic contexts. Literature has shown that it is very difficult to perceive the world of another and easy to impose our views on others even while trying to be culturally sensitive (Connolly et al., 2006). Tacit cultural knowledge, that which is automatic, embedded and implicit, of which people often have limited awareness of, was felt to be best accessed through equipping community members to protect their children (Bourdieu, 1990; Connolly et al., 2006). Islamic scholars suggested that cases first needed to be dealt with by civil

society rather than the authorities because of the shame it might bring to the community, possibly putting victims at further risk. Not reporting an offender to the authorities, for example, might be considered as protective if the matter is sufficiently dealt with by the family and local community because it would prevent the child from being blamed for bringing shame to the community and/or his family or kinship network.

‘It was stated that social workers should be able to seek involvement from a whole range of relevant actors’

‘Careful readings of the complex interplay between cultural and contextual factors were required’

403Child Protection in Islamic Contexts

Unlike the majority of ‘Western’ responses (Gordon and Owen, 2010), throughout the roundtable Islamic scholars always situated the child within the family and wider community, recognising the interconnectedness of community wellbeing. It was suggested that social workers ‘need to know how to treat an individual without neglecting other individuals’. Therefore, the rehabilitation of offenders needs to be considered alongside protection mechanisms for the child. For example, if a girl is subject to rape or abuse, then consideration also needs to be given to the impact that this may have on the process of marriage, family shame and the reaction of her future husband. The use of abortion, for example, may be advocated not only because it might protect and prevent further problems for a young woman, but also because it might protect and prevent problems for her wider family and community. Islamic scholarship encourages societies to defend their members, and seeks

to protect children against the social, economic and political changes that undermine such rights. Individual wellbeing is catered for, then, through the responsibility that families and communities have for caring for each other. Engagement at a community and family level is therefore required while taking into account individual experiences within families.

Mechanisms and Tools for Intervention

Practitioners working in child protection need to know the range of helping systems within a community which are intended to protect children from harm (Connolly et al., 2006; Miles, 1996). One of the main aims of the roundtable was to establish and explore the existing organic child protection mechanisms in Islamic communities that are frequently overlooked or operate outside the programming approaches of INGOs. The following mechanisms and tools which child protection agencies may engage with alongside Islamic community and religious leaders were identified:

• Solh (reconciliation councils which often include imams and sheikhs who act as a third party, providing guidance and mediation between conflicting parties drawing on Islamic jurisprudence).

• Engaging the support of religious leaders and elders to take an active role in promoting child protection messages in Friday sermons.

• Visits by imams and sheikhs to the homes of vulnerable children. • Centrality of mosques for the promotion of child protection, providing access to

support from the wider community such as the use of ‘zakat’ (charitable donations). • Spiritual/religious and family courts. • Supporting the wider family (grandparents/overall head of the family) to protect

children and investigate claims of abuse or neglect. • Creating child protection coalitions between religious leaders, community

figures, respected leaders, school headmasters, doctors, social workers, other civil actors, family members and young people.

• Developing a family code with religious leaders to remind families of the civil responsibilities that they have for protection.

• Advocacy for change in laws to protect children (e.g. compulsory education or a minimum age for marriage).

• Using media campaigns and web technology to promote messages of protection.

When identifying the challenges associated with programme development, it was recognised that there are significant obstacles in regard to local political parties and social hierarchy, for example, powerful families who might resist

‘Practitioners working in child protection need to know the range of helping systems within a community’

‘Islamic scholars always situated the child within the family and wider community’

‘There are significant obstacles in regard to local political parties and social hierarchy’

404 Hutchinson et al.

intervention, especially on such sensitive issues as incest or sexual abuse. This may be challenging, particularly in conservative contexts where issues are present but not always acknowledged, or contexts where there are high levels of mistrust between communities and INGOs. All Islamic scholars identified the mistrust of ‘outsiders’ and Western-based

organisations as a significant barrier to engaging with community-based mechanisms in Islamic contexts. Participants voiced the concern that INGOs can be perceived as spies or conspirators with a Western political agenda. Making use of the aforementioned processes, therefore, requires partnerships with community leaders as sources of support and legitimacy. However, the tools and mechanisms that can be clearly linked to Islamic scholarship and law, that are appropriate and accepted by the local community, offer an opportunity for sustainable engagement and change.

Discussion and Implications for Practice

The roundtable methodology was chosen to open up dialogue between child protection specialists and Islamic scholars on some of the issues faced by child protection workers in humanitarian contexts and to identify the role of Islamic scholarship for making child protection strategies more effective in Islamic contexts. The roundtable methodology, based on principles of mutual respect, listening and discussion but not necessarily consensus, was critical for bridging the divide between Islamic scholars and Western communities; a significant step given the history of mutual doubt that exists between the two, especially in the context of sensitive protection issues (O’Leary and Squires, 2012; Pew, 2011; UNICEF, 2012). The roundtable drew attention to the fact that despite the wealth of literature

on the rights of children under Islam, there is a lack of knowledge and little discussion on the practical application of these principles, their conversion into intervention and prevention programmes, and the role of non-Islamic parties in promoting these mechanisms. The use of case studies and a programming activity were therefore essential for illuminating the practical implications of Islamic teachings related to children and their protection during the roundtable discussions. Research has shown that professionals often retain their own cultural

attitudes to child protection rather than engage in shared transcultural understandings (Chan et al., 2002; Gilligan, 2009). Cross-cultural training and knowledge sharing has been recognised as a key factor in building better partnerships with families from different cultures (Cemlyn, 2000; Webb et al., 2002). The discussions held at the roundtable indicated that a reliance on solely Western-based knowledge and models of child protection does not allow for the trust and credibility needed to intervene at a deep level, especially in regard to sensitive issues such as child sexual abuse or early marriage. The importance of community harmony that can take precedence over the individual rights of children has significant implications for how some protection problems can be approached in Islamic contexts. Engaging the local imam or sheikh to work on child protection cases and the need for substantial knowledge exchange between social workers and religious leaders were echoed in many guises throughout the roundtable.

‘The roundtable methodology… was critical for bridging the divide between Islamic scholars and Western communities’

‘Cross-cultural training and knowledge sharing has been recognised as a key factor’

‘All Islamic scholars identified the mistrust of ‘outsiders’ and Western-based organisations as a significant barrier’

405Child Protection in Islamic Contexts

The challenges of partnership working were briefly raised during the programme design exercise; however, it was felt that developments would not be made until exchanges in knowledge and values were undertaken. While exchange in explicit knowledge is fairly straightforward, exchanges of cultural, tacit and implicit knowledge or experiences are more complex and take time. Further discussion is needed to illuminate the different epistemological foundations of child protection principles to identify why responses to the same protection concerns can be so diverse. It was not always clear whether the tools and mechanisms based on Islamic processes could be used by non- Muslim workers or organisations, and how appropriate they would be in response to different child protection risks. Further research is needed to examine the ways in which the mechanisms and tools identified may be used by international development agencies, the challenges involved in doing so and whether this would actually result in more effective protection mechanisms for children living in Islamic communities. Literature engaged with culture and child protection increasingly calls for the voices of children and young people to be carefully listened to if we want to develop culturally responsive services which work for them (Connolly et al., 2006; Gordon and Owen, 2010; Marks, 2006; Miles and Thomas, 2007). Further research in this area needs to include children and young people, even if this is culturally challenging to do so.

Concluding Remarks

The roundtable discussion informs a large-scale second project which combines concentrated research topics’ examination, community-based programme trialling, evidence-based learning and knowledge dissemination in a range of locations and cultural contexts. Combined, both of these projects are likely to have fundamental implications for academic, governmental and international development child protection programming in all Islamic contexts globally. This includes work with Muslim minority communities in Western contexts such as the UK, Australia and the USA where practitioners have also been criticised for failing to accurately conceptualise the cultural, social and religious contexts from which ethnic/religious minority parents operate (Gilligan, 2009; Welbourne, 2002). Knowledge created about the process of engaging with Islamic perspectives on child protection is as crucial and important as the actual mechanisms identified. While this promises to be a challenging and ambitious study, the benefits for Muslim children are expected to be substantial.

Acknowledgements

We acknowledge all of the roundtable participants and the four main partners who provided funding for this research: Tdh, IRW, the University of Southampton and Qatar University. Representatives from these institutions were also participants at the roundtable and oversaw the writing up of the final report, as well as this paper.

‘Further research in this area needs to include children and young people’

‘This promises to be a challenging and ambitious study’

‘Exchanges of cultural, tacit and implicit knowledge or experiences are more complex and take time’

406 Hutchinson et al.

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