Reflection paper

Chapter2 m The Cutturat Context 41

1. Recognize that no culture is purely in&vidualistic or purely collectivlsuc

2. Discuss the research behind the notion of a pancultural self

3. Identify some cultures that are high context and some that are low context

4. Compare value orientations among cultures

5. Compare and contrast large and small power distance cultures

6. Identify some cultures that are weak uncertainty avmdant and some that are strong uncertainty avoidant

7. Compare and contrast long-term and short-term orientation cultures

J

IStock com/Rawplxet

THE CULTURAL CONTEXT Culture hides more than it reveals, and strangely enough what it hides, tt hides

most effectwe[y from Its own parhclpants

-Edward T. HalP

he cultural context in which human communication occurs is perhaps the most

defining influence on human interaction. Culture provides the overall framework wherein humans learn to organize their thoughts, emotions, and behaviors in relation

to their environment. Although people are born into a culture, it is not innate. Culture is learned. Culture teaches one how to think, conditions one how to feel, and instructs one how to act, especially how to ÿnteract with others--in other words, how to commu-

nicate. In many respects, the terms communicatmn and culture can be used interchange- ably. Yet the influence of culture on human interacuon is paradoxical. As we conduct our daily lives, most of us are unaware of our culture; however, culture influences our

every thought, feeling, and action. As anthropologist Edward T. Hall asserted in the quote at the beginning of this chapter, culture hides more than it reveals, particularly

from its own members. Australian anthropologist Roger Keesmg argues that culture provides people v{ith an implicit theory about how to behave and how to interpret the behavior of others.2

We often think of a culture in terms of its geography; for example, we think of Saudl Arabia as a hot, desert culture and of Siberia as a cold, mountainous one But culture

is more a human phenomenon than a geographic one. And while geography certainly affects how people live within a particular culture, the people, more than the geogra- phy, are what constitute culture So when you thank of a culture, think about the peo- ple. It is also important to understand that cultures of people are not static but, rather,

dynamic. This means that cultures change; they are fluid, always moving. For example, in December 2015, for the first nme in history, women in Sau& Arabia were allowed to vote. Xanthe Ackerman and Christina Asqmth report that women in Saudi Arabia face numer-

ous barriers to financial and personal freedom, and in these elections, Saudl women won 20 seats, only 1% of the 2,100 municipal seats, which carry little power--but the pres- ence of women in government marks a significant evolution of women's rights and offers a role model for the next generation of Saudi women?

42 Intercultural Communication Chapter 2 la The Cultural Context 43

Over the past few decades, anthropologists, communication researchers, psycholo-

gists, and sociologists have isolated sevelal dimensions of cultmal vanabihty that can be used to diffeientiate cultmes. This chapter focuses on six dimensions of cultmal variabil-

ity' individualism-collectivism, hagh-low context, value oiientations, power distance, uncerta,nty avoidance, and long telm-short te, m orientauon. Each of these &mensions

affects how people communicate. The six dimensions of cultural vauabihty are piesented along cultural continua:

Low [ " ] High

The cultural continua allow us to replesent the dimensions of cultural variability as

continuous and varying in magnitude by degree. In other words, no culture is purely and absolutely mdividualisuc or collectivistic. Instead, a cultme may be more individualistic or more collecuvistic than some other cultule These cultural dimensions of variability

are not opposites; that is, a culture in which a large power distance is practiced should not be thought of as the opposite of a culture in which small powei distance is practiced. In some cases, dimensions of cultural variability may coexist in cultures. In addition, as

already mentioned, cultmes are not static or fixed in time; many cultures are in a state of great transition. ÿhus, a culture that was once considered collectivistic may now be con- sidered individualistic For example, Japan is considered a collectlvisuc, group-oriented

society. Howevel, since the 1950s, Japan has been strongly influenced by Weste:n culture. Many Japanese scholars have observed that the younger geneiatlon of Japanese, while still considered collectivistic, Is more individualistic than that of thei, palents and especially of their grandparents. Lkewise, although the United States is considered very individualistic,

many U S businesses and corporations employ collectlvlsnc management models m the

workplace, focusing on teamwork and cooperation. Finally, and this is an important point, when we label a culture as mdlwduallstlc--or

large power distance and so forth--that does not mean that every person in that cul- ture is an individualist. The United States, for example, is considered an individualistic

cukute, yet gioups within the United States ate collectivistic. While leading through this chapter, remember that cultures are not static. Cultmes are dynamic, continuously

developing and evolving.

IN DIVI DU ALIS M-COLLE CTIVI S M

E 7-

.Q

g

Ruqaya K. Ibrah=m

Peihaps the single most studied dimension of cultuial variability used to compare and contrast cultures and mlcrocultures is indwlduahsm-collectivism (see Figure 2.1).

Cultures falling on one side of the continuum ate individualistic, while those falling

toward the other side are collectivistic. Cultures falling at the midpoint might have both individualistic and collectivistic characteristics. Regardless of culture, most persons carry

both individualistic and collectivistic ten-

dencms to some degree. The difference Is that m some cultures individualistic ten-

Individualism < ,.===---.----ÿ Collectivism dencles dominate, while m others collec- uvistic tendencies dominate,4

I was born in Sudan and grew up In Abu Dhabl, United Arab Emlrates I was raised In an Arab col,[ectwlshc cul,ture [between Sudan and the UAE} Yet I sometimes wonder ff I would have fit m better In a Western mdlvldual,lstlc culture, where commumcatlon is more transparent and

cl,earer I can ÿoe quite dwect, and I have been thts way for as tong as I can remember That got me In trouble sometimes, especml,ly when I was a chll,d 0ftentrmes my parents would feel. embar- rassed by my frank remarks with guests or re[- atwes, as some perceived my candid comments

as dlsrespectfuU Moreover, some friends also referred to tt as "brutal. honesty" Even though my mtenhon was stmpl,y to be cl,ear and upfront In my mteractmns

In a work context, assertweness did not work to my advantage In many cases Iworkedlnthe architectural industry in a mal,e-dominated organization In the Mrddl,e East Ahlgh-context culture that rehed heavll,y on nonverbal cues,

which did not make sense to me at the hme Being candid and direct was not normative, espe-

clal,[y since the few femal,es working there were re[atwel,yqulet and dtscreet In my experience, being assertwe commumcated self-confidence,

yet sometimes It was mtsmterpreted as aggres-

sive l admit that l have been ln sltuahons where it was percewed as aggressive, after becoming

frustrated with the mdwectness and evasweness of my coworkers and managers These commu-

mcatwe dynamics ted me to pursue a shift in my career as an architect

I recentl,y graduated with a degree In social.- orgamzatmnal, psychology, with a focus on workplace coaching, from Col,umbJa Umverstty Workpl,ace coaching Is a one-to-one custom-

tall,ored learning and devel,opment mterventmn that uses a collaborative, ref[ectwe, goat-focused

relahonship to achieve professional outcomes that are valued by the chent I'm keen to pur- sue a career m coaching, where I can leverage

my Indwlduahstlc tendencies of being assertwe and direct m supporting professional,s In the workplace I started navigating this by exploring the idea of becoming a professional. "breakup"

coach, to empower chents to break up from thew limiting beliefs, indecÿsweness, and reactlv-

tty toward unpl,easant sltuahons and confhcts While thÿs concept might be encouraged m mdl- vlduahshc cultures, I was curious about its effec-

tiveness and chents' acceptance to it, especially

if they come from col,l,ectwlshc cul,tures where assertweness rs a quahty mostly reserved for mal,e elders

Consequentl,y, I started coaching mdwlduals In Sudan I observed that mll[enmal,s, across genders, val,ue assertiveness and perceive ÿt

posltwel,y as a form of sel,f-confldence I have my doubts that older peopl,e would be open to the Idea of coaching In the first pl,ace, partmul,arl,y If it comes from me, a young female who is cha[- l,engmg the norms

Chapter2 [] TheCu[turaI. Context 45 /4/4 IntercuLturaL Communtcatlon

Cottectivism

indlvlduatlsm

CuLturat orientation

in which the mdwldua[ IS umque and mdtvtduat

goats are emphasized over

group goats

1. How individuals perceive themselves (e.g., "I am distinct and unique" vs. "I am a

member of a family, tribe")

2. How individuals relate to others (e.g., "How/what do I gain from this act?" vs.

"How will this act affect others?")

3. The goals individuals follow (e g., "I want to win" vs. 'Tm a team player to help

the group win")

4. What drives individuals' behavior (e.g., "It is my right to do this" vs. "My duty is

to my group")

Triandis writes that in individualistic cultures, emphasis is placed on individuals' goals

over group goals. Social behavior is guided by personal goals, perhaps at the expense of other types of goals. Individualistic cultures stress values that benefit the individual per-

son. The self is promoted because each person is viewed as uniquely endowed and having distinctive talent and potential, Individuals are encouraged to pursue and develop their abilities and aptitudes. In many individualistic cultures, people are taught to be creative,

self-reliant, and assertive.7 Triandis and others have pointed out that an important ingredient of individualistic

cultures is that the individual is emotionally disconnected from in-groups such as the family. Because the individual has been taught to be independent, social control depends more on personal guilt than on shame or other social norms or conformity. Ironically,

members of individualistic cultures tend to belong to many groups, but their affiliation with those groups is short-lived. Many of the groups to which an individualist belongs ale designed to enhance self-worth. Such groups might include self-help groups, therapy

groups, or occupational groups.8 In many cases, individualistic cultures are highly complex and affluent. Complex cul-

tures have heterogeneous populations and economies based on occupational speciahza- tion, in which individuals do different pbs. Cultural complexity also occurs in cultures

where people are separated from one another either geographically or through migration patterns. Many individualistic cultures have a history of colonization, for example2

lndividuatism Researchers at the University of Michigan analyzed mote than 250 studies that inves- tigated individualism, collectivism, or both.5 ÿIhey found that the most relevant feature of individualism, as defined in the ma3ority of the studies they reviewed, was valuing

personal independence. Researchers at the University of Auckland in New Zealand point out that valuing personal independence involves emphasizing personal responsibility and freedom of chol&, personal autonomy, and achieving self-fulfillment. Moreover, indl-

vlduahsts strive to maintain distinctive personal attitudes and opinions and piefer self- directed behavior and independence of groups. Individualists tend to see themselves as

unique from others.6 Harry C. Triandls, from the University of Illinois, is known for his work on

individualism and collectivism Trlandls discusses four defining attributes of

individualism-collectivism:

Oyseiman, Coon, and Kemmelmeier point out that the central ingredient of collectivism is the assumption that groups bind and mutually obligate individuals.1° In their extensive review of the literature, they found that collectivism is linked to a sense of

duty to group, lnteidependence, harmony, and working with the group. Tnandis asserts that in collectivistic societies, group goals take precedence over individual goals.

Collectivistic cultures stress values that serve the in-group by subordinating personal

goals for the sake ofpleserving the in-group. Collectivistic societies are characterized by extended primary groups such as the family, neighborhood, or occupational group in which members have diffuse mutual obligations and expectations based on their status or rank. In collectivistic cultures, people are not seen as isolated individuals. People see

themselves as interdependent with others (e.g., their m-group), where responsibility is shared and accountability is collective. A person's identity is defined by his or her gloup memberships.H

Triandls points out that while collectivistic cultures stress the importance of the group over the individual, their members tend to belong to fewer groups than do persons in individualistic cultures. Unlike the individualist, the collectivist is emotionally con-

nected to the m-gioup. A collectivist's values and beliefs are consistent with and reflect those of the m-group. Moreover, a collectivist's association with his or her m-groups may

last a lifetime. In many collectivistic cultures, the primary value is harmony with others. Triandis observes that because group harmony is so highly valued, obedience to and

compliance with in-group pressures is routine. One's behavior is role based, and &via-

tlons from the prescribed role are discouraged and often negatively sanctioned. In this sense, a person's behavior is guided more by shame than by personal guilt. A collectivist who stands out from the group disrupts the harmony and may be punished. Most collec-

tivisnc cultures value social reciprocity, obligation, dependence, and obedience. But by far, the primaiy value stiessed by many collectivistic cultures is harmony.ÿ2

co[!.ectlvlsm

Cuttura[

orrentatlon

where the group

Js the primary unit of culture

Group goats take precedence over

individual goats

individualism Versus Cottectivism?

Although they soÿlnd as though they're opposite dimensions of cultural variability, indi- vidualism and collectivism are not mutually exclusive; that is, they can coexist within a person of any culture. Green, Deschamps, and Pÿiez point out that the degree of individ- ualism or collectivism within someone may be triggered by the social context and one's

social relations. They suggest that individuals can be characterized by specific combina- tions of individualistic and collectivistic tendencies. For example, a person may find that individualistic relations are motivated in particular situations, such as in business rela- tionships, whereas with family members, the relationships are collectivistic.13 C. Harry

Hm has shown variation in individualistic and collectivistic attitudes in different types of relationships, such as with one's spouse, parent, neighbor, or coworker.14

So Who's an ]ndividuatist, and Who's a Cottectivist?

Because theie can be considerable within-country variation, labeling a particular country or culture as indlwdualzstlc or collectlvistzc is difficult and may lead to overgeneralizations.

46 Intercul.tural. Communication

Chapter2 m The Cu[tural Context 47 However, m their landma,k analysis of more than 250 ,esearch amcles on mdtviduahsm and collecuvlsm, Oysetman and hot colleagues were able to draw some conclustons)5 The central focus of this study was to answer this question' A*e European Americans mote

indlviduahsuc and less collectMstm than other groups? In general, the answe, was yes, European Americans are more mdivlduahstic and less collecuvlstic than other groups. In comparison wtth neatly 50 other nauonaliues, European Americans were mole indt- viduahstic than all but 12. European Ameucans were generally lower m collectivism as well. There wereL excepuons, though: U.S cÿuzens were highm in collecuvlsm than were

people m New Zealand, France, &ngapore, Tanzania, Egypt, Costa Rica, and Venezuela. Oyserman et al. noted one of the most remarkable findings: U.S. ouzens were slightly more collectivisuc than Japanese, and no &fference was obsmved between the former and Koreans on collecuvisuc measures.

However, in her recent research, Toshi Imada found that stoues in U.S. textbooks highlight themes of indivxduahsm, such as self-direction and achmvement, whereas

Japanese storms highlight themes of collectMsm, such as conformity and group har-

mony. Her study also found cultural &fferences m stoW charactensucs (e.g., the narrator, attribuuon of the outcome, picture content) ,elated to mdÿwduahsm and collectMsm.16

Oyserman and colleagues have pointed out that although as a group East Asmns were simultaneously lower in in&vidualism and hlghe, m collectMsm than were U.S. citi- zens, there was notable variety within East Asian countries legardmg in&vidualism and collecuvism. For example, Chinese were htghest m collecuvlsm but lowest m individu-

alism, whereas Japanese were highest in m&vlduahsm but lowest in collectivism. South Koreans were between Chinese and Japanese on these measures This may be because South Korean culture has umque featmes that distinguish tt fiom traditional Confucxan- based collecuvÿstic cultures--that xs, a suong emphasxs on famdy. In a mine recent study, Ronald F,schet and colleagues exammed 11 count, tes and found that among these coun- tries, the United States ,anked highest in overall indwiduahsm,lr

AN INTERCULTURAL CONVERSATION INDIVIDUALISTIC AND COLLECTIVISTIC CULTURES

One's lndwlduahstlc or coltechwstlc dlsposRmn affects commun)cat)on In the following exchange, Bd[ Patterson, a U S manager working in Korea, is meeting with his supervisor, Mark Wyman, who Is also from the Un)ted States The Umted States is considered more mdwJdual)stm than Korea In this scenario, Mr Patterson reports to Mr Wyman about some changes he has made to his sates teams Later, Park Young Sam, thew Korean counterpart, enters the dialogue ÿ8

Overall Individualism

1. United States

2. Germany

3. Indm

4. Lebanon

5. New Zealand

6. Peru

Z B,azil

8. Taiwan

9. Saudl Arabw

10 Umted Kingdom

11. Argentma

Mr Patterson

Mr Wyman Yes, I've seen your quarterly reports Nine jobl

Mr Patterson Thanks To recognize thew hard work, I've made some

changes In our sates teams

I've created team leaders

In each group In our prod- uct group, I promoted Lee

,, Young-sam In the market-

mg group, I promoted Chun Tae-woo, and In the tech-

nology group, I promoted Choi Mmo All of them have been real leaders I think this idea walt realty mohvate them In fact, I met with the groups mdwidua[ty and announced the promotions

Mr Wyman Good job, BIll I can see you're really on top of things Good work

Good morning, Mark Thanks for meeting with me thin morning As you know, our division has been

doing very welt this quarter In fact, our numbers are up across the board

Two Months Later

Bit[ Patterson, Mark Wyman, and Park Young Sam, a Korean manager, are discussing the poor nzÿrlCnrÿ ÿ€ ÿA- n_L.

Mr Wyman

Mr Patterson

Mr Sam

Mr Patterson

Well, just took at these dis- mat results The numbers for this quarter are way down from last quarter What's happened9

I don't know Ever since I Introduced the team leader concept, the groups' pro-

ductlwty has realty ptum- meted I thought it was a great idea I guess I chose the wrong people to lead the teams I'll assign new leaders tomorrow

Well, you may select new leaders )f you want, but the men you chose were all very capable However, by elevating them, you made them stand out and dis- rupted the harmony of each group In Korea, we art work hard for the group, not just one person

I guess I should have just [eft things as they were

Following thew md)vlduahstlc onentahons, Mr Patterson and Mr Wyman were perfectly comfortable wRh the idea of appointing team leaders within the individual sates groups However, as Mr Sam menhoned, doing so upset

the harmony of the groups, which In turn ted to poor performance In the United States, work- ers are often motivated by the opportunity for promotion and advancement, as this serves the

mdlvlduahshc drive for personal achievement In less Individualistic cultures, however, work-

ers may be mohvated by being a part of a cohe- sive and produehve team Mr Patterson and Mr Wyman cou[d have consulted with Mr Sam prior to making the promotmns He probably

/ÿ8 Intercul.tura[ Communication Chapter2 [] The Cul,turaL Context 49

Hawaii

Louisiana

South Carol.ma

Mississippi

Maryl,and

Utah

Vtrgmla

Georgia

Cahfornla

New Jersey

Patterns of Individuatisrn and CoRectivisrn Across the United States As previously mentioned, although the United States is considered individualistic, con-

siderable regional variation exists. Because of ecological, historical, and institutional practices, the Deep South is the most collectivistic region of the United States. Defeat m the Civil War, the institution of slavery, relative poverty, and the prominence of religion all contribute tO the collectivistic tendencies of the South. In addition, the Southwest, having been settled by Mexicamand Spanish populations before White settlers entered the area, is also considered fairly collectivistic. Hawaii, too, has a culture different from

the rest of the United States, with about 65% of its population coming from Asian cul- tures. Hence, much of its culture has collectivistic characteristics, and Hawaii would be

considered collectivistic. On the other hand, the Mountain West and Great Plains are

thought to be the most individualistic regions m the United States.!9 In their research, Joseph A.

Vanddlo and Dov Cohen created an index designed to measure collectiv-

ism in different regions of the United States. ÿheir index was composed of

Montana eight items: the percentage of all peo-

Oregon ple living alone, percentage of elderly people living alone, percentage of

Nebraska households with grandchildren in Wyoming them, divorce-to-marriage ratio, per-

South Dakota centage of people with no religious affiliation, average percentage of those

Colorado voting Libertarian over the past four

North Dakota presidential elections, ratio of people

Washington carpooling to work to people living

Kansas alone, and percentage of self-employed people. Their index showed a general

Iowa pattern of relative collectivism in the

South, particularly in the former slave

states, with maximum individualism in the Great Plains and Mountain West. Montana was the most individualistic state, and Hawaii was the most collectivistic (see Table 2.1).20

oldest, funniest, or "best" at whatever they aspire to do. Collectivistic cultures, on the other hand, mess harmony and cooperation. Collectivists strive for the approval of the

m-group, which is accomplished not by standing out but by conforming to the group's norm. From the collectivist's perspective, an individual who stands out from the group

disrupts harmony. In the United States, "the squeaky wheel gets the grease," but in Japan, "the tallest nail gets hammered down.''2ÿ

Tnandis maintains that a culture's individualistic or collectivistic orientation will

likely affect child-rearing practices. In individualistic cultmes, child-rearing emphasizes independence, exploration, creativity, and self-reliance. Individualistic parents encourage their children to be unique, express themselves, and be independent. The children of mdivÿdualistic paients understand that they are to leave home once they reach a certain

age or education level. It is thought odd or unusual if children past the age of about 21 still live at home with their parents. Though rank order exists in the individualist's family, decisions are often made democratically. In collectivistic cultures, child-rearing empha-

sizes conformity, obedience, security, and reliability. Collectivistic parents teach their children the importance of family lineage and ancestry. Typically, the father dominates the collectwist's home, where rank in the family is often determined by sex and ageY

Collectivists are more conscious of m-group/out-group distinctions than are ind>

viduahsts Accolding to William B. Gudykunst and his colleagues, individualists tend to initiate and maintain specific friendships based on desirable qualities of the other person. Collectivists form friendships determined by their hierarchical role in society. Collectivists perceive and rate their in-group friendships as more intimate than do indi-

vidualists. On the other hand, individualists tend to apply the same value standards to all, whereas collectivists tend to apply different value standards to members of their m-groups

and out-groups. For example, collectivists are likely to use the equality norm (i.e., equal distribution of iesources) with in-group members and the equity norm 0.e., unequal distribution of resources) with out-group members.23

Finally, in their exhaustive review of studies, Oyserman, Coon, and Kemmelmeier summarized behavioral traits shown to be associated with individualism and collectivism (see Table 2.2).24

Communication Consequences of Individuatism-Cottectivisrn A given culture's orientation toward individualism or collectivism has important behav- ioral consequences for that culture's members. Among collectivists, social behavior is

guided by the group. Along with group membership come prescribed duties and obliga- tions. Among individualists, social behavior is guided by one's personal attitudes, motiva-

tions, and other internal processes. To be sure, individualistic cultures value and reward an individual's uniqueness. The United States, for example, is replete with contests and ceremonies that iecogmze individual accomplishment. People ale publicly rewalded £_.. k-'.--- ÿt. ..... k .... ÿ117,,1 ÿ-lÿ,ÿnoer ÿrrnnc, oÿt tcnÿto<r, tallest, smartest, youngest,

Optimism

High serf-esteem

Lower social, anxiety

Emotional. expression

Satisfaction with sel,f

Satisfaction with freedom

Ease of interacting with strangers

Direct communicahon styl,e

Lower retatmnal, commitment

Social, serf-concept

Need for affRlatlon

Senslhwty to rejectmn

SensRwlty to embar'rassment

In-group rel,atlonshlp preferences

Indirect communication style

Vatumg of social, networks

50 Intercultural Communication Chapter2 m The CuRurat Context 51

Vertical and Horizontal Individualism and Collectivism

While it is clear that individualistic cultures dlffei from collectivistic cultures, indlvid- uahstic cultules can, and do, differ from other individualistic cultules. ÿhe same can be said of collectivistic cultures. Some individualistic cultules, for example, link self-reliance with competition, while other individualistic cultures do not. Some collectivistic cultures

emphasize in-gioup harmony above all else, while othel collectivistic cultures do not. To account for some of these fine1 distinctions among individualistic and collecuvistlc

cultures, Titandls and his colleagues diffeientiate between veltical and horizontal indi-

vidualism and collectivism.

Directions: The fall,owing are 20 statements that may or may not reflect how you act in your rela- tionships with others For each statement, indIcate the frequencywlth which you engage [or not] in the behaviors described--L1) never, (2) rarely, [3] some- times, [41 usual,ly, or [5) always For example, If you always discuss Job- or study-related problems with your parents, you would put a 5 m the bl,ank Work quickly and record your initial response

I consult my famIly before making an important decision

Before taking a major trip, I consul,t with most members of my famdy and many friends.

It is Important to consul,t cl.ose friends and get their ideas before making a decision

I discuss job- or study-related problems with my parents.

__.11

_______14

Even when I strongly disagree with my group members, I avoid an argument.

I hate to disagree with others m my group.

In interacting wÿth superiors, I am always pohte

I sacrifice my self-interest for the benefit of my group

I define mysel,f as a compehtwe person

I enjoy working m situations revolving compehtton with others

Without competition, it is impossible to have a good society.

Compehhon is the taw of nature

I consider myself as a unique person, separate from others.

I enjoy being unique and different from others

I see myself as "my own person "

It is important for me to act as an independent person

____10

Over the past decades, cross-cultural, research-

ers have spent considerable effort developing instruments designed to measure one's rela-

tive degree of mdwlduahsm and col,l,echwsm Researchers at the University of Auckland In New Zealand recentl,y developed the Auckland Individualism and Co[l,ectlvlsm Scale 25

__] 9

__._..._20

I take responslbl[Ky for my own actions

Being abl,e to take care of myself Is a primary concern for me

I consul,t with my superior on work- rel.ated matters.

I prefer to be serf-reliant rather than depend on others

Scoring: To compute your collectiwsm score,

sum your responses for Items 1 through 8 Your sum must be between 8 and 40 Higher sums [e.g., > 30] indicate a preval,ence for coll.echvism To compute your mdtwduabsm score, sum your responses for Items 9 through 20 Your sum must be between 12 and 60 Hlghersums(eg,>45J indicate a prevalence for IndwJduahsm

According to Smgehs, Triandls, Bhawuk, and Gelfand, horizontal individualism is a cultural orientation in which an autonomous self is valued, but the individual is more

or less equal in status to othels. The self is perceived as independent but nevertheless the same as others. Vertical individualism is the cultural orientation in which an autono-

mous self is also valued, but the self is seen as different from and perhaps unequal to oth-

ers. Status and competiuon are important aspects of this orientation. The United States and France ale examples of vertical individualism, whereas Sweden and Austria are exam- ples of horizontal mdividuahsm.26 Horizontal collectivism is the cultural onentauon in

which the individual sees the self as a member of an m-group whose members are similar

to one another. The self is interdependent and the same as the self of others. Equality is expected and practiced within this orientation. China is probably a good example of horizontal collectivism. Theoretical communism is an example of extreme horizontal collectivism. Vertical collectivism is the cultural orientation in which the individual sees the self as an integral part of the m-gioup, but the members are different from one

another, some having mote status than others. The self is interdependent, and inequality within the group is valued. In this orientation, serving and sacrifice are important. Japan, India, and rural traditional Greece are examples of vertical collectivism.

horizontal

Individualism

Cultural.

orlentahon In which

an autonomous self fs valued, but the

self IS more or Less equal to others

verhcat

mdlwduahsm

Cultural orientation In which an

autonomous serf Is valued and the self

is seen as different

from and perhaps unequal to others

harfzontal cottechvlsm

Cu[tura( orientation In which the self is

seen as a member of an m-group

whose members

are slmlt.ar to one another

Consider the fol,l,owmg sltuahons Place a check next to the response that most cl,osety fits how you would act

You and your friends decided spontaneously to go out to dinner at a restaurant What do you think Is the best way to handle the bll,[9

___Spht It equa[Ly, wÿthout regard to who ordered what

A

B Spht It according to how much each person makes

C The group Leader pays the bll,[ or decides how to spht It

D __Compute each person's charge according to what that person ordered

[Conhnued}

52 Intercul.tura[ Commumcatlon Chapter2 [] The Cu[tura[ Context 53

{Continued}

2. Which of these four book topics are you more tlkety to find interesting9

A How to make friends

B How to succeed ÿn business

C How to make suCe you are meeting your obtlgatlons

D How to enjoy yourself Inexpensively

When you buy clothing for a major social event, you woutd be most satisfied if...

A __.your friends Like It

B. it Is so el.egant It w![t dazzle everyone

C. __.your parents like it

D __.you tike it.

D tatk about what makes me unique.

Suppose your boyfriend or girlfriend and your parents do not get along very we[[ What would you do9

A. Tet!. my boyfriend or glrl.friend that he or she shoul.d make a greater effort to "fit in wlth my family"

B. Tel.[ my boyfriend or girlfriend that I need my parents' financial support, and he or she shoul.d [earn to handle them

C Remind my boyfriend or girlfriend that my parents and family

are very important to me, and he or she shoul.d submit to their wlshes

D Nothing

6 Suppose you had one word to describe yoursel.f What woul.d it be9

A Cooperative

B Competftive

C, Duhfut

D, Unique

7 Happiness is attained by ..

A [inking with a l.ot of friendly people

B winning in compehhon

C. __gaining a tot of status in the community,

D keeping one's privacy,

8 You are at a pizza restaurant with a group of friends How shoutd you decide what kind of pizza to order9

A We sel.ect the pizza that most peopte prefer

B. We order the most extravagant pÿzza aval[abl.e

C, The reader of the group orders for everyone,

D I order what I l.ike

Scoring: Indicate the number of hmes you selected tetters A, B, C, and D The frequency that is the highest represents your general. HC, VI, VC, or H! orientation.

A

B

C.

D

Horizontal. coUectwlsm {HC]

Vert,cal. mdwlduahsm {Vl}

Vertical col.l.ectlvism {VC}

Horizontal. IndMdual.ism {HI}

Source This scare for measuring horlzontat and vertical mdiwduatlsm and cotl.ectwlsm is adapted from Trlandls, H C, Chen, X, P, & Chan, D K. S [1798] Scenarms for the Measurement of Cotl.ectwlsm and Individuatlsm Journal of Cross-CuLtural

Psychotogy, 2?, 275-289

When peopte ask me about mysel.f, I

A. tatk about my friends and what we hke to do

B. tal.k about my accompl.ishments

C talk about my ancestors and thmr tradRIons,

In a recent comparison of U.S., Thai, and Japanese students on horizontal and verti- cal individualism and collectivism, McCann, Honeycutt, and Keaton found significant

differences among the three groups and within each group. Regarding horizontal indi- viduahsm, the U.S. students scored higher than the Japanese, who scored higher than the Thai students. Interestingly, there were no significant differences among the three groups on vertical individualism, where we might have expected the U.S. students to

score higher than the other groups. Finally, the Japanese scored higher on horizontal and vertical collectivism than the U.S. and Thai students. Within each culture, the U.S. students scored highest on horizontal individualism, then, in order, horizontal collectiv- ism, vertical collectivism, and vertical individualism. The Japanese students scored high- est on horizontal collectivism, virtually the same on vertical collectivism and horizontal

individualism, then lowest on vertical individualism. Finally, the Thai students scored highest on horizontal collectivism, then, in order, horizontal individualism, vertical indi- viduahsm, and vertical collectivism.27

There are advantages and disadvantages to being an individualist, just as there are to being a collectivist. Neither approach is "better" than the other; they are simply different orientations. The goal is to recognize and understand the differences, thereby increasing your intercultural competence. To be sure, the individualism-collectivism dimension of

cultural variability has been used extenswely in describing cultural differences--perhaps

too much. Asian cultures, in particular, are often branded as collectivistic. Recently, the mdividuahsm-collectivism dichotomy has been the subject of criticism. In her analysis of

the Chinese, Hui-Ching Chang argues that by describing cultures as only collectivistic-- which focuses on the stiucture of society--much of the creativity of individual Asian cultures, including rich histories, has been ignored As Chang asserts,

vertical cottectivlsm Cuttura[

orientation

m which the mdw[duat sees the serf as an

integral, part of

the m-group, but the members are different from

one another [eg , status]

Although it is through the lens of the metaphor "collectiv,sm" that we are allowed to focus on group membership and patterns of relationships in Asian cultures, at the same time, we lose sight of other aspects of delicate cultural reason,ng that underlie manifested behavior patterns.28

The essence of. Chang's argument is that we cannot rely on single metaphorical dis- tractions such as individualism-collectivism if we really want to accurately describe and ultimately understand other cultures.

THE PANCULTURAL SELF As mentioned earlier, in individualistic cultures, emphasis is placed on individual goals over group goals, values that benefit the self are championed, the self is promoted, and

individuals are encouraged to pursue and develop their individual abilities and aptitudes. In these cultures, people are taught to be creative, self-reliant, competitive, and assertive. The lndwidual self is the most fundamental basis fol self-definition. In contrast, in col-

lectwistic cultures, group goals take precedence over individual goals, values that serve the m-group are stressed, and people are not seen as isolated indwiduals but as interde- pendent with others. In these cultures, the collective self is the most fundamental basis of self-definition.

54 ]ntercul.tura[ Communication Chapter2 [] The Cu[turat Context 55

Yet a growing body of literature suggests that the individual self is pancultural-- that is, that the individual self is more fundamental to self-definition acioss cultures than is the collective self. Constantine Sedikides and her colleagues have spent the past

decade studying the idea that across cultmes people are motivated to enhance and protect their self-worth. She and her associates maintain that two factors play a key role here--

self-enhancement and self-protectwn. Self-enhancement refers to the idea that people desire to maintain and enhance posi-

tive self-views Self-protection is conceptually the opposite--that is, to minimize negative self-views. Sedtkides maintains ÿthat self-enhancement and self-plotection significantly Influence how people think, feel, and act in communicative situations across cultures.29

According to Sedikldes, to preserve self-enhancement, individuals engage three com-

municative strategies: positivity embracement, favorable constiuals, and self-affiiming reflections. Positivity embracement refers to those communicative tactics whereby people approach and interact with others who are likely to piovide them with positive feedback When the positive feedback is given, the individual then takes credit for it. For example, when students receive good grades, they assume it was due to their abilities. Favorable

consnual strategies involve individuals creating self-serving cognitions about the world around them. Sedlkides argues that during communication most people compare them- selves with others and believe they are better than aveiage on important traits and often interpret ambiguous feedback flora others as flattering. When faced with threats, how- eve1, individuals engage in self-affirming reflections. Heie, individuals reflect on their

past successes to counter possible threats. On the other hand, during self-protection

communication, the individual proactively prepares foi negative feedback. For example, Sedikides asserts that people often self-handicap befole potentially evaluative situations to provide an excuse for failure. They often attribute negative feedback to external causes

rather than to their own failures, and discount such feedback. Foi example, when stu- dents perform poorly on an exam, they may attribute it to pool instruction or to the exam being loaded with "trick questions.''ÿ°

Considerable debate surrounds the idea of whethei self-enhancement and self-

protection motivation is equally forceful across cultures. Some scholars maintain that collectivistic values are in direct opposition to self-enhancement and self-protection-- that the group is primaiy. Others maintain that self-enhancement and self-piotection are

universally held across cultures but are practiced differently according to specific cultural norms and values. Most of the current resealch suggests that both individualistic and collectivistic cultures sanction and even endorse self-enhancement and self-protection but

via different means. Collectivism is just another way to piomote the self. For example, in individualistic cultures of the West (e.g., the United States, Canada,

Great Britain), it is accepted and tolerated to show off one's success. In Eastern cultures

(e g., Japan, Korea, China), it is accepted and tolerated to expect reciprocity based on seniority. In other words, in both types of cultures, a peison's motivations for behavim and self-definition stern primarily from pelsonal identity and an independent sense of self. Moreover, research demonstrates that on self-description tasks, people genelate more aspects of their individual self than then collective self, regaidless of their cultural indi- vidualism oi collectivism. Some researcheis have even suggested that social harmony--a pumary value among collectivists--often serves as a means through which to accom- phsh individual goals Still others maintain that in collectivistic cultures, individuals

may tempolarily sacrifice then self-mterest for the group as long as they expect to receive rewards from the group eventually (e.g., being perceived as a good team membeO. Finally, in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures, self-enhancement is sanctioned through upward mobility, status seeking, and genelal promotions of the self.3]

Nao Oyama points out that collectivism has long been used to describe Japanese cul- tree. But as Oyama asserts, Japanese ÿociety is changing, and Japanese values also have changed, especially since World Wai II. Oyama argues that the Japanese collectivistic orientation has been decreasing and that many Japanese now have an individualistic ori-

entation. To be sure, collectivism lemains as a cultural system in Japan, especially in decision-making in companies or government and m cases of company loyalty oi vil- lage exclusiveness, but such an expression of collectivism is sometimes just a means of

achieving an individually oliented goal. In such dicumstances, Oyama contends, seem-

ing collectivistic is a false appearance produced by individually oriented people using collectivistic methods for the realization of personal goals. Foi example, to value hard

worl{ to get rich or to study hard to make a name for oneself indicates an individual orientation that depends on a social system. People are obedient to the social system as a

means to get money or honor. In behavioral teims, obedience to a social system resembles the behavior of persons with a collective ouentation, but the leal value orientation under-

lying the behavior is individual. According to Oyama, this means that individualism and collectivism, at least as practiced and valued in Japan, are not so different,32 As Gaertner,

Sedikides, and Graetz note, given a choice, however, most persons would opt to stay home rather than go to war, save their hard-eained money rathei than pay taxes, and relax in the company of their favorite music than engage in community volunteer woik.

At the same time, most persons would cheush the protection of the gioup when attacked individually, seek the financial support of the group when expeilencmg individual finan- cial troubles, and call on the aid of the community in times of individual disastei. The individual self is the primary basis for self-definitionY

AN iNTERCULTURAL CONVERSATION THE PANCULTURAL SELF ON EXAMINATION DAY

In the fo[towmg intercultural conversahon, Gary undergraduate students Gary, Karen, and Quan are dÿscusslng their performance on a recent

exam Gary and Karen are from the Un ted States, Quan and Quan rs an exchange student from China ,'

Karen

Karen Hey, Ouan, we're watklng over to the tlbrary Want to join us9

Ouan Sure, thanks Ouan

Guess what9 Karen got an A on that exam

That's greatl Wow, Karen, you are so smartI

Yeah, I studmd realty hard for that exam That's why I did so wet[ How did you do, Quan9

t got an A, too My parents wfl[ be so proud of met They taught me good

[Continued]

56 IntercuLturaL Communication

Chapter2 m The Cultura[ Context 57

[Continued)

Gary

Karen

study habits I can't wait to tell them of my success I think the instructor is excellent as well How did you de, Gary9

I got a D I think the 'professor sucks, and I thmk a Lot of the questions one that exam were pretty tricky I think he just wants us to do poorly

I don't know about that I worked really hard to do well I think I've become a pretty good student in the past few years Maybe you just need to study more

Gary

Ouan

He just doesn't hke me

I have honored my parents That is a very good thing In my country

HIGH- AND LOW-CONTEXT COMMUNICATION Human communication depends on the context in which it occurs. In addition to the

verbal and nonverbal codes exchanged between interactants, the salient features ofa com- municauve context include the cultural, physical, soclorelauonal, and perceptual envi-

ronments (see Table 2.3).

CuLture [e g., race, Language}

Physical. environment [e g, office, place of worship}

Socioretatlonat [e g, superior, subordinate}

Perceptual le g, attitudes, emotions)

Verbal choices

Nonverbal chomes

Notice how all three attribute their perfor- mance on the exam to different causes, but each

can be seen as a dlmensmn of self-enhancement

or setf-protechon In the conversation, Karen asks

Quan tojoln her and Gary Quan offers positive feed- back to Karen, and Karen attributes her success on

the exam to her study habits Both are examples of posihvlty embracement Quan attributes hLs suc- cess to hls upbringing and the professor's exceL-

Lent instruction, but he recogmzes that the success is hLs own and feels good about himself Honorin9 his parents brings him a great deal of personal satisfaction The instructor and hls parents have gwen or wfft provfde him with posltwe feedback This is another exampt.e of posltwlty embracement Gary, on the other hand, engages m self-protection by suggesting that his poor performance on the exam was not his fault but, rather, was due to poor instruction and tricky exam questmns

The cultural context includes, among myriad other variables, such features as indi- vidualism and collectivism. ÿhe physical environment includes the actual geogiaphlcal location of the interaction (e.g., office, classroom, bedroom). The sociorelational environ-

ment encompasses the relationship between the interactants (e.g, superior-suboidinate, teacher-student, husband-wife). The perceptual environment consists of the attitudes, motivations, and cogmuve disposiuon's of the interactants. Each of these contexts pro- vides a wealth ofinformauon to the lntelactants about how to communicate. Here's the

important point: 7he degree to which interactants focus on these contexts whde communicat- zng vanes considerably fi,om culture to culture.

Depending on contextual features present during communication, some persons choose to focus more on the verbal codes than on the nonverbal elements, while others actively monitor the nonvelbal elements of the context. Hall described the former as low context and the lattei as high context. Hall asserted that

a h,gh-context (HC) communication or message is one in which most of the

information is either in the physical context or is internalized in the person, while very little is in the coded, explicit, transmitted part of the message. A low-context

(LC) communication is just the opposite; i.e., the mass of lnformauon is vested in the explicit code.34

low cotÿtext Cultural

orientation In

which meanings are encoded m the verbal, code

high context Cultural.

orrentatton m

whmh meanings are gleaned from

the physical, social, and

psychological contexts

Like individualism and collectivism, high-low context is best conceptual-

ized along a cultural continuum (see Figure 2.2). No culture exists exclu- sively on one end of the continuum,

Low Context High Context

Characteristics of High= and Low-Context Cultures

Hall argued that the environmental, sociorelational, and perceptual contexts have an

immense impact on communication. High-context cultures generally have restricted code systems. Users of a restricted code system rely more on the contextual elements

of the communication setting for information than on the actual language code. In restricted-code cultures, communication is not general in content across individuals but

is specific to particular people, places, and times. Within a high-context transaction, the lnteractant will look to the physical, sociorelauonal, and perceptual environment for information. Ofparucular importance is the social relationship between the interactants, especially their statuses. As Hall noted,

Twins who have grown up together can and do communicate more economically (HC) than two lawyers in a courtroom during a trial (LC), a mathematician programming a computer, two politicians drafting legislation, two administrators writing a regulation, or a child uying to explain to his mother why he got into a fightY

Because interactants in a high-context culture know and understand each other and their appropriate roles, words are not necessary to convey meaning. One acts accordmÿ to

58 Intercultural Communication

one's role. Wolds and sentences may be collapsed and shortened. In this sense, iestricted

codes ate not unlike local dialects, vernacular, or even jargon used by a well-defined group. Users of lestucted codes interpret messages based on their accumulation of shared experi-

ences and expectations. Hall contended that persons communicating in high-context cultures understand that

information from the physical, sociotelational, and perceptual envilonment already exists and need not be codified verbally, Xherefore, high-context communication is fast, profi- cient, and gratifying. Unlike low-context communication, the burden of undeistandmg in high-context communlcatlon,ÿrests with each lnteractant. ÿhe rules for communica-

tion are implicit, and communicators are expected to know and understand unspoken communication. High-context communication involves using and Interpreting messages that are not explicit, minimizing the content of verbal messages, and being sensitive to the social roles of others. Although there are exceptions, many high-context cultures have

collectivistic tendencies, including China, Japan, North and South Korea, Vietnam, and many Arab and African cultmes.36

Accoldmg to Hall, in a low-context transaction, the verbal code is the primary somce of information. Low-context cultures generally rely on elaborated codes. Unhke users of lestricted codes, users of elaborated codes rely extensively on the veibal code system

for cleating and interpreting meaning. Information to be shared with others is coded in the verbal message Although persons in low-context transactions iecogmze the non- verbal environment, they tend to focus mote on the verbal context. Moreover, the rules

and expectations ate explicitly outhned. Users of elaborated codes depend on woids to convey meaning and may become uncomfortable with silence. In low-context transac-

tions, the communicants feel a need to speak. People using low-context communication ate expected to communicate in ways consistent with theu feelings. Hence, low-context

communication typically involves transmitting direct, explicit messages. Although there are exceptions, many low-context cultures are individualistic, including Switzerland, Germany, Scandinavia, the United States, France, and the United Kingdom)7

Chapter2 m TheCu[turalContext

Sumllm Iwao writes that most Japanese feel that expiessing especially personal or inti- mate details is best done nonverbally or intuitively--that is, without wolds. Iwao writes,

59

Ihere is an unspoken belief among the Japanese in general that putting deep feelings into words somehow lowers or spoils their value and that understanding attained without wolds is mole pleclous than that attained thiough precise articulation.40

Unlike in high-context commtlnication, during most low-context transactions, silence is uncomfortable. Persons who do not talk are often perceived negatively. When some-

one is quiet in a low-context uansaction, others may suspect that something is amiss. Silence somehow communicates a problem. Low-context communicators are expected

to be direct and to say what they think. Persons in low-context cultures typically sepalate the issue of communication fiom the peison with whom they are interacting. A manager might say to an employee, "Don't take it personally," as he or she reprimands the person. High-context cultures, on the other hand, tend to see the topic of communication as

intrinsic to the person A person is seen as a role. If the issue is attacked, so is the person. This results in low-context cultures that deliver a dilect style of communication, whereas

a high-context person prefers indirectness typified by extreme politeness and discretion.

Commumcafion Consequences of Low- and

High-Context Cultural Orientations

Members of high- and low-context cultmes communicate differently, especially with the use of silence. Charles Braithwaite argues that one of the fundamental components of cultural and linguistic competence is knowing how and when to use silence as a com- mumcative tactic,as During a high-context communicative exchange, the lnteractants

generally are content with silence because they do not lely on verbal communication as their main source of information. Silence, in fact, communicates mutual understanding. Much of the meaning in communication is expected to be inteipreted by the receiver. In communicative exchanges between persons of differing status, the person with lower status may recognize the highei status of the other through silence.

Steven Pratt and Lawrence Weidel contend that many Native American and American Indian tribes use silence as a way of recognizing "Indianness." A "real" Indian recognizes

another teal Indian with silence lather than speech A tecogmzable Indian knows that neither he not she nor the others have an obligation to speak and that silence on the part of all convetsants is permissible.39 In her book on the contemporaiy Japanese woman,

In the following exchange, Mr Hutchinson is the head of mformatton technology wlthrn his orgamzahon Mr Wong Is the lead computer programmer Mr Wong was born and raised In Malaysia, a high-context culture The two are discussing when Mr Wong wall put a com- puter program Into producbon Note that Mr Hutchinson's speech is dwect and to the point, while Mr Wong's Is Indirect and subtle In simple frequency, Mr Hutchinson uses 4 tsmes as many words as Mr Wong 41

Mr Hutchmson The program looks good and passed the test run with only minor errors When do you think you can put it into production? I don't see any

produchon schedule here

Mr Wong

Mr Hutchmson

Mr Wong

The changes need to go into the system by the end of the month Is that possible? When do you want to go with this?

Maybe I should revmw the requwements

The errors were minor

Quahty Control needs to know when It wffl go Into production Let's set the productmn date now Just tell me when you'll fix the errors I'll tell QC

Perhaps I can e-malt you

an eshmate I'll talk to the team

[Contmued]

AN INTERCULTURAL CONVERSATION HIGH- AND LOW-CONTEXT CULTURES

60 Intercultural Communication

Chapter2 m The CuLtural Context 61

{Continued}

Mr Hutchinson

Mr Wong

Couldn't you just tett me when you'll have them flxedÿ Here, {t's no big deal [Hands Mr Wong the pro- gram } Don't they seem like easy fixesÿ

ILooks at the program but" says nothing--as if not

heanng Mr Hutchinson's suggestion }

Mr Wong

Mr Hutchinson

Yes Whenever you prefer is fine [Hands the program back to Mr Hutchinson ]

I don't need this [Hands It back to Mr Wong } Well, it's

Communlcabon researcher Gudykunst and has colleagues have developed a survey designed to measure low- and high-context commumcabon

styles The instrument that follows Js an adapta- tion of Gudykunst's scale.42

At this point m the chapter, you have been given the opportunity to assess your own tevel of Indl- vIduabsm-co[lectwlsm and the degree to which your communication style is high or tow context Whatever the outcome on these surveys, one style is not better than the other; they are sim- ply different. The goal is for you to have a better understanding of yourself and those persons with

Strongly Disagree 1 2 3 4

__ 1 I catch on to what others mean,

even when they do not say It directly

Mr Wong Yes, that ÿs fine

got to go in by the first of next month OKÿ

In the previous dialogue, Mr Hutchinson misses the hint that Mr Wong Is unable to set a production date When Mr Wong indicates that setbng a date is difficult and wit[ requwe some expertise, he is indirectly telling Mr Hutchinson that he is not in a position to make the decision on his own and would prefer to discuss It with the team Mr Wong further signals his discomfort by telling Mr Hutchinson that he could e-malt him the date

Mr Hutchinson ignores Mr Wong's status m the organization and further comphcates the issue by handing Mr Wong the program Trying to avoid any disagreement, Mr Wong simply asks Mr Hutchinson to set the date for production and agrees to whatever he says

different cultural backgrounds Indwÿduatlsm- cottectwlsm and high-low context are two dom- inant ways cultures differ But perhaps what guides cultural behawor more than anything else is the values held by large collectives.

Directions: The following are 32 statements regarding how you feel about communicating m different ways In the blank to the left of each item, indicate the degree {1-9J to which you agree or dtsagree with each statement If you are unsure or think that an item does not apply to you, enter a 5 m the blank

5 5 7 8 9 Strongly Agree

__ 2 I show respect to superiors, even if

I dlsbke them.

Mr Hutchinson Mr Wong? Just give me a date

__3 4

6

7

8

9.

10

11

I use my feelings to determine whether to trust another person.

I find silence awkward in conversabon.

I communicate m an mchrect fashion

I use many colorful words when I talk

In an argument, I Insist on very precise definitions.

I avoid clear-cut expressions of feeUngs when I communicate with others

I am good at figuring out what others think of me.

My verbal and nonverbal speech tends to be very dramatic.

I listen attentively, even when others are talking m an uninteresting manner

I maintain harmony in my communication with others.

Feelings are a valuable source of tnformatlon

12.

--_13

___14. When pressed foran oplnron,

I respond wtth an ambiguous statement or position

15. I try to adjust myself to the feebngs o"f the person with whom I am commumcatlng

16 I actively use a tot of facial expressions when I tatk.

--_17 MY feetmgs tet[ me how to act in a given situation

--_18. I am able to distinguish between a sincere mwtation and one intended as a gesture of po[iteness

--_19. I bebeve that exaggerating stories makes conversation fun

--_20 I orient people through my emotions,

---27

28 I openlyshow mydlsagreement with others

31 I think that untatkatlve people are boring

32 I am an extremely open communicator.

--_21 I find myselfimbatmg conversations with strangers while wmtmg m bne.

__22 As a rule, t openly express my feebngs and emotions.

__23 I feet uncomfortable and awkward m social sÿtuations where everybody else is to(king except me

__24 I readily reveal personalthmgs about myself

__25 I Like to be accurate when I communicate

__26 I can read another person "bke a book."

I use silence to avoid upsetting others when I communicate

I am a very precise communicator

I can sit with another person, not say anything, and sbt[ be comfortable

Scoring: Reverse your score for Items 4, 6, 7, 10, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 31, and 32 If your ongma[ score was 1, reverse It to a 9; sf your original score was a 2, reverse It to an 8; and so on. After reversing the scores for those 15 rtems, simply sum the 32 totems Lower scores indicate low-context communication Higher scores Indi- cate high-context commumcabon

Source Reprinted with permission from Gudykunst, Matsumoto, Tmg-Toomey, NIshlda, KIm, & Heyman, The Influence of

Cultural Indlvldual.lsm-Cot[ectlvtsm, Self Construals, and Indwlduat. Values on Commumcat{on Sty(es Across Cultures, in

Human Commumcatton Research, 22, 1796, pp 510-543

Chapter2 m The Cuitura[ Context 63 62 Intercultural Commumcatmn

VALUE ORIENTATIONS In his seminal brook on values, Milton Rokeach argues that

the value concept, more than any other, should occupy a central position acloss

all social scmnces .... It is an lntmvening vaiIable that shows promise of being

able to unIfylthe apparently diverse interests of all sciences concerned with

human behavior.43

6,

7

8

HSU'S NINE BASIC U.S. VALUES

The privacy of the mdwldua[ is the mdwlduat's inalienable right Intrusion into it by others is permitted only by mwtatlon

Because the government exists for the benefit of the mdwlduat and not vice versa, all forms of authority, mcl.udmg government, are

suspect Patriotism is good

An individual's success in bfe depends on acceptance among his or her peers

An individual, should believe in or acknowledge God and should bel.ong to

An individual's most important concerns are self-interest, self-expression, self-

improvement, setf-gratfflcatmn, and independence This takes precedence over art

group interests

Values affect intercultural communication. When people from different cultures come

togethei to interact, their messages ale guided by and reflect then fundamental value orientations. People who strongly value individuality will likely interact differently than will people who stlongly value collectivism. An understanding of cultural value systems can help identify similarities and differences between people from different cultures, from which lntercultmal communication can proceed. Like culture, values are learned; they ate not innate or universal. Rokeach argues that values guide us in the selection and justifi-

cation of social behavior. Values prescribe what is pieferred or prohibited. Values are the evaluative component of an individual's attitudes and beliefs. Values guide how we think about things in terms of what is right or wrong or correct m inconect. Values tiiggei pos-

ltwe m negative emotions. Values also grade ouI actions 44 Shalom Schwartz asserts that values are concepts or beliefs that pmtam to outcomes

and behaviors, guide the selection and evaluation of behaviors, and are rank ordered according to their ielat*ve importance to the indwidual.45 Although any individual prob- ably has a unique set of values, thele ate also sets of values that ate representative of a pamcular culture. Francis Hsu, an anthropologist who has lived much of his life in China and the United States, has outlined what he thinks are the nine basic values of U.S,

citizens. His list was generated from his personal experiences, U.S. litmature and prose,

social science lesearch, and studies of cnmmal behaviol in the United States 46 Most of Hsu's values leflect U.S individualistic tendencies. In addition, they echo our

emphasis on equality (discussed later under Power Distance) and our detelminatIon to

push toward the future.

an organized church or other rehgmus Institution Retlgmn is good Any rehglon ts better than no re[igmn

Men and women are equal

All human beings are equal.

Progress is good and mewtabl.e An Individual must Improve himself or herself

{minimize efforts and maximize returns}, the government must be more efflcmnt to tackle new probl.ems, mstltutmns such as churches must modernize to make themselves more

attractive

Being a U S clhzen is synonymous with being progressive, and the Umted States is the utmost symbol of progress

An lntelesting contrast to the values of the United States--an individualistic, low-context cultme--are those of China--a collectivistic, high-context culture. A group of cross-cultmal researchers calling themselves the Chinese Culture Connection (CCC) constructed a list of 40 dominant Chinese values The CCC is an international net-

work of social scientists under the direction of Michael Hauls Bond, a professoi in the

Department of Management and Marketing at Hong Kong Polytechnic Univeisity. The membeis of the CCC approached a numbel of Chinese social scientists and asked each

of them to prepale a list of 10 fundamental and basic Chinese values. Although theil procedme lesulted in considerable overlap, they were able to eliminate redundancy by creating a master list of 40 values 47

THE CHINESE VALUES SURVEY

1 Filial piety (obedience to parents, respect for 13. Se[f-cutturatmn parents, honoring of ancestors}

14 Ordering relahonsNps by status and 2, Industry {working hard) observing this order

\ 3 Tol.erance of others 15 Sense of righteousness

4 Harmonywlth others 16 Benevolent authority

5 Humbleness 17 Noncompetltlveness

6 Loyalty to supermrs 18. Personalsteadmess and stablbty

7 Observation of rites and social rituals 19 Resmtance to corruptmn

8 Reciprocation of greetings, favors, and gifts 20 Patriotism

9 Kindness 21 Sincerity

10. Knowledge {education} 22 Keeping oneself disinterested and pure

11 Solldarltywlth others 23 Thrift

12 Moderatmn, foU.owmg the mlddl.eway 24 Persistence

(Continued]

6& Intercutturat Communication Chapter2 [] The Cu[turat Context 65

[Continued}

25 Patience 33 Contentedness with one's position in l,lfe

28 Repayment of both the good and evil. another person has caused you 34 Being conservative

27 A sense of cul,tura[ superiority 35. Protecting your"face"

28 Adaptability ÿ 36 A ctose, intimate friend

29 Prudence [careful,hess} 37 Chastltyln women

30. Trustworthiness 38 Having few desires

31 Having a sense of shame 39 Respect for tradition

32 Courtesy 40 Weal,th

In the Chinese Values Survey, Jianxm Zhang and Michael Harris Bond affirmed the dominance of filial piety in China. They argue that filial piety surpasses all other cultural ethics in Chinese culture. Specifically, filial piety prescribes how children should behave toward their parents, living or dead, as well as toward their ancestors. Chinese children ale taught to provide for their parents' material and mental well-being, perform celemo- real ancestral worship, ensure the continuity of the family line, and conduct themselves

in a way that brings honor to and avoids shaming the family name. Zhang and Bond assert that Chinese filial piety extends beyond the hmits of one's direct nucleal family.

Chinese filial piety prescribes not only absolute parental authority over children but also, by extension, the authority of those senior in rank (i.e., age) over those junior in rank. Zhang and Bond maintain that Chinese fihal piety Influences myriad social behaviors-- even in modern China, where Western, individualistic culture has been introduced.48

In theu research on Chinese values in work olgamzations, Henry S. R. Kao and Ng Sek-Hong discovered that the Chinese values of tiust, fidelity, altluism, and unspecified

obligations of reciprocity norms are an important source of strategic advantage, giving Chinese corporations resilience and flexibility to cope with change.49 Researchers George Domino and Mo Therese Hannah argue that Chinese values are taught early and can

be seen in the stories told by Chinese children. In comparison with stories told by U.S. children, the Chinese stories demonstrated greater social orientation, greater emphasis on public shame, fewer interpersonal confrontations, more instances of teamwork, more conceln for the role of authority, greater preoccupation with moral and ethical rectitude,

more expressions of sorrow and happiness, fewer instances of physical aggression, and less

economic orientation2°

characteristics common to all values and those that differentiate one value from another. Perhaps the most debated aspect of this theoiy is that Schwartz identifies 10 basic per- sonal values that he argues are universal and recognized across cultures. These 10 values are considered universal because they are based on what Schwartz believes are three uni-

versal requirements of human existence: (a) the needs of individuals as biological organ- lsms, (b) the fundamentals of coordinated social interaction, and (c) survival and welfare needs of groups. Schwartz's theory has been tested in a number of studies, and most of them reveal a remarkable consistency m these 10 values across the wolld's cultures.51

As we have seen m this chapter, scholars from across a wide range of academic dis- ciphnes have studied human value systems, and many of them tend to treat values as

a way to distinguish and characterize the uniqueness of a particular culture. Schwartz argues that although his typology of 10 basic human values is umversal, individuals and groups may differ significantly in terms of the relative importance of a specific value. Regarding the nature of values, Schwartz outlines six characteristics he believes are true fol all values. First, Schwartz points out that values are beliefs linked to affect; that is,

people are emotionally connected to values and become aroused (positively or negatively) if a value is triggered. Second, Schwartz maintains that values are linked to goals that

motivate people to act. For example, people who value benevolence ale prompted to help others m need. Third, values transcend (exceed or go beyond) specific actions and situa- tions. The value of benevolence, foi example, will motivate the individual at home, work,

school, and so on. Fourth, values serve as a standard 01 criteria, or a kind of barometer, for deciding what is good or bad, right o, wrong. Fifth, an individual's values are ranked hierarchically. Individuals across cultules 01dei and prloritlze their values. Sixth, atti-

tudes and behavior are typically motivated and driven by more than one value; that is, multiple values guide social action. Once again, Schwartz argues that these sJx features are true for all values, but what distinguishes one value flora another is the type of goal or motivation it expresses.52

SCHWARTZ'S 10 BASIC HUMAN VALUES

Self-directlom The defining goal. of thÿs vatue type is Independent thought and action. [Freedom, creativity, Independence,

choosing own goats, curiosity, seLf-respectJ

Schwartz Theory of Basic Vatues Shalom Schwartz, professor emeritus at the Heb,ew University of Jerusalem, has studied human value systems for nearly 30 years and developed the Schwartz theory of basic human values. Schwartz's theory describes the nature of values and identifies

2 Stimulation: The goal. is derived from the need for variety and stimulation to maintain an optimal, l,evel, of activation Some of these needs are biotogicat, white others are teamed or cul,turat. (An exciting life, a varied rife, daring}

3 Hedomsm: The goal. here is the need and motivation for pl,easure {Pteasure, enjoying tmfe}

Achievement. The goat of this vatue type is the need and val,ue of personal, success and preshge /Ambition, Influence, capabttlty, success, Intethgence, self-respect]

Power. This vatue is satisfied by the attainment of soclat status [Social power, wealth, authority, preserving pubtlc image, social recognition]

Security The goat here Is the need for safety, harmony, and the stabftlty of society and retatlonshlps. [National security,

{Continued]

Chapter2 m The Cu[turat Context 67 66 Intercultural Communlcatmn

{Continued]

reciprocation of favors, family security,

sense of belonging, social order, health, cleanliness]

'7. Conformity ThIs value is embodied In the restraint of actions, mctLmatlons, and

impulses [Obedience, self-discipline, ° politeness, honoring of parents and elders}

Tra&tlon This value is characterized by the importance of religious rites, beliefs, and norms of behavior that, over time,

are valued and passed on by a collective, [Respect for children, devotion, acceptance of one's portion in Life, humility, moderation}

Benevolence The goat of this value is the need and motivation for positive interaction and affiliation [Helpfulness, responsibility, forgiveness, honesty, Loyalty, mature Love, true frmndshlp}

especially among those perceived as different, such as in school, woik, or social settings. Self-duection values culnvate cieativity and innovation, which satisfy ln&vidual needs

without necessarily hurting the group. Schwartz notes that powel often lanks low among cultmes because it often leads to exploitation of others. On the other hand, power is in

the top 10 because it motivates people to world for group lnteiests, such as seeking out a high-ranking political or religious posmon whose functmn is to help the group.54

In earlier typologms, Schwartz included an llth value of sputtuahty. Here, the defin- ing goal Is meaning, coherence, and innel haimony. In a number of studies, however, this

value did not appeal consistently across cultures. As already mennoned, while individuals and groups may &ffer m how they rank the

10 values, most studms demonstrate remarkable consistency among cultuies and their rankings of these values. Studms by numerous scholars have gathered data from hundreds

of diverse geogiaphic, cultural, linguistic, religious, age, gender, and occupational gioups from mote than 80 countlles. These studies show that benevolence, umversahsm, and

self-dnectlon are typically tanked highest, wheieas power and stimulation are lanked

lowestY In hying to explain why these 10 values are pancultural (across cultures), Schwartz

points to two factors: (a) human nature and (b) maintaining societms and social order. Simply put, values that conflict with human nature are unimportant across most cul- tures. But accoidmg to Schwartz, the social function of values is to motivate and control

the actmns of group members fol the sake of the group. Here, two points are ciitica[:

First, Schwartz contends that values function as guides for individuals and theu social behavior in that they mingate the necessary and constant monitoring of the

individual by the group.

Second, these values prescribe specific behaviors that are approprmte and

discourage those that thwart the goals of the gloup.

Foi example, Schwartz maintains that the high ranldng of benevolence acioss cul-

tures stems fiom the importance of cooperative social relations in the famdy--where chll- dlen learn the values of the laiger socmty and culture that suriounds them. Universalism (,ÿ,hlc-h nf'ten ranks second among cultures) also motivates positive social mteractions,

Unlversallsm The value of understanding, appreciation, tolerance, and protectmn for

the welfare of all people and for nature {Equality, umty with nature, wisdom, a world of beauty, social justice, broad-mindedness,

protection of the environment, a world at

peace}

10 Ktuckhohn and Strodtbeck's Value Orientations

In the early 1960s, Florence Kluckhohn and Fred SLrodtbeck developed the concept of value orientations. They argued that eveiy cultme has umveisal pioblems and conditions

that must be addressed. Foi example, eveiy culture must deal with the natmal environ- ment. All cultures must feed themselves. All cultures must face the issues of child-iearing. For a given cultme, however, the, e are a limited number of solutions to these problems. These possible solutions are motivated by the values of the culture. Initially, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck created five sets of value orientations.55 Several yeals latei, communica-

tion researcheis John Condon and Fathi Yousef extended the set to a total of 25 value orientations Condon and Yousef organized the value ouentanons around sÿx dominant themes: the self, the family, society, human nature, natme, and the supernatural.56

The Condon and Yousef set of value ouentations piovides a structure and vocabulary that can be used to compare cultures. Although there are exceptions, many of the values on the left of the continuum ale representative of individuahstlc, low-context cultures,

while those on the right ale lepresentative of collecnvistm, high-context cultures (see Table 2.4).

The Self

In all cultures, people develop their self-identity. How that identity is fosteled is influ- enced by the cultme's values. For example, people in individualistic socLeties, such as the United States, tend to view their accomplishments and failures personally. In the United

States, a person is seen as a unique m&vidual and strives for independence from others. When individuals succeed or win, they receive a great deal of attention and adulation. Lÿkewise, when individuals lose, they are often left to suffer alone. No one wants to be seen with a loser. Whether on the top or on the bottom, the m&vidual experiences

intense emotions. Hsu contends that strong emotions are unavoidable because they ate concentrated in one individual. The Chinese, howevei, are interdependent with otheis,

and foi them, responslbihty and accountability ale shared and div,ded among the group members. If the group wins, everyone in the group wins; there is no "most valuable player," so to speak. Therefore, the intense emotions expeuenced by winning or failing are tempered and moderated because they are shared.57

The second variation on the self-continuum is age. Westein, individualistic, low-con-

text cultures tend to value youth. Conversely, old age ÿs valued in many cultures, such as Nigeria, where it is associated with wisdom. According to Philip R. Harris and Robert T. Moran, in Nigeria the elderly ale lespected because they have much experience and can pass on family history and tradition.58

The third variation on the self is activity. U.S. cinzens identify themselves in terms of their activities, usually professions and occupations. Condon and Yousef hold that

68 IntercuLtural Communication Chapter2 [] The Cultura[ Context 69

many English names indicate "doers," such as Baker, Smith, and Carpenter. In the United States, people ale often asked about what they "do" fol a living. Some non-Western cul-

tures emphasize being, a form of self-actualization. In this view, life is an organic whole; it is human to embrace life and to become one with the universe and oneself.59

THE SELF

1 Individualism Individualism

2 Age ' Youth

3 Sex Equality of sexes

4 ActlvRy Doing

THE FAMILY

1 Relational orientations Indlwdual.lstlc

2 Authority Democratic

3 Positional rote behavior Open

4 MobltRy High moblhty

HUMAN NATURE

1 Rationality Rational

2 Good/evil Good

3 Happiness/pleasure Happiness as goat

, Intuitive Irrational

Mixture Evtt

Inextricable bond of Lÿfe is mostly sad happiness and sadness

Some change Unchanging

NATURE

1 Relationship between Humans dominate humans and nature nature

2 Ways of knowing nature Abstract

Harmonious Nature dominates humans

Circle of induction and Specific--direct deduction

3 Structure of nature Mechanlstsc Spiritual Organic

4. Concept of time Future Present Past

THE SUPERNATURAL

1 Relationship between Humans as God Pantheism Humans controlled by humans and the supernatural

supernatural 2 Meaning of Me Physical/material goats Intellectual goats SplrRuat goats

3 Providence Good is unbmlted Balance of good and Good in life is limited misfortune

4 Knowledge of cosmic Order is comprehensible Faith and reason Mysterious and order unknowable

Source Based on Condon, J C, & Yousef, F [19751 An Introductton to Intercultural Commumcatton NewYork MacmiLLan

4 Mutability Change, growth, [earning

Indwlduatity Interdependence

Middle years Old age

Female supermnty Mate superiority

Being-in-becoming Being

Collateral Lineal

Authority centered Authoritarian

General Specific--prescribed

Phasic mobility Low mobitlty--stasls

The FamiLy Famihal relationships differ across cultures. Harris and Moran write that in Nigeria,

for example, the family is the core group of society. Nigerians value their family lineage through the male head of the household. A Nigerian lÿ known by his or her family lineage and may have privileges and responsibilities based on family name. Furthermore, marriage is seen as a way of producing more children to contribute m this lineage. If one's spouse

is sterile, it is giounds fo, divorce. Some ethnic groups in Nigeria also practice polygamy. Wives are often acquired through the payment of a bride price to the bride's parents.6°

Positional role behavior within families refers to how strictly roles ale prescribed among family members. The Guatemalan Ladinos (a term used to refer to people born through interracial relationships or those who have Spanish and indigenous heritage) define a man's and woman's role within the family quite diffelently. Mike Keberlein, who grew up in Guatemala, argues that machismo is a Spanish concept that deals mainly with how male and female roles are performed in the home. Ladinos view the men as protec- tors and providers and women as chlld-leareis and homemakers. Children are taught

early by theu mother to recognize their responsibilities as men and women. A boy as

young as 5 years old may be sent to work in the fields A girl might start household chores at the same age, where she is taught to care for younger children of the house and to

cook. Young boys are expected never to cry or show signs of pain, whereas young girls are taught to show emotion whenever appropriate.6ÿ

Society

According to Condon and Yousef,, social reciprocity refers to the mutual exchanges peo- ple make in their dealings with others. What is perceived as a relatively innocuous request

in one country mÿy be interpreted quite seriously in others. In the United States, a request for a favor (e.g., "Can I borrow your car?") may imply no necessaly reciprocity. In other cultmes, one is required to return favors and obligations in kind. Equal exchanges ale expected and obhgatory.62

The second value orientation, group membership, differs greatly among individualistic and collectivistic cultures. According to Condon and Yousef, members of individualistic

cultures tend to join many groups throughout their lifetimes, yet their affiliation with

any particular group may be brief. The group is subordinate m the individual's needs. In

the United States, for example, people join political groups, social groups, hobby groups, occupatmnal groups, self-help groups, fiaternal groups, and so on. In collectivistic cul- tures, people tend to belong to fewer groups (e.g., family and occupational) but belong to those groups for a lifetime.63

Human Nature

The human nature orientation deals with how cultures perceive human character and

temperament. In Western countries such as the United States, people are viewed as

70 IntercuLturaL Cornrnunlcatlon Chapter2 ÿ The Cutturat Context 71

essenually lauonal. Chil&en m the United States are taught to "use then heads" when making decisions. U.S. citizens frequently tell their fiiends to "stop being so emo-

tional," as if being emotional implies some character flaw, Japanese children, on the other hand, are often taught to follow their intuition or to lead with their healts. Condon and Yousef note that m the United States, happiness Is viewed as a piactical goal, even the primaiy goal--hence the popular song titled "Don't Worry, Be Happy." Moreover, the Declalauon of Independence states that people "are endowed by theu

creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these ate hfe, liberty, and the pur- smt of happiness." Other societies and cultmes view happiness and sadness as insepa- rable, as m the yin-yang philosophy of many As,an cultures. A Chinese proverb leads, "If a man's face does not show a httle sadness, his thoughts ale not too deep." Anothel

one reads, "One should not rmss the flavor of being sick, not miss the experience of being destitute.''64

POWER DISTANCE

Nature

In the United States, high school students learn about the structure of nature in their

biology, geography, and physics classes, among others. Students learn about things they may never actually see, such as the structuie of DNA. The models they see are not htelal reproductions but, rather, dramatic abstractions. Much of the education

taught in the United States is based on absuact concepts and constructs. Condon and Yousef maintain that in other cultures, perhaps those with little formal educa- tion, what a person knows about natme is learned through direct experience. Many Westmn cultures view nature as mechanistic, meaning that nature is structured much

like a machine or clock. 7he brain, for example, is explained using computer analo- gies. Models of DNA look like double helixes. The organic orientation likens nature to a plant, in that nature is seen as an organic whole that is Interdependent with all

othei natmal forces.65

The Supernatural.

Condon and Yousef asseit that a cultule's peispective on the cosmos reflects its philos-

ophy about Its people's relationship with the supernatural and spiritual wodd. In many Western cultmes, the supernatural is studied almost scienufically. Scientists study the structure of space and seek, thlough scientific means, to find the origins of the universe.

We send out satellites equipped with plinted messages and recordings in a (perhaps vain) attempt to communicate with extraterrestrials. Most Western cultmes believe that the older of the cosmos is knowable. Conversely, othei cultures view the cosmos with a great deal of fear and uncertainty. Condon and Yousef point to a farmer in Peru who relies on the phases of the moon and the cycles of the seasons to tell him when to plant or halvest his fields. The farmer thinks of the cosmos with a great deal of superstition and fear. To him, these mysteries are unexplainableJ6

The value orientations plesented heie are neither mutually exclusive not exhaustive. They ate repiesentauve of the kinds of values held by cultures and the differences in those values. They also serve as a starting point for researchers to compare and contrast the

myuad cultmes that cohabit the planet.

According to Geert Hofstede, while many cultures declare and even legislate equality for their members, all cultmes must deal with the issue of human inequality. A fundamen- tal tenet explessed in the beginning of'the Declaration of Independence, the document on which the United States was founded, states that "we hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal." Although some cultmes affirm equality for their

membms, some form of inequality exists in vntually every culture. Inequality can occul in aieas such as prestige, wealth, power, human rights, and technology, among others. Issues of inequality fall within the rubric of what Hofstede calls "powei distance." In his landmark survey research, Hofstede defined power distance as "the extent to which the

less powerful members of institutions and olganizauons within a country expect and accept that power Is distributed unequally."67 Power distance can be seen in families, in

bureaucracies, and even in friendships. Inequality of power within organizations is inev-

itable and desirable In many cases for organizations to function effectively. For example, mdltaly organizatmns ale defined by power distance.

Hofstede categorizes cultures as having either large or small power distance (see

Figure 2.3). Cultures with a smallel power distance emphasize that inequalities among people should be minimized and that there should be interdependence between less pow- erful and mole powerful people. In cukmes with small power distance (e.g., the Umted

States, Canada, Austua), family members are generally treated as equal, and familial deci- sions are reached democratically. According to Hofstede, in small powei distance schools, teachers expect a certain amount of mitiauve and mteracuon with students. The overall educational process is student oriented. In class, students are expected to ask questions

and perhaps even challenge their teachels. In organizations, decentralization is popular, and subordinates engage m pat uclpatwe decision-making. The organizational power hie> archy is mostly for convenience, since the persons who occupy powerful roles may change regularly. In fact, workers are expected to try to "climb the ladder of success" to more

powel and prestige. In this sense, persons in small power distance cultures may recognize"eained" power-vthat is, power people deserve by virtue of their drive, hard work, and

motivation. Moreovei,

small power distance cultures tend to resent those whose power is decreed by birth or Small Power D,stance

wealth (i.e., positional power).68

Hofstede maintains that in cultures with a larger power distance, inequalities among people ate both expected and desired. Less powerful people should depend on more poweiful people. In larger power distance cultures (e.g., the Philippines, Mexico, India), chd&en are expected to be obedient. In many such cultures, there is a strict hierarchy

among family members in which typically the father lules authoritatively, fbllowed by the eldest son and moving down the ladder by age and sex. In educational settings, teach- ers, especially oldel teachers, are treated as parents--with respect and honoi. Students

who disobey may be punished severely. In the workplace, power is usually centralized,

power distance The

extent to wh)ch members of a

culture expect

and accept that

power is unequatly distributed

Large Power Distance

72 Intercultural Communicahon 73

#

>

E 8 o 6

o

@

Chapter 2 m The Cul.tural. Context

with large power distances (e.g., Malaysia, Mexico, India), subordinates are considerably dependent on superiors.

Heasuring Power Distance If we know the position of a culture on the power distance scale relative to our own cul-

ture, then we have a starting point from which to proceed in our understanding of that culture. In large power distance cultures, subordinates are extremely submisswe, whereas in small power distance cultures, subordinates are confrontational. Power distance tells us about dependence relationships in a given culture. In those countries where a small

power distance is observed (e.g., Austria, Norway), dependence is limited. Workers in these cultures prefer managers who consult with them in decision-making. Subordinates are generally comfortable approaching and interacting with their superiors. In cultures

PHOTOS 2.2A, B In many cultures, there is a strict hierarchy among famfl.y members

@

o s-

g 3 o

Austria Malaysia

Denmark Guatemala

New Zealand Panama

Ireland Philippines

Sweden Mexico

Norway Venezuela

Finland Ecuador

Swltzerl.and Indonesia

Great Britain India

Germany Brazil

Communication and Power Distance

Power distance affects the verbal and n6nverbal behavior of a culture. Several studies have

investigated power distance and communication during conflict. In their research, Tyler,

Lind, and Huo found that power distance influences the way people react to third-party authorities in conflict situations. Specifically, they found that when making evaluations of authorities, persons in small power distance cultures placed more value on the quality of

their treatment by authorities. In contrast, those with larger power distance values focused more strongly on the favorability of their outcomes. Tyler, Lind, and Huo suggest that the degree to which authorities can gain acceptance for themselves and their decisions through providing dignified, respectful treatment is Influenced by the cultural values of the dis- putants. Specifically, they found that dispute resolution methods, such as mediation, are more likely to be effective among those who have small power distance values.7ÿ

In another study, Smith, Dugan, Peterson, and Leung examined how managers han- dled disagreement with their subordinates. Their results showed that the larger the power distance, the more frequent the reports of out-group disagreements; the smaller the power distance, the more likely managers were to ask peers to handle disagreements and to use subordinates to handle disagreements. The authors conclude that in small power distance cultures, managers minimize status differences during conflict and rely on peers and subo*dmates to assist In mediating conflict.72

m

oa Ea=

Ahmed I. Al.shaya

Saudl Arabta is a large power distance country for reasons concerned with favorablhty of out- comes The culture focuses on the outcomes that do not disturb the harmony of the people Power dtstance in Saudl Arabia is defined by age and sex There ts a hterarchteaLstructure m almost all families In a typical SaudJ family, because of this hterarchtca[ structure the father ts the head of the house He ts the one m charge of the house In all aspects The father has some responstblhhes to his house For example, the

[Contmued]

and workers and bosses are treated unequally. In many large power distance cultures, Hofstede observed, workers are

generally uneducated and superiors are entitled to special privileges and status--in some cultures, by law.69

There appears to be a direct link between power distance and the latitude of the country. In a study conducted at 40 universities in the United States, Peter A. Andersen and his colleagues found a strong correlation between latitude and authoritarianism. Residents in the northern U.S. states were less authoritarian than those in the southern states. The

population of a country may be another predictor of power distance. Generally, larger cultures tend to have larger power

distance (see Table 2.5). As the size of any group increases, it becomes unwieldy and difficult to manage informally.7°

Cultures with large and small power distance may value

different types of power. Large power distance cultures tend to emphasize positional power. Positional power is based

on formal authority (e.g., family rank). Persons with posi- tional power have control over rewards, punishments, and information. Small power distance cultures recognize and respect earned power. Earned power is based on an individ-

ual's accomplishments, hard work, and effort.

74 Intercu[turat Commumcatlon

Chapter 2 [] The Cultural. Context 75

{Continued}

Directions; The fol,towmg are 10 statements regarding issues we face at work, in the crass-

room, and at home Indicate in the btank to the l,eft of each statement the degree to whmh you {1] strongty agree, {2} agree, {3} are unsure, {4} disagree, or [5} strongl,y disagree with the statement. For exampte, if you strongty agree with the first statement, ptace a 1 in the bl,ank Work qulckty and record your initial, response

__.2

WlthJn an orgamzatlon, empl,oyees shoul,d feet comfortabte expressing disagreements to their managers.

Within a cl,assroom, students shoul,d be al,l,owed to express their pomts of view toward a subject without being punished by the teacher or professor

and the "other-face" are concerns for the peopl,e

invol,ved The "face" IS a concern because, tf not

property maintained, it wltl. bring disgrace to the family The face is recogmzed in many ways For exampl,e, tt is present during al,l, social, gather- ings, the e[derl,y are al,ways treated with respect because the host and his sons must save their sel,f-face by makmg the el,derl,y feel. comfortabl,e

In the workpl,ace, Saudi Arabia is consid- ered to be power distance ormnted, especial,l,y in the re[ahonship between subordinates and their empl,oyees There is a strong hierarchi- cal. structure Empl,oyers must be treated with respect because they have authority in the orga- mzatlon Different orgamzatmns have different approaches, but most commonl.y, empl,oyees do not participate in the declsmn-makmg rote

__4.

__5.

__7.

At home, chÿl,dren shoul,d be atl,owed to openl,y disagree with their parents

The primary purpose of a manager is to momtor the work of the emptoyees to make sure they are doing their jobs appropnatel,y

Authority is essentlat for the efficient running of an organization, cl.assroom, or home

At work, peopte are more productive when they are cl,osel,y superwsed by those In charge

In probl,em-sotvmg sltuatmns wlthln organizations, input from empl,oyees ts important

__.1

father is responsible for teaching his offspring moraltratts That is, the famll,y must obey the father and treat him with respect and honor The rote then goes to the el,der son If the father is unavall,abl,e There is, of course, dependence on

the one m charge, and usual,l,y the famil,y l,oÿks to him m making decisions

Moving to a l,arger scal,e, socmty plays a big rote m shapmg the peopl,e of Saudt Arabia The el,derl,y are al,ways seen as betng wise and capable of l.eadmg the community to prosper- ity Usual,l,y, peopl,e are expected to treat the el,derl,y with respect For exampl,e, at a hme of confl,tct, the el,derl,y wtl,l, al,ways step m to resol,ve a probl,em, and al,l, the parties mvol,ved wilt have to acknowledge the issue and show some respect for the decision made The "self-face"

8

10

Generatty, empl,oyees, students, and chil,dren shoul,d be seen and not heard

Obedience to managers, teachers, and parents is good

Managers, teachers, and parents

shoul.d be considered equa[ to their workers, students, and chll,dren

Scoring: For Items 4, 5, &, 8, and 9, reverse your

responses That Is, if your original, response was a 1, reverse It to a 5. If your original, response was a 2, reverse it to a 4, and so on Once you have reversed your responses for these items, sum

your 10 responses. This sum fs your power dis- tance score Lower scores equal, sma[l,er power distance

Source Geert Hofstede, 6ert Jan Hofstede, MIchae[ Mmkov, "Cuttures and Organizations, Software of the Mind ', Third Revised

Edition, McGrawHpt[ 2010, ISBN 0-07-165418-1 ©Geert Hofstede B V Quoted with permission

&ella Ting-Toomey has examined powei distance and the concepts office and face- work in conflict situations. Tmg-Toomey and others argue that pmsons m all cultures have face concerns. Face represents an individual's sense of positive self-image m the

context of communication. Accmdmg to Tmg-Toomey, everyone, in all cultures, has

face concerns during conflict Self-face is the conceln for one's own image, other-face is concern foi anothm's image, and mutual-face is concern for both parties. Facework is

used to manage these face concerns during conflict. Tmg-Toomey's research has shown that small power distance cultures have a greater self-face concern, have lesser other- and mutual-face concerns, use mine dominating lacework, and use less avoiding facewoik.73

Other research has investigated how power distance affects reactions to messages about alcohol warnings Anna Peiea and Michael D. Slater examined the ÿesponses of Mexican

American and Anglo young adults to four televised drinking-and-driving warnings. The messages were manipulated into laige and small powet distance appeals by attributing or not atuibuting them to the surgeon general--that is, an authority with power. Anglos

(small power distance) lated the warnings without the surgeon general as mole believable than warnings with the surgeon geneial; the opposite was hue fm Latmos (large power distance).74

Student-teacher lelationships exist,in virtually every culture. Generally, teachers have more legitimate and expert power than do their students. In an interesting examination of

student-teacher lelauonshlps in cultures with small (i e., Britain) and large (i.e., China) powei distance, Helen Spencer-Oatey found that Chinese students reported a larger power diffeiential between themselves and their Chinese teachers than did the British students with their British teachers. Yet the Chinese reported their lelationships with their teachers to be interpersonally closer than did the British. Moreover, the Chinese students reported that the power differential between them and their teachers was accept- able. Consistent with their value offihal piety, one Chinese student commented that one should "ueat teachers as you would treat yore elders." On the other hand, the Butish

students were significantly less accepting of the power differential between them and their teachers, even though that differential was small. One British student reported that teachms "certainly have these nawerÿ h,,ÿ ÿhÿ,,Id,'ÿ k ...... 7s

76 IntercuLturaL Commumcatton Chapter2 ÿ The Cuttura[ Context 77

Larger power distance culture, the classroom is

teacher centered In Mr Guherrez'scLassroom,

there is to be strict order, with Mr Gutlerrez ini-

tiating aLL communication Teachers are to be treated with deference

In another interesting study, Bond and his colleagues found that persons m large power distance cultures respond differently to verbal insults than do persons in small power distance cultures. In their comparison of Chinese and U,S. students, they found that the Chinese were less critical of an insulter as long as the insulter had higher status than the m-group. U.S. citizens, on the other hand, made no distinction as a function of

the insulter's status.76

Power distance also affects the nonverbal behavior of a culture. In many large power

dÿstance cultures, persons of lower status are taught not to give dÿrect eye contact to a person of higher status. Indirect eye contact from a subordinate signals to the superior that the subordinate recognizes his or her lower status. In large power distance cultures, when a person of high status hands something to a person of lower status (e.g., a book), the lower-status person will often use both hands to receive the ÿtem, again recognizing his or her lower status. Andersen, Hecht, Hoobler, and Smallwood have observed that

many large power distance cultures prohibit lnterclass dating, marriage, and contact. hey also suggest that persons of lower power must become skilled at decoding nonverbal

behavior and that persons of lower status must show only positive emouons to those of

higher status. Moreover, in large power dÿstance cukures, persons of lower status smile

more in an effort to appease those of higher status.77

Different power distance orientations mani-

fest themselves in interaction In the dialogue that foLLows, Jim Neuman isa US high school exchange student in GuatemaLa Coming from

a smatter power distance culture, Jim IS accus-

tomed to interacting with his teachers Raising one's hand m a US classroom is not only

acceptable but encouraged In GuatemaLa, a

AN iNTERCULTURAL CONVERSATION LARGE AND SMALL POWER DISTANCE CULTURES

PHOTOS 2 3A, B In many cultures (especiaLLy those with large power distance}, teachers may how more power over students than do

parents

Mr Outlerrez

Jim Neuman

Mr Gutlerrez

This morning, I wiLL be dis- cussing some points about

GuatemaLa's geography GuatemaLa is the north- ernmost country of Central Amertca {Jÿm Neuman raises hrs hand) To the north, it borders the coun-

tries of EL SaLvador and Honduras To the west, Its natural border is the Pac,fic Ocean In the east is another natural border, the AtLantic Ocean, as well. as

the country of Behze

{Raising his hand and wav- Ing It sljghtl.y } Mr Gutierrez9

GuatemaLa is caLLed the "Land of the Eternal

Spring " It has aLL the same kinds of natural [and forms as Mexico, but they are-

(Jim Neuman Interrupts]

Jtm Neuman Mr Gutlerrez, I have a question

Mr Gutlerrez Jim, stop interrupting, please

Jim Neuman May I ask a question?

Mr Gutlerrez Nol If you continue to dis- obey, I wiLL pumsh youl Be quletl

In this dialogue, Jim does not understand Mr Guherrez's harsh reprimand Coming from a smal.L power distance culture, Jim recogmzes that teachers have more power than students but does not see their power as absolute Jim sees himself as an active parhclpant in the cl.ass After all., for most of his Life Jim's teach- ers have encouraged him to speak up In cl.ass Mr Gutÿerrez, on the other hand, sees the cLass-

room as his domain, one he rules absoLuteLy By raising his hand, Jim demonstrates his insolence toward Mr Gutierrez To some extent, a certain

degree of power distance Is essential If cultures are to surwve Legitimate power is a necessity of civil Life Yet independence from power, hbera- hon, and freedom of choice are poLiticaLLy attrac- tive aLternatwes Perhaps the ÿdeaLsttuatlon is one in which mdwldua[ families operate with InternaLLy driven, Large power distances, while the wider cuLturaL mlheu restricts overbearing, omnipotent, and intimidating governments

UNCERTAINTY AVOIDANCE William Gudykunst and Young Yun Kim state that communicating with someone from an unknown culture can be uncomfortable because such situations are replete with

uncertainty and unpredictability. When uncertainty is high, anxiety is usually high, and communication can be difficult and awkward. 3-his may account for why some people

avoid interacting with people from other cultures. By reducing uncertainty, however, anx- iety can be reduced, which, m turn, facilitates effective and successful communication. Although uncertainty is probably a universal feature of initial intercultural communica- tion, one's level of tolerance for uncertainty and ambiguity varies across cultures (see Figure

2.4). In addition, argue Gudykunst and Kim, the communicauve strategies for reduc- ing uncertainty also vary across cultures. Persons in high-context cultures, for example, look to the environmental, sociorelational, and perceptual contexts for information to

78 Intercultural Communication

Uncertainty-Oriented ÿ= ÿ- Certainty-Oriented

uncertainty avoidance The

degree to which members of a

partlcul.ar cul.ture feel. threatened

by unpredictable, uncertain, or unknown

sltuahons

reduce unceltamty. People in low-context cultules

tend to rely on verbal information-seeking strat-

egies, usually by asking lots of questions.78

Hofstede asseits that although the extent to which an individual experiences uncer-

tainty and the subsequent strategies for reducing it may be unique to that person, a general onentation toward uncertainty can be shared cultmally. Accoidmg to Hofstede, tolerance ÿol uncertainty is learned through cultural socialization. Hofstede notes that a culture's technology, system of laws, and aeligion are markeis foa how that culture

addresses and attempts to avoid or reduce uncei tamty. For example, some kinds of tech-

nology help a culture manage natural uncertainty (e.g., weather), systems of law are designed to prevent and account for behavioral unceltamtles (e.g., crime), and religion can help a culture cope with supernatural uncertainty (e.g., death). A culture's technol-

ogy, law, and religion are ingrained in the individual through socialization, education, and occupation. Hence, they lead to collective patterns of tolerance lot ambiguity and uncertainty.79

Uncertainty avoidance is the degree to which the members of a particular culture feel threatened by uncertain or unknown situations. Hofstede contends that this feeling

is expressed through nervous stress and as a felt need for predictability and foi written and unwritten rules. Cultures have either a weak or strong unceitamty avoidance orien- tation. In cultures with a weak uncertainty avoidance orientation, uncertainty is seen as a

normal part of life, in which each day is accepted as it comes. 3he people are comfortable with ambiguity and are guided by a belief that what is different is curious. In school set- tings, students are comfortable with open-ended learning situations and enjoy classroom discussion. In the workplace, time is needed only as a guide, not as a master. Precision and punctuality are learned because they do not come naturally. Workers ale motivated

by their achievements and personal esteem or belongmgness. There is also a high toler- ance foa innovative ideas that may conflict with the norm.8°

Conversely, cultures with a strong uncertainty avoidance orientation sense that uncer- tainty in life is a continuous threat that must be fought. Life can be stressful, where a

sense of urgency and high anxiety are typical. Hofstede maintains that strong uncer- tainty-avoidant cultures aae guided by the belief that what is different is dangeaous. Uncertamty-avoldant cukures evade ambiguity in most situations and look for structure m their business organizations, home life, and relationships. At school, students are most comfortable in structured environments. The teachers are supposed to have all the ught

answers On the job, time Is money; punctuality and precision ale expected. There is gen- eially lesistance to innovative ideas, and workers aae motivated by job security.81

a strong uncertainty avoidance tendency. Uncertainty-oriented persons' preferred

method of handling uncertainty is to seek out information and engage in activity that will directly resolve the uncertainty. These

people try to understand and discover aspects of the self and the environment about which they are uncertain.

Certamty-ormnted people, on the other hand, develop a self-iegulatoay style that cncumvents uncertainty. Given the choice, persons who are ceitainty oriented will undeitake activity that maintains clarity; when confronted with uncertainty, they will tend to rely on otheis or on heuristic devices rather than more direct methods of

Chapter 2 !

Uncertainty Orientation

Uncertain Situation

Related to Hofstede's concept of uncertainty avoidance is the theory of uncertainty ori- entation. According to this variation of Hofstede's Ideas, some individuals are considered

uncertainty oaiented and others certainty oriented. Uncertainty-oriented individuals have a weak uncertainty avoidance tendency, while certainty-oriented individuals have

A Theory of Uncertainty Orientation

Certain Situation

Uncertain

Certainty ÿ Situation

Onentatlon

Certain S=tuahon

resolving uncertainty (see Figme 2.5). Geneially, Eastern cultures have a preference for certainty, whereas Western cul-

tures are uncertainty oriented (see Table 2.6). ÿ-he tendency to be individualistic or self- oriented in Westean populations exists because uncertainty-oriented people like to find out new information about the self, The more personally relevant or uncertain the sit-

uation, the more unceltainty-oriented persons will be actively engaged in it. Cm tainty- oriented people, however, ale more group oriented, as the group provides a cleai standard foi norms and behavior, a standard that can be embraced by the certainty oriented.

Western societies tend to be more uncertainty oriented because of their self-oriented and individualistic approaches to life, compared with people in Eastern societies, who, in

turn, should be more cmtainty oriented as a func- tion of their heavy reliance on groups.82 In the Intercultural Conversation dialogue that follows,

Keiko is confused by Kelly's easygoing attitude toward the evening's plans. Coming from a suong

uncertainty-avoidant cultme, Keiko would prefer

to plan ahead to avoid uncertainty and prepaae her Japan script for the evening. Kelly, on the o[hei hand,

is perfectly comfortable making plans based on Guatemata how the evening piogiesses. Without a plan, how will Keiko know how to act? Although the feel- Portugal lngs associated with uncertainty are personal and Peru subjective, they can be shared by whole cultures. Although anxiety creates the same physiological Et Satvador aesponses in humans, what triggers anxiety and Panama one's level of tolerance for it is learned. A culture's orientation toward uncertainty can be found in Chute

its families, schools, and institutions. But uncer- Spain tamty avoidance ultimately manifests m human interaction, u ruq oar

United States

Canada

New Zealand

Sweden

Iretand

Great Britain

Denmark

South Africa

kl ........

The Cu[turat Context 79

....... ÿ Actwe

Engagement

....... ÿ,. Passive

Disengagement

....... ÿ. Passive

Disengagement

....... ÿ Active

Engagement

Chapter2 ÿ The CuLtural. Context 81

80 Intercultural Commumcatlon

AN iNTERCULTURAL CONVERSATION WEAK AND STRONG UNCERTAINTY AVOIDANCE

One's uncertainty avoidance orientation may Kelly manifest itself in interaction lln any number of Kelko ways In the following dialogue, KeLLy and Kelko are discussing a dinner mvLtatlon KeLLy, from Kelly the Umted States, has a relatively weak uncer- tainty avoidance index, while Kelko, from Japan, comes from a culture with a reLativeLy strong

Kelko uncertainty avoidance index

Kelko Hey, KeLLy, Let's do something Kelly tonight

Kelly All right

Kelko PLease come over to my house, and I'LL cook dinner for you

Kelko

I have invited some friends over to my house for dinner tonight, but I don't know If they're coming

WelL, as soon as you know If they're coming, let me know

Kelko

Kelly

Kelko

I won't know until tonight

What time9

I won't know until they caLL me They'lL probably caLL Later this afternoon

How wiLL you know whether or not to cook enough for everyone9

Oh, I'LL make up something on the spot I Like to cook I'LL whip up something fast

But what if they don't come9 Won't they call and Let you know9

No, if they don't come, I'LL know that something else came up I'1.1 Let you know as soon as I can

Maybe we should plan my droner for some other mght

LONG TERM-SHORT TERM ORIENTATION 2he final dimension of cultural variability to be discussed is long term-short term orr- entation. Much of this dimension of cultural variabihty is based on the work of Geert Hofstede whose research has been mentioned frequently throughout this chapter. According to Hofstede and his colleagues, long term-short term orrentation refers to

how cultures maintain their historical past while managing the cultural challenges of the

present and future.83 Hofstede notes that in long-term-oriented cultures individuals value long-standing

values and time-honored traditions. Long-term-oriented cultures often look to

socretal change with suspicion. They are oriented toward future gains, perseverance, social hierarchy, and a sense of shame. Short-term-oriented cultures prefer to focus on gains in the present and past, with respect for tradition and social obligations but an emphasrs on qurck results 84 Social hierarchies are not of central importance

(see Table 2.7).85

Ke{ly

Cultures with a long-term orienta-

tion include Japan, South Korea, China, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Brazil Cukures scoring low on long-term orienta- uon (r.e., short-term orientauon) include the

United States, United Kingdom, Ndrway, Sweden, New Zealand, Germany, and Australia.86

Research on long-term and short-

term orientation has revealed fascinating results. For example, researchers with the National Bureau of Economic Research studied the cultural influence of long- term orientation on the education of

rmmrgrant students hving in the United States. They found that immigrant stu- dents from cultures with long-term ori-

entation performed bettei than students from short-term orientation cultures. The students performed better in reading and math tests, had better test score gains over trine, had fewer absences and discrplinary

incidents, were less likely to repeat grades,

Persistence Quick results

Social hierarchies EquaLity

Adaptabihty Stablhty

Leisure hme not Leisure time important important

Save/thrift Spend

Invest in real estate Invest m mutual funds

No absolute good and AbsoLute good and evil ewt

ReLationships and Bottom bne ÿmportant market important

Education and training SeLf-actuaLization

and were more likely to graduate from high school in four years. Also, they were more likely to enroll in advanced hrgh school courses, especially in scientifrc subjects. They also found that parents from long-term-orientation cultures were more hkely to secure better educational opportunities for their children.87

In their recent study, Bukowski and Rudmckr found that cultural long-term orienta-

tron is a posrtive and signrficant predictor of national (cultural) innovation intensity. They argue that renovation is imperative for the growth and survival of any culture's economy

and industry. Bilhons of dollars are spent by governments promoting innovauon. But the researchers argue that cultural factors, such as long-term orientauon, should also be taken into account ff the differences in innovation rates across multrple countries are to

be explained. They present empirical evidence that cultural influences, specrfically long- term onentauon, rmproves innovation production and adopuon.88

Researchers in China recently studied the effects of long-term orientation on proso-

cial behavior (e.g., donating, volunteering, helping a stranger). They found a significant negative association between long-term-orientation prosocia[ behaviors. Based on their findings the researchers argued that m short-term-oriented cultures service to others is an

important goal, while in long-term-oriented cultules thrift and perseverance are import- ant. Hence, in long-term-oriented cultures people are more likely to engage m planned behaviors and are less likely to spontaneously help others. Moreover, in long-term- oriented cultures people are more likely to invest in long-term social networks and less likely to interact with strangers.89