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Discipline and Guidance

Learning Objectives

After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

▸▸ Explore a variety of issues involved with discipline, guidance, and the development of emotional regulation in young children.

▸▸ Explain why young children struggle to behave appropriately.

▸▸ Discuss adult expectations of young children.

▸▸ Recognize a variety of approaches to the guidance and discipline of young children, including the use of positive reinforcement, punishment, and modeling.

▸▸ Identify ways the early care and education program can work with families concerning issues of discipline, guidance, and emotional regulation.

▸▸ Explain the theory of moral reasoning and its influence on the development of young children's moral behavior.

▸▸ Describe how the unique characteristics of exceptional students pose discipline and guidance challenges both for parents and for early care and education programs.

Introduction Chapter 7

Introduction Erikson’s stage theory focuses on resolving children’s developmental needs and motivations with social and cultural expectations (Erikson, 1963, 1981). As children progress through distinct developmental stages, they must learn how to resolve their internal motivations and desires with societal expectations. Adults involved in the lives of young children—parents, teachers, volunteers, coaches, caregivers, friends, grandparents—spend considerable time and energy trying to help children develop prosocial behaviors. These attempts often involve various approaches to discipline and guidance.

Looking at the development of young children through an ecological perspective allows us to see how various institutions and agencies within Bronfenbrenner’s microsystems directly affect the development and learning of young children. Adults in all of these programs and venues struggle with issues of discipline and guidance, as do the parents of young children.

Adults caring for young children in a variety of settings must address discipline and guidance issues, and they often have very different views of appropriate ways to guide and discipline young children. This conflict is often most evident when families and early care and education program staff disagree on the best ways to guide the development, learning, and behavior of young children. Parents, teachers, and caregivers want children to be safe and secure and to learn socially and culturally appropriate behaviors.

Exceptional children add an additional level of challenge for families and teachers in early care and education programs. Exceptional learners include children with developmental delays, gifted and talented children, and twice exceptional children. Sometimes approaches to disci- pline and guidance that work with other children do not work well with these children; also, because exceptional children have unique physical, emotional, social, and cognitive needs, they often frustrate both parents and the staff of early care and education programs. And, as previously noted, young boys in particular struggle to exhibit appropriate and acceptable behavior at home and in early care and education programs (Whiting & Edwards, 1988b; Skelton, 2001). To best provide the structures, information, and support families and early care and education programs need to help children develop important social behaviors, a variety of community agencies and programs must work together. The more difficult the task of guidance and discipline (for example, a young boy with learning disabilities and severe behavioral problems), the more these programs need to work together effectively, in a truly ecological spirit (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994).

This chapter begins by examining what we mean by discipline and guidance, discusses a vari- ety of approaches commonly used to discipline and guide children in the home and program, and then addresses potential conflicts between programs and families around this impor- tant issue. Teachers and caregivers in early care and education programs struggle with two critically important issues around guidance and discipline: (1) cultural differences that families bring to the program regarding discipline, including expectations and behaviors that differ from those of the teachers and the program; and (2) finding effective and mutually accept- able ways to resolve conflicts around discipline between the program and the home. We then explore theories of moral development and how they can help us understand the behavior of young children; finally, we explore how children with developmental delays, gifted and tal- ented children, and twice exceptional children affect approaches to discipline and guidance.

Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation Chapter 7

7.1 Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation Many early childhood texts attempt to differentiate between discipline and guidance. Others view both terms as interchangeable. The true goal of any discipline and guidance approach is to enable children to develop self-regulation, thus being able to control and direct their own behaviors in a prosocial manner. Here we define discipline/guidance as attempts by adults to guide children into learning and internalizing socially appropriate rules and behaviors. This is a developmental task that cannot be achieved overnight. The central tension in providing discipline/guidance for young children is to address the conflicts between what a child wants and desires to do, and the way the adult world expects young children to behave. Again, the desire is to help young children progress from impulsive, immature behavior to self-control and self-regulation of their behavior.

Brain Development

Throughout this text, we have discussed the development of the brain in young children. Based on revolutionary research methods, a great deal of information about brain develop- ment has been collected. Some of this information includes the following (Schiller, 2010):

• After birth, brain development occurs through the creation of billions of neural con- nections, based on important experiences during the first years of life

• Brain development is a complex interaction between genes and individual experiences

• Early experiences (the first five years) have a profound impact on the development of the brain and on our cognitive capacities as adults

• Early human interaction (the first five years) provides the context for both development and learning and directly determines how the brain is wired

• Brain development is not linear; there are optimal times to learn certain skills and knowledge, such as language

• The brain of a 3-year-old is two and a half times as active as an adult’s brain

• Brain development is very susceptible to emotions (positive and negative) and stress. These emotions produce chemicals in the brain that enhance and delay brain development.

The prefrontal cortex is the front part of the brain that controls executive functions such as judgment, impulse control planning, and emotional regulation. The prefrontal cortex con- tinues to develop through adolescence (Society for Neuroscience, 2007), and some research suggests that the prefrontal cortex develops at a slower rate in boys than in girls (Linroot et al., 2007; Sax, 2007).

Achieving Self-Control and Self-Regulation

Three overlapping developmental tasks combine to help children achieve self-control and self-regulation: brain development (executive function), effortful control skills, and emotional regulation. Efforts by adults to assist children in learning appropriate skills need to focus on developing these three dispositions in children. Adults need to base behavioral expectations on the maturation of the brain and each child’s experiences.

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Executive Functioning

Children’s emotional, social, and cognitive activities are all directed by the prefrontal cortex of the brain. However, in the preschool age the prefrontal cortex is still quite immature, which accounts for some of the struggles and limitations young children demonstrate with problem solving and social behavior (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2009).

During the infant and preschool years, the brain is making billions of connections. The nature of these connections depends on the child’s experiences, interactions, and emotions (Schiller, 2010). Brain development through play, exploring nature, interacting with peers, and develop- ing important emotional relationships with significant adults increases a child’s brain capacity for attention, learning, memory, and reasoning. Multisensory experiences, along with learning how to learn and learning to enjoy learning, further increase preschool children’s ability to control their thinking, emotions, and behavior (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2009).

Preschool children also have little experience with the world, so they have not learned what to pay attention to, how best to remember important information, and various ways to regulate their behavior. As children progress through preschool and kindergarten, they improve in all these and other important areas. However, temperament (as we have discussed) and devel- opmental delays, especially in the area of emotional development, can have an impact on this progress (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007).

Effortful Control Skills

It does little good for children to know the appropriate behaviors they should display if they cannot control them. Effortful control is the ability of a child to regulate his or her impulses to respond to a developing conscience (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007). These are tech- niques and skills that children use to delay temptation and to inhibit immediate impulses (Eigsti et al., 2006), which grow as a result of brain development and experience. Only then can children of elementary age pay more attention to what they are doing and delay grati- fication. Children are motivated to delay gratification because they have learned that, by delaying now, they can get more of what they want in the future. Adults can help children see how delaying immediate gratification can lead to bigger rewards later on. The ability to self-regulate also enables children to exhibit more prosocial behavior, as they can control their initial impulses and enjoy playing with peers.

Effortful control develops throughout the preschool years, and thus children this age struggle to delay gratification and engage in prosocial behaviors. Preschool-age children observe how older peers and adults regulate their emotions and behaviors, and they begin to imitate them. Young children also engage in self-talk, such as when trying to do a puzzle. Instead of becoming frustrated, they say something to themselves like: “No, it won’t fit; try turning it until it fits.” Brain maturation, brain-based learning, and lots of rich and positive experiences all help children develop effortful control (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007). For example, a child at age 2 might throw a tantrum when frustrated because he cannot get what he wants. At age 5, however, he has learned to ask for something he is more likely to get (experience), use appropriate words so the adult knows exactly what he desires (brain-based learning), and moderate his response if it is not satisfied (brain maturation).

Emotional Regulation

The development of both cognitive and social-emotional processes is called emotional regu- lation (Blair, 2002). Emotional regulation is the culmination of brain maturation and effortful

Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation Chapter 7

control; it involves the child’s ability to mediate his or her immediate impulses—those driven by emotional responses to the environment—to engage in more socially acceptable behaviors (Harter, 2006a). Emotional regulation is directly related to overall emotional development and emotional intelligence or “EQ” (Goleman, 1995).

To aid in emotional regulation, children must first participate in behaviors guided by others (Wertsch, 1979). Children are aware of rules and when others break those rules, and they get confused when adults do not consistently model the expressed behavioral expectations. Children understand when certain expected behaviors are reinforced through rewards and punishments (Bodrova & Leong, 2009). The goal is to help children learn how to internal- ize these rules and social expectations. A truly self-regulated child is one capable of internal behavior, who can think, process, and then act. Emotional regulation improves emotional responses and social behaviors, along with attention, memory, and cognitive processing skills (Rothbart, Sheese, & Posner, 2007), and it is directly influenced by the caregiver’s approach to the discipline and guidance of young children.

Why Young Children Struggle to Behave Appropriately

Because preschool-age children are developing emotional regulation, they struggle with their ability to conform to the rules and expectations of adult society. Further, young children are learning about the rules and regulations of a society, adult expectations, and how to resolve innermost desires with external limitations. In doing so, they often appear to be purposely misbehaving, but in fact they are most likely confused or simply incapable of doing what the adult expects.

One reason a child might misbehave is that the child does not understand the adult’s expecta- tions. This may be due to a limited language abil- ity, rules and expectations being poorly explained or inconsistently reinforced, or because the child receives mixed messages from different people in authority. Another possible reason for a child’s inappropriate behavior is that the expectations are not developmentally appropriate. The young child may be behaviorally, cognitively, or emo- tionally incapable of engaging in the expected behavior. For example, a child might be incapa- ble of controlling impulsive behaviors and unable to fully understand the reason or purpose behind an expectation.

Because of their immature executive functioning, children are not always able to focus on impor- tant things in the environment while ignoring other stimuli. For example, a novel toy or another child wanting to play will distract the child. Sometimes children are aware that certain behaviors are inappropriate, but they simply do not know what the appropriate alternative behavior is. Further, children need adult acceptance and want to please others; sometimes a child will engage in certain behaviors that conflict with adult expectations because he or she has observed that other children who break the rules and ignore adult requests receive reinforcement (rewards), while he or she is ignored.

▲ Children test limits because it gives them a sense of power and importance, though sometimes they are simply interested in seeing how adults will react to their behavior.

Adult Expectations of Young Children Chapter 7

Alternatively, some children do not see the reason to act in a certain way. As we have sug- gested, children’s brain development and problem-solving abilities are still developing at this age, so they often do not understand the reasons why they are expected to engage in certain behaviors or follow certain rules.

Finally, children like to test all sorts of limits, including adult authority, to determine just how concrete and consistent they are. This is not always devious or oppositional behavior; this is how they learn about the physical and social environment. Some children are also very inter- ested in their impact on the environment: It gives them a sense of power and importance. Sometimes they just want to see how an adult will react to certain behaviors. In the simplest sense, young children do not necessarily know how the physical and social world works: They do not know the laws of physics or behavior. They lack experience, and their emotional regu- lation is not fully developed. Thus, in many cases they do not know how to act appropriately.

7.2 Adult Expectations of Young Children There are many reasons adults need young children to behave in certain ways. Some of these reasons are purely practical—it is unsafe allow a child to run out into a busy street, or to pull a pot of boiling water off the stove. Other reasons are more developmentally focused. For example, certain behaviors help young children learn to interact appropriately with peers and adults so they can function effectively with others. Adults—particularly parents—are considered socializing agents in society. This means a central task of parenting is to teach young children the values, mores, behaviors, and expectations of a society and a culture (Hall, 1976).

Health and Safety

Health and safety are central concerns for any adult caring for young children. An underly- ing purpose of state and local child care and school regulations is health and safety. Poisons, choking hazards, strangulation, burns from hot water, traffic accidents, kidnapping, child abuse, and head entrapments are just a few of the safety issues that concern parents and caregivers of young children. Often, children do not see these as health and safety concerns, and it is quite difficult to expect children to engage in discipline that does not make sense to them (for example, most children probably do not understand that running while eat- ing is extremely dangerous because it can cause them to choke). Some of these health and safety issues are addressed through laws, policies, and rules: playground safety, childhood immunizations, fire exits and plans, car seats, and child proofing (at home and in the center) (Martin, 2011). However, many issues must also be addressed through direct guidance and discipline. Adults must ensure that children use a car seat correctly, that playground rules are followed, and that fire drills are practiced. To these ends, there are different approaches to coaching children. One approach is to help children become engaged in safe activities. For example, diaper changing tables now include steps to empower children to climb up to the table themselves, and some parents provide steps to help their children get into their car seats unassisted. Lickona reports that when he tried to get his son to hold his right hand to cross the street, his son protested. When he changed strategies and said, “Pick the hand you want,” his son willingly took his hand and crossed the street (Lickona, 1983). Providing young children with a sense of empowerment and an acceptable safe choice both protects the child and fosters responsibility.

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Learning

A central focus of any early care and education program is learning. Learning usually involves a curriculum, specific curriculum materials, a daily schedule, and goals and objectives for each child to achieve. It might also include special programs for children with various developmen- tal delays. Adults in the classroom use discipline and guidance to implement the curriculum effectively and teach the children. However, sometimes we lose sight of what children need to learn in the most effective way and end up implementing teaching activities that seem designed either to do what we have always done or meet adult needs, rather than to engage in best practices for how children learn.

As Loomis and Wagner (2005) suggest, sometimes what teachers do during the day is designed to meet the needs of adults. For example, circle time is often used to manage a whole group of children and to keep them safe while another teacher prepares a new activity or does important paperwork (DeVries & Zan, 1994); many programs have rather inflexible schedules because this makes it easier to fulfill curricula requirements and structure the teachers’ day. However, while circle time and predictable daily schedules often work well for some children, they may not be effective with others. Some children are not developmentally ready to sit still and listen at circle time; constant transitions from one activity to another necessitated by a rigid daily schedule are extremely difficult for some children and cause a variety of behavioral problems (this is particularly true of children with certain developmental delays). Thus, it is imperative that teachers and caregivers continually evaluate expectations, and the use of guidance and discipline to meet those expectations, to make sure they match the learning needs of each child.

It is clear that the overall curricular expectations, as well as how we structure the day, develop learning activities, and implement the curriculum in the early childhood program, can cause challenging behaviors in some children. Ways to reduce potential discipline problems include matching learn- ing activities and expectations with how children learn, and being sensitive to individual learning styles, temperaments, and pace of learning (Loomis and Wagner, 2005). The more these considerations are built into the program, the less need there will be for discipline. However, children with developmental delays may still require different expecta- tions and activities, and boys may need more physical activ- ities than girls. The solution is to be flexible, differentiate the curriculum, and be continually cognizant of the needs of each student.

In today’s culture of accountability, early childhood content standards, and kindergarten entry requirements, it is some- times easy to forget that learning is a natural process that best flourishes under scaffolding, guidance, and modeling, as well as in rich and challenging environments. Teachers and parents who understand developmentally appropriate ways of learning and teaching, and know the child’s unique learning styles, personality, and disposi- tions, will spend less time and energy trying to discipline the child in learning activities at home and in the community. Child-directed approaches to learning and play (see Chapter 4)

▲ Concepts such as sharing, cleaning up, and playing safely require guidance from the caregiver as well as an explanation of the importance of these rules.

Adult Expectations of Young Children Chapter 7

still require some adult discipline and guidelines, especially in relation to sharing with other students, caring for and returning materials, using tools and materials (e.g., scissors or paints) appropriately, or playing safely on the playground. This is where teachers and parents need to focus on helping their children see the reasons for these rules and providing appropriate adult guidance.

There are a variety of ways to reduce the amount of unnecessary guidance and discipline in the early care and education program. One way to do this is to make sure activities are devel- opmentally appropriate for all students. This can be achieved by providing differentiation in activities and expectations, both for children who struggle (academically, behaviorally, and socially) and for gifted and talented children (see the discussion on gifted and talented chil- dren and twice exceptional children later in this chapter). A differentiated approach is one where the expectations, activities, tasks, and outcomes are changed by the teacher, depend- ing on the child’s abilities, learning styles, and overall development.

The curriculum and activities should be continually revised, based on the unique learning needs of all the children, which involves observing children’s learning styles, social interac- tions, and comfort with each activity. Carefully assess children who struggle socially, academi- cally, and behaviorally for possible special needs services, and provide screening and further testing for those who need it (Powers & Burton, 2003). Provide ongoing training for teachers on the most effective and developmentally appropriate ways to engage and teach children. Overly restrictive and rigid daily schedules should be adapted and revised, especially if children are having problems with transitions (Loomis & Wagner, 2005), and indoor and outdoor envi- ronments need to be evaluated for potential safety hazards, lack of interesting and challeng- ing opportunities, and elements that can cause discipline problems as a result of their design (Jones & Reynolds, 1997).

Social and Cultural Expectations

Another function of discipline and guidance is to socialize young children in the rules, mores, traditions, and expectations of society and culture. Discipline and guidance are used by teach- ers and caregivers to teach the expected behaviors of the early care and education program; discipline and guidance are also used by parents and other caregivers to teach their children the expected behaviors of their culture and community.

Families who use relatives for child care generally have consistency of expectations regarding their children’s behavior and guidance and discipline approaches used with their children. Research also suggests that one of the main criteria parents use to select family-based care is the culture of the provider. For example, religious early care and education programs tend to be embedded within the cultural expectations of the religion they are associated with, because religion and values are very closely aligned (Gonzalez-Mena, 2008). Other programs also have a central focus or unique orientation, due to their financing, sponsorship, or loca- tion; for instance, Head Start serves low-income families due to federal requirements (U.S. HHS, 2006). There are programs dedicated to children with specific disabilities (e.g., autism) and programs in racially, ethnically, and economically segregated communities. When the family and the early care and education program have the same approach to discipline, the same behavioral expectations, and similar approaches to teaching, children do not become confused, are more secure, and know what is expected. Parents are also more comfortable

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when they know that the approaches used at their home and in the center are the same. And, when conflicts arise, parents and program staff will be on the same page regarding discipline and behavioral expectations.

However, many early care and education programs are becoming more diverse racially, ethnically, culturally, religiously, linguistically, and economically. Some of this diversity is influenced by external factors such as licensing regulations, school district policies, and Head Start Performance Standards (U.S. HHS, 1999). One area where conflict between the family and program can arise is regarding adult authority and children’s obedience. In some cultures, adults expect children to adhere to their demands and community norms without reasoning and negotiating, while adults from other cultures use reasoning, model- ing, and examples to try to influence a child’s behavior (see Section 7.3: Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children) (Baumrind, 1971; Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; Wright, 1998).

Adult Convenience and Practicality

Young children tend to be messy, disorga- nized, and into everything. They tend to misuse materials and objects, break things, challenge health and safety rules, and, once they can crawl and walk, be always on the go. It is critical to emphasize that none of these behaviors is used by children to upset parents intentionally (despite what some parents believe) (Kostelnik et al., 2009). However, parents, caregivers, teachers, and others caring for young children need to find ways to address these and other behav- iors for their own sanity and practicality, and for the purpose of the ultimate goal of fostering children’s independence and self- regulation. One way to do this is for adults to remember what it was like to be a child and how they behaved as young children. Programs can provide parent training, newsletters, lending libraries, access to articles by experts, webpage messages (for programs with an Internet presence), and individual discus- sions with parents that address ways parents and other caregivers can find a compromise between what is naturally part of being a child and the needs of adults for order, cleanliness, and consistency.

Some caregivers, including parents, go overboard with convenience and practicality. The TV and other technologies are used as primary caregivers because they eliminate the mess that young children naturally make when they play and explore, as well as some of the adult frustrations or responsibilities that go along with those activities (see Spotlight: The Order in Mess). While adults need to find practical ways to limit a child’s destructive behaviors and the frustrations these may cause, they must also realize that children are naturally messy and disorganized, push limits, and create havoc.

▲ Often, the TV and computer are used as a substitute caregiver for children, but independent exploration is important, despite the mess children sometimes make when allowed to explore outside or on their own.

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S P O T L I G H T:

The Order in Mess

On a recent visit to a local Head Start program, the director proudly showed me new computers neatly arranged in an empty classroom. They were prominently displayed and carefully situated where they would not be damaged from dirt, water, dust, or flying paint. However, when I looked outside, I was surprised that there were only a few standard pieces of equipment scattered in an open area. It is clear this program believes the educational value of computers outweighs the educational value of good, old-fashioned play.

I have been in many homes that also share this belief. Children are encouraged to sit quietly and watch televi- sion programs or videos or work on the computer. Going into the backyard and digging in the dirt, taking out paints and mixing up a colorful pudding, or splashing away in the bathroom sink with soap and water would make a mess.

Computers and other technology can have educational value, depending on how they are used. But I won- der whether parents are aware of the educational value of toys, play, and enjoying the outdoors. Could this approach be denying children important educational experiences? When young children are manipulating, mixing, discovering, reordering, and making messes, they are learning many critical concepts needed for later school success. Here are some examples:

Ordering Their Environment A central focus of learning is to be able to create order, discipline, and organization out of chaos and disor- der. Computer programs, higher-order math, art, and designing buildings all require this ability. Young chil- dren need lots of experiences in ordering their world—and, therefore, they need experience with disorder. A good example is painting, which can be extremely messy and require very careful adult supervision. Mixing the paints and spilling them onto the floor, getting paint on one’s clothes and hands, and having to wash the brushes afterward in the sink are all messy activities for a 3- to 5-year-old. But the results can be very empowering to children, who can see and appreciate what they have created. Painting activities are also criti- cally important ways to learn writing skills.

Empowerment Self-esteem is largely based on children’s sense of being able to influence their environment. Interaction with objects, adapting reality to match their unique perspectives, creating physical projects, and controlling their small world makes children feel important. Children who are not given many opportunities to influence their world in meaningful and positive ways often end up being very destructive, because this is the only way they can feel a needed sense of power and control.

Discovery A central way young children learn is through discovery. What happens when you mix red and yellow paint? What happens when a drop of food dye is spilled into a water table that contains water mixed with salad oil? What happens when the pool of water in a sandbox breaks? To be told that red and yellow paint makes orange is meaningless to young children—they need to mix the paints together, to explore with their own hands and eyes, to make it meaningful and beneficial.

Basic Knowledge Most of our basic knowledge—especially in math, science, and technology—is not about what things are, but instead about what happens to things under new circumstances (Foreman & Kuschner, 1984). What happens when an orange rots? What happens to a piece of heavy wood when it is placed in water? Children acquire this knowledge by playing and experimenting with all sorts of real things in a physical, not theoretical, way.

(continued)

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7.3 Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children

It is important to remember that the goal of discipline and guidance is to help children inter- nalize important rules and societal expectations. If the discipline or guidance approach a caregiver uses is consistent with Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, success will be higher, and the caregiver will be less frustrated. Further, when all parties involved in dis- ciplining a child are consistent, the results will be more effective. These various approaches are summarized in Table 7.1. An important category of learning is behaviorism, which is an observable change of behavior caused by the environment (Ormrod, 2008). Behaviorism can be roughly divided into two overall categories: rewards (known as positive and negative reinforcement) and punishments. (The exception to this rule is the social cognitive approach [modeling], which is both behavioral and cognitive.)

Rewards/Reinforcements

A reward, or positive reinforcement, is the consequence of a child’s behaviors that increases the probability of it recurring (Marzano, 2003). Rewards can be a smile or a positive personal message, such as “I love how you put the books back on the shelf.” Rewards can also be in the form of external privileges, such as the use of the computer after the child has finished an assignment. Rewards include things like money, toys, candy, dessert (after eating a main meal), tokens, and stickers.

Reinforcing agents, or reinforcers, can be primary reinforcers or secondary reinforcers. Primary reinforcers satisfy a built-in need or desire, such as food, water, air, or warmth, and are essential to our well-being. Other primary reinforcers, such as candy, are not essential, but physical affection, a smile, and cuddling would seem to be (Ormrod, 2008). There are individual differences regarding the effectiveness of these rewards. For example, for someone who does not like chocolate, chocolate is not a reinforcer. Secondary reinforcers are previ- ously neutral stimuli that, through repeated association with another reinforcer, have become a reinforcer. A neutral stimulus is a stimulus that a person does not respond to in any notice- able way. For example, initially ringing a small bell in the classroom causes no response from the children; however, after the bell is continually followed by a snack, the bell will produce a marked response. Other examples of secondary reinforcers are praise, tokens, money, good grades, and a feeling of success.

Mess Is an Important Part of Childhood I remember spending hours as a child damming up mountain streams and planting seeds in my muddy garden. Watching things happen and being a part of something was thrilling. One of the joys of childhood is spending time messing around with the physical world. Adults working with young children need to remember that children need to have many experiences with mess in order to develop a solid academic and emotional foundation for future school success (Foreman & Kuschner, 1984). These experiences cannot be accomplished with computers, TVs, or VCRs alone, and they are worth cleaning up after.

Wardle, F. (2000). The order in mess. Children and Families, (14) 4, pp. 82–83. National Head Start Association.

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Extrinsic Reinforcement

Positive reinforcers are rewards that increase a person’s behavior, such as a smile from the teacher after a child has helped another child solve a problem, or the feeling of sat- isfaction when one has completed a difficult task. They are arranged into two different categories: extrinsic and intrin- sic. Extrinsic reinforcements are rewards provided by the outside environment.

Material reinforcers. These are actual objects, such as food, toys, or candy. While this approach is extremely effec- tive in changing behavior, it can be counterproductive, as it focuses the child’s learning on achieving the reward, rather than on the complexities and strategies required to learn.

Social reinforcers. Social reinforcers are gestures or signs (a smile, praise, or attention) that one person gives to another. Teachers’ attention, approval, and praise are powerful and effective reinforcers (McKerchar & Thompson, 2004).

Activity reinforcers. This is the opportunity to engage in a favorite activity after completing a less favorable one. It is called the Premack principle. The more desirable activity is contin- gent on the completion of the less desirable one (Premack, 1959).

Positive feedback. Positive feedback works when it communicates to the child that he or she is doing well or making progress, and it is particularly effective when it gives students guidance about what they have learned and how to improve their behavior. Students think about this information in an effort to modify their behavior (Ormrod, 2008).

Token economies. A token economy is a program in which individuals who have behaved appropriately receive a token—an item that can later be traded for objects or privileges of the child’s choice. Most children under age 5 cannot benefit from a token economy due to their developmental stage and lack of experience.

Intrinsic Reinforcements

Intrinsic reinforcements are the internal good feelings that come from within the child. Feelings of success, pride, and relief at completing a task or assignment are all examples of intrinsic reinforcement. For many young children, the motivation for achieving a variety of new skills and tasks, from learning to walk and talk to toilet training and holding a spoon, come from a deep sense of accomplishment and personal satisfaction. Rather than generally praising children for what they have attempted or achieved, a parent or teacher can praise the effort: “I like how you kept trying until you were able to tie your shoe” and “I see how care- fully you decided which tomatoes were ripe enough to pick, and which were the ones that needed to stay on the plant.”

Negative Reinforcement

Negative reinforcement increases a response through the removal of a stimulus—usually an unpleasant one. Thus, negative reinforcement occurs when something negative is taken

▲ A gold star on a student’s paper is an example of extrinsic reinforcement because it acts as positive feedback, praising the child for a job well done.

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away to improve a behavior. Telling children they can leave the classroom to go to the play- ground once they have completed their math activity is negative reinforcement. Other exam- ples include when a parent picks up a crying baby (negative stimuli) and the baby stops crying, as well as the annoying buzzer in your car that keeps going until you put on the seatbelt (you put on the seatbelt [the desired behavior] to get rid of the annoying noise [the negative stimuli]).

Punishment

Punishment is a behavioral approach that attempts to reduce a child’s inappropriate behav- ior (Ormrod, 2008). There are two kinds of punishment: (1) the presentation of a negative stimulus, for example, scolding a child who has misbehaved or assigning a failing grade after a child did not complete an academic task; and (2) removal of a stimulus, usually a pleasant one. This could be, for example, taking away an allowance or the loss of special privileges. Both kinds of punishment reduce the target behavior. Forms of punishment used in early care, education programs, and homes include natural consequences, logical consequences, unrelated consequences, response cost, verbal reprimands, and time out. Punishment does not directly help the child gain emotional regulation or internalize accepted behaviors, but it does help children (if used consistently) know which behaviors are acceptable and which are not acceptable (Bodrova & Leong, 2007).

Problems with the Use of Punishment to Modify Children’s Behavior

Though punishment is a very popular approach used by adults with young children (both par- ents and early care and education staff) and can be very effective (Hall et al., 1976), it tends to be overused and is fraught with problems. For example, a punished behavior is not eliminated. It often reappears when the person doing the punishing leaves, thus requiring constant adult supervision at home and in the program. Further, punishment does not address the cause of the behavior. Often, there are clear and salient reasons why a young child is behaving a spe- cific way in a specific situation, and it is important that these causes be addressed.

In some situations, punishment can actually lead to an increase in the behavior that is being punished. This can occur in two ways. If punishment is the only attention the child gets from the adult, the child will continue to engage in the behavior for attention. Punishment can also increase the behavior in a setting where there is no one to control it; for example, punishing certain bad language in the classroom can increase the use of the same language on the play- ground. Further, young children are often unaware of the specific behavior being punished, and then they believe they are being punished for being “a bad child.” This develops low self- esteem, particularly in young children who take an all or nothing view of personal criticism (e.g., “I am all good” or “I am all bad”).

Punishment can also lead to children avoiding certain places and activities. For example, a child who always does poorly at an assignment, such as math, and is punished for it, may not only learn to avoid math, but may learn to dislike school because he or she learns to associate all of school with math (Smith & Smoll, 1997).

When punishment is used on children, they are not always being shown how to engage in the appropriate behavior. The punishment only tells them what not to do and what they are doing poorly; it does not teach anything about what they should be doing instead. Often, children do not know how to engage in the socially acceptable alternative to aggression (for example,

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

how to resolve a conflict without being aggressive). A child who grabs a toy from another child may not understand that there is another way to get what he or she wants; a child who bites another child may not have the language to communicate his or her anger and frustration. Punishment can also lead to aggres- sion and later to bullying (Landrum & Kauffman, 2006), because it models aggressive behavior and the use of power by adults to achieve their goals (see Helping Children Develop: Do as I Do: The Power of Example).

Finally, severe punishment can lead to emotional and physical harm. Punishment can potentially lead to child abuse; many adults with low self-esteem can trace this back to receiving constant and harsh nega- tive putdowns and punishment as children (Smith & Fong, 2004), and parents who were abused as chil- dren are more likely to become abusers themselves (Milner et al., 2010).

Natural and Logical Consequences

Natural and logical consequences are forms of punishment that make much more sense to children and teach them that certain behaviors have consequences, some of which are unpleasant.

Natural Consequences

Natural consequences are the result of a child’s behavior without any direct involvement by an adult. They teach children the causes and effects of certain behaviors. For example, if a child fails to put on a jacket, the natural consequence is that he or she might get cold; a child who comes late to lunch may get cold food or fewer food choices. Natural consequences do not work when a child is too young to make the connection between cause and effect. They also do not work when the adults involved are overly protective and do not allow children to “suffer the consequences” of their actions or inactions.

Logical Consequences

Logical consequences occur when a child must rectify a situation or repair damage caused by his or her behavior. When a child spills milk on the floor, the logical consequence is for the child to help clean up the milk; if a child draws on a table top, the logical consequence is for the child to scrub the table top clean. Logical consequences only work when the following occur:

• Children are able to make the connection between their behavior, the consequences of that behavior, and what they are then asked to do. This connection develops during the preschool years, through experience and brain development.

• The consequence is logical. Preventing a child from going outside to play because he misbehaved in the classroom is not a logical consequence.

• The consequence occurs immediately after the infraction takes place.

▲ Punishment helps children understand the dif- ference between acceptable and unacceptable behaviors, but it does not help them to internalize those accepted behaviors.

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

A logical consequence might be to remove a child from an activity or group, which is called time away. For example, a child who continually knocks down other children’s constructions in the block area may be asked to leave for a while; but again, this consequence must be logi- cal and timely. Because logical consequences require a child to “fix” the problem, they are rarely something the child would choose to do and thus are not often viewed by the child as a reward. However, the child learns that if he or she wants to participate in an activity, or do what the other children are doing, then he or she needs to engage in the appropriate behav- iors. While time away is a form of time out (discussed later in the chapter), its focus is on mak- ing it clear to the child that removal from the activity is directly related to the child’s behavior.

Unrelated Consequences

Unrelated consequences are the punishment of a child’s inappropriate behavior with some- thing that is totally unrelated to the behavior—as in the example of keeping a child from outdoor play after he or she has misbehaved inside the classroom. Because the consequence is not logically related to the behavior, this approach is usually ineffective (Ormrod, 2008). It can also misfire; for example, the child who is kept indoors because he or she misbehaved may need to go outside to burn off energy and take a rest from academic activities; preventing this will cause further classroom disruption.

Response Cost

Response cost involves taking away something the child previously earned. Thus, a child might have earned time at the computer by cleaning up the art area but now loses this privi- lege due to fighting with another child. The response cost approach is most effective when used with positive reinforcement for an appropriate behavior and when the child does not lose everything he or she has earned by only a small infraction (Phillips et al., 1971). When children lose everything they have earned, they will soon not bother to earn anything.

Verbal Reprimands

Verbal reprimands are more effective when they are immediate, brief, and accompanied by eye contact or a firm grip (Pfiffner & O’Leary, 1993). (See Chapter 6 for a discussion on this in relation to eye contact.) A verbal reprimand may also be more effective when spoken qui- etly and close to the child, thus not bringing attention to the child, which would cause guilt and shame. Verbal reprimands should also provide an encouraging statement indicating the caregiver knows the child can engage in the appropriate behavior (Pintrich & Schunk, 2002).

Time Out

Time out is punishment because the child is removed from a pleasurable and enjoyable stimulus due to his or her inappropriate behavior (Skiba & Raison, 1990). Time out differs from time away in that time out is a general punishment for any kind of behavioral prob- lems, while time away is removal of the child when the child’s behavior directly results in the disruption of an activity. Further, in time away, the focus is on the child understanding the relationship between his or her behavior and the resultant disruption, and not on putting the child in a stimulus-free environment (removal is the punishment). In time out, the child is usu- ally removed to another room or a corner of the classroom that is screened off. The time out environment should not be reinforcing, such as the school corridor or principal’s office—or frightening, such as a dark closet (Walker & Shea, 1995). Time out is usually quite short—for example, one minute for each year of a child’s age. A key for using time out is that a child’s

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

release from the environment is contingent on the child’s demonstrating the appropriate behavior. Time out has been shown to be effective in reducing a variety of disruptive and inappropriate behaviors (Pfiffner & Barkley, 1998; Rortvedt & Mittenberger, 1994) and does not interfere with the ongoing classroom activities and events. Time out also does not give undue attention (a reward) to the child.

Modeling

Modeling is both a behavioral and cognitive process of social learning by which a person observes the actions of others and then copies them. The academic term for modeling is social cognitive theory. Infants imitate facial expressions of others within a day or two after birth. By 6–9 months of age, they learn new ways to manipulate objects by watching a model demonstrate those behaviors, and by 18 months of age, they remember how to imitate an action they observed a month before (Collie & Hayne, 1999).

Albert Bandura is the theorist most associated with our understanding of modeling. According to Bandura, modeling can teach new behaviors, increase the frequency of previously forbid- den behaviors, and increase the frequency of similar (but not exactly the same) behaviors

(1977, 1986). From a discipline perspective, model- ing can teach and increase desired behaviors, such as putting blocks back on a shelf like a teacher or classmate does. Negative behaviors can also increase through modeling (e.g., teasing Johnny because oth- ers are doing so) (see Helping Children Develop: Do as I Do: The Power of Example).

Modeling works by the learner (child) observing the behavior of the model (adult, peer). After the behav- ior of the model is reinforced, the learner repeats the behavior. The reinforcement of the model’s behavior is called vicarious reinforcement and is the behav- ioral part of the theory. The ability of the child to imitate the model’s behavior (even some time later) and the motivation to do so make up the cognitive part of modeling.

As mentioned, children can learn both appropri- ate and inappropriate behaviors through modeling. A great amount of research has been conducted on learning aggression from real models and from film, television, and video game models. These studies show the powerful effect of models on teaching children aggressive behaviors (Bandura, 1986). However, modeling (both real and symbolic) can also effectively teach prosocial behaviors —those aimed at helping others (Bandura & McDonald, 1963).

▲ Modeling occurs in three steps: A learner observes an action from the model; that action is reinforced; the learner repeats the model’s action.

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

H E L P I N G C H I L D R E N D E V E L O P :

Do as I Do: The Power of Example

It works better than rewards and punishments to change a child’s behavior.

It works better than direct instruction to teach academic skills and concepts.

It explains why children imitate the behavior of people and characters their parents and teachers might find unacceptable.

It is one of the most effective ways for parents to help their children develop important literacy skills.

What is This Miraculous Thing? Social cognitive theory. Commonly called modeling, social cognitive theory is a very powerful, yet often misunderstood, method for teaching young children.

Children will imitate the behavior of a role model, which can be a live person or a symbolic model such as a character from a TV program, movie, video game, or book. Unfortunately, the behaviors they copy may be appropriate or inappropriate—it works equally well for both! But social cognitive theory is more complex than simply copying a role model. The theory is powerful because it com- bines cognition (thinking), behaviorism (rewards and punishment), and motivation. For modeling to work, the following conditions must be met:

• The model must be competent in the area or skill being modeled. While a professional athlete would be a good model for encouraging athletics in children, he or she may not be an effective model for teaching children to read.

• The model must have respect and stature in the eyes of the learner.

• The model must model behavior in which the child is already interested. For example, someone who can speak Portuguese is likely to be a role model for someone who is about to go to Brazil and wants to learn Portuguese. But this same person is not likely to be a role model for someone who has no interest in learning Portuguese.

• The role model’s behavior must be reinforced in some way. Many children look up to professional athletes and rap stars, for example, because these stars’ actions are seen by the children to be rewarded with money and the things money can buy, such as fancy cars, big houses, and expen- sive jewelry and clothing.

Teachers, parents, and even children can become role models for teaching good or bad behavior. If Johnny, a popular boy in the classroom, picks on another child and other children laugh while the teacher ignores his behavior, other children are likely to engage in this kind of bullying behavior. If, on the other hand, when Johnny teases another child the teacher sternly cautions him and removes him from the action for a short while, chances are the other children in the classroom will not mimic Johnny’s behavior, because it is not being rewarded.

Uses of Social Cognitive Theory When a teacher wants a young child to clean up after the child has played with blocks, the teacher can tell the child to replace the blocks on the shelves and threaten him or her with some sort of punishment if the task is not done, or the teacher can get down on the floor with the child and show him or her how to put the blocks on the shelf, making it a pleasant experience. Then, when

(continued)

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

Table 7.1: Approaches to guidance and discipline with young children

Type of discipline/guidance How it works Advice/cautions

Reinforcers/Rewards

Material reinforcers These can be primary (e.g., food) or secondary (e.g., money). These are given to the child after the child has exhibited the required behaviors.

Be careful not to create situations where children believe they must be rewarded for everything they do. Never reward a whole group for the behaviors of a few.

Social reinforcers Smiles, hugs, and kind words are social reinforcers, as is adult attention (which is why teachers must be careful when responding to negative behaviors).

This is often the best kind of reinforce- ment because it creates important trust and relationships.

Activity reinforcers/Premack principle

Completing a less-than-desirable activity (e.g., cleaning up the art area) is rewarded by a more favorable one (e.g., playing on the computer).

Caution must be observed to make sure this does not punish a child incapable of completing the first task to the teacher’s satisfaction.

Positive feedback This is verbal feedback that tells the child he or she is doing well and making progress. The more specific the praise, the more effective it is in modifying behavior.

This is an extremely effective approach because it lets children know what they are doing correctly.

Negative reinforcement This is increasing a behavior by removing a negative stimulus. For example, children will complete work more quickly so they can go to the playground sooner.

Rather than using negative reinforce- ment, teachers should determine whether the behavior children are trying to avoid could be made more meaningful and interesting.

Token economy Children’s appropriate behavior is rewarded immediately with tokens, which are exchanged for material reinforcers or privileges.

Tokens must be exchanged for things students really want; a choice should also be provided. Many believe tokens do not work with children under age 5.

the child has finished, the teacher can praise the child for helping. If a parent wants to help a child learn to read, the best thing the parent can do is model reading to the child. Modeling can be done by reading a newspaper or book, reading the directions aloud when a child wants to make some- thing, and reading books to the child on a regular basis. This will help the child realize that reading is a pleasant and rewarding experience.

Finally, if parents and teachers want to know why a child is using bad language or engaging in poor behavior on the playground or in the classroom, they usually only have to look as far as the role models in the child’s life, which sometimes means reflecting on their own behavior and making positive changes.

Wardle, F. (2003). Do as I do: Power of example. Children and Families, (17) 4, pp. 62–63. National Head Start

Association.

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children Chapter 7

Type of discipline/guidance How it works Advice/cautions

Reinforcers/Rewards (continued)

Intrinsic reinforcement Intrinsic reinforcement comes from within the child: feelings of success or happiness, or a sense of compe- tence or pride.

The ultimate goal of discipline and guidance is that they are internalized. Some people believe using extrinsic reinforcers reduces the power of intrinsic reinforcement.

Punishments

Natural consequences This is the natural result of what a child does or does not do. A child who forgets to put on a jacket will get cold on a winter day. A child who comes late to the meal may miss out on his or her favorite food.

This works only when adults are willing to let go, and to let the child live with the consequences of his or her behaviors. A child needs to be able to make the connection between the behavior and the result.

Logical consequences If a child spills milk, a logical conse- quence is to have him or her clean up the mess; a logical consequence for a child drawing on a table is to have him or her scrub the table clean.

The focus should be on fixing the problem and not on the punishment. The child must be able to see how he or she caused the problem and how the action helps to fix it.

Unrelated consequence A child who does not complete a math assignment is prevented from playing on the playground. There is no logical connection between the behavior and the consequence.

This approach should be avoided as much as possible, because it does not teach anything and can backfire.

Response cost A child’s inappropriate behavior is punished by removing a privilege he or she has earned. For example, a child may earn money for a task and then have it taken away for disobeying.

This approach is most effective when combined with positive reinforcement for appropriate behavior, and when the child does not lose everything he or she has earned.

Verbal reprimands This is a verbal response by the adult to the child’s inappropriate behavior. The response should not be sarcastic, in anger, or degrading. It should inform the child of how he or she can engage in the appropriate behavior.

Verbal reprimands are more effective when they are brief, immediate, and accompanied by eye contact or a firm grip. They should be softly spoken and include a statement acknowledging that the child is capable of exhibiting the appropriate behavior.

Time out This is a punishment that removes a child from a pleasurable, engaging, or enjoyable situation. The setting should not be reinforcing and the duration of the punishment should be quite short.

Time out should be used sparingly and at the highest end of a behavioral continuum. If it ends up being used frequently, it is not working.

Modeling Modeling is a very powerful way to teach both appropriate and inap- propriate behaviors. It works by the child observing an adult or child who has prestige and competence in a certain behavior or skill.

Adults and children whom other children see as behavioral and learning models must be extremely consistent in their behaviors. It is ineffective to say, “Do as I say, not as I do!”

Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance Chapter 7

7.4 Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance

Throughout this text, we have discussed a variety of ways in which early care and education programs can work effectively with families. The subject of discipline and guidance can pro- duce a great deal of friction and conflict between a family and the early care and education program.

Discipline practices used by parents reflect personal characteristics. Mothers with a high level of empathy for their children are less likely to use power, whereas mothers with less empathy are more likely to use power, especially when their children are difficult and stressful to care for (Clark, Kochanska, & Ready, 2000). However, the most important factor in how parents discipline their children is how the parents themselves were raised, which is often determined by their culture (Hoeve et al., 2009). Although there is considerable evidence that using adult power assertion (a discipline technique that relies on adult-oriented, coercive, and harsh punishment) has many negative effects on children’s emotional and behavioral development (Hoeve et al., 2009), 94% of parents in the United States reported spanking their children by the time the child was 4 years old (Campbell, 2002). A 2006 United Nations report recom- mended reducing violence in the home globally, including changing cultural practices that lead to corporal punishment (UN Report, 2006).

Certainly, major conflicts can arise between a home that uses harsh physical punishment and a program that focuses on developing emotional regulation and non-punitive approaches to discipline and guidance. The opposite situation may arise as well, where a parent believes a program’s discipline approach is too punitive, or a parent does not believe in the use of rewards a program employs.

Early care and education staff need to listen empathetically to family members who express frustrations about their children’s misbehaviors. Parents and other caregivers need an oppor- tunity to have someone non-judgmentally listen to their concerns about their child’s mis- behavior. Program staff should provide support and convey interest and concern, but they should not give advice, unless it is requested (see the RERUN process, described in detail in Chapter 5).

Family members sometimes need help recognizing signs that their children are achieving greater self-control. On a regular basis, communicate to family members examples of their children’s increased ability to engage in appropriate and prosocial behaviors. Sending short notes home, making brief verbal comments, and providing reports in more formal situa- tions (e.g., conferences) are all good ways to do this (see Chapter 6 for additional sugges- tions). Show parents how their children are learning and demonstrating important social skills. Parents and other caregivers of children who struggle in the early care and education program are often overwhelmed by other adults telling them about their children’s misbehaviors and giving unsolicited advice. These parents need to hear good things about their children as well.

Sometimes both a family member and program staff members are present when a child engages in inappropriate behaviors—at a family night, home visit, or when parents pick up a child from the program. This can cause confusion and conflict. To address this situation, the following approach often works:

• Parents take control in their home and community

• Program personnel take control in the program and on field trips

Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance Chapter 7

• When parents are volunteers in the program, they should be involved with chil- dren who are not their own; the discipline of their own children should be left to program staff.

The Program’s Approach to Discipline and Guidance

When parents have questions about the program’s discipline strategies, they should be answered openly and honestly. After all, this gives the program an opportunity to describe their approach to the parent. Questions should not be avoided, and program staff should not become defensive. One way to respond to a specific question is to say, “A lot of parents ask about that,” or “That’s a common thing people want to know” (Kostelnik et al., 2009). Give objective reasons for your approach, citing research, best practices, child development, and program policies. While family members may not agree with your discipline approach, at least they will know that your approach is carefully reasoned and thought out, and that there are specific reasons for the approach. Also, if they understand the teacher’s approach, they might try some of the same methods at home.

Program staff and parents should discuss mutually acceptable ways to help children achieve emotional regulation. Parents should be asked to describe approaches they use at home that are effective, and then parents and staff should agree on one or two common strategies that the family and the program can implement together. To help parents understand a program’s discipline approach, and to make sure discipline and guidance are consistently implemented in the program, the program’s approach should be written down in a detailed document, which should be revised annually. This policy needs to be communicated to all parents and other caregivers before their children are enrolled. It is critical that all family members involved in raising the child clearly understand the program’s discipline policy before the child is enrolled, and the program should not encourage parents uncomfortable with their policy to enroll their children. This policy should also include how the program addresses children with a variety of developmental delays. Program staff members need to communicate immediately with par- ents or other caregivers when a child engages in a behavior that might have a negative impact on the child or the program. Have a clearly articulated—and written—policy for addressing students’ behaviors that may result in the child being dismissed from the program. This should be a part of the program’s discipline policies.

Consistency, Developmental Delays, and Diversity

While it is important for a family and early care and education program to be as consistent as possible in how children are guided and disciplined, there are always going to be some dif- ferences. And, of course, children sometimes interpret the same rule or approach differently. Children need to be told—and reminded—that the discipline and guidance approach used in the early care and education program may be different from the approach used by family members and by other programs, such as a church program they may attend. Children can understand these differences so long as they are consistently enforced within the program. If someone in the program suspects that a child might have a developmental delay that is con- tributing to his or her struggles with appropriate behavior, the program should work closely with the parents, and if the parents agree, they should then contact the appropriate agencies for assessments and possible intervention (Powers & Burton, 2003). Later in this chapter, there is a detailed discussion about approaches early care and education staff can pursue to have a child assessed for a possible developmental delay and to provide needed services for the child and the child’s family.

Moral Reasoning Chapter 7

The program should also provide ongoing training regarding cultural differences, gender issues, and other factors that affect discipline and guidance. The specific content of the train- ing will depend on the diversity of the children and families served by the program (addressed in Chapter 5). The program should carefully consider to what extent parent requests regarding discipline can be accommodated without contradicting the program’s overall written policy. Additionally, the program must make sure the approaches to discipline and guidance indi- vidual teachers and caregivers use reflect the program policy, and not the teacher’s own experience and cultural beliefs (Derman-Sparks & Edwards, 2010; NAEYC, 1996). If conflicts do arise, the RERUN process can be used to resolve them.

7.5 Moral Reasoning

How do children develop a sense of right and wrong, good and bad? How do they learn appropriate and inappropriate behaviors? How do they learn to act prosocially? In the 1960s, Lawrence Kohlberg was also interested in these questions. Kohlberg (1963) developed a theory of moral reasoning, based on Piaget’s stages of mental development. Moral rea- soning is the thinking children engage in as they determine moral responses and behaviors. In his theory, Kohlberg was interested in the reasoning behind children’s notions of right and wrong. Thus, he posed moral dilemmas to find out how they would respond. These scenarios presented conflicts, such as whether a man should steal a drug that was needed to save the life of his wife but which he could not afford. However, Kohlberg was not inter- ested in what the children believed the man should do, but in the reasons the children gave for what they believed he should do. From these moral dilemmas, Kohlberg developed a six-stage theory of moral reasoning (see Table 7.2: Kohlberg’s six stages of moral reasoning). His three levels of moral reasoning correspond to Piaget’s levels of cognitive development (without the first level, preoperational thought): preconventional level—preoperational

stage, conventional level—concrete operations stage, and postconventional level—formal opera- tions stage.

Kohlberg’s research was conducted only on boys, a fact later criticized by Carol Gilligan, who argued that men and women view morality from different perspectives (men consider a view of justice, while women consider a view of caring) (Gilligan, 1987). Later research has shown that both boys and girls think about morality from both a justice and care perspective (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000). Although cross-cultural research has shown general consis- tency for the first two levels of Kohlberg’s theory, research also suggests a Western bias at the upper (third) level (Gibbs et al., 2007). This suggests that adolescents and adults in some non-Western cul- tures view right and wrong and other moral deci- sions in different ways than Westerners do. For early care and education programs, this may cause some conflicts with immigrants from non-Western societies.

▲ Kohlberg argued that children learn morality in six different stages, which progress from being focused on the self to being focused on universal principles.

Moral Reasoning Chapter 7

Table 7.2: Kohlberg’s six stages of moral reasoning

Level Stages The basis for moral reasoning

One: Preconventional

Get rewards and avoid punish- ments; egocentric

Stage 1: Might makes right

Stage 2: Look out for number one

Do what the authority tells you to do; avoid punishment, and do not get caught.

Take care of your own needs; be nice to others so they will be nice to you.

Two: Conventional

Focus on social rules; community/culture centered

Stage 3: Good girl and nice boy

Stage 4: Law and order

Try to please other people; social approval is very important.

Good behavior means following the laws of society (and school) even if no one is there to enforce them.

Three: Postconventional

Emphasis is placed on moral principles

Stage 5: Social contract

Stage 6: Universal ethical principles

Obey rules because they exist for everyone; if certain rules are not benefi- cial, they need to be changed.

Ultimate moral behavior is based on personal reflection of rules that must apply to everyone, regardless of society, income, or other conditions.

Lickona (1983) has since modified Kohlberg’s theory, creating a progression from egocen- tric reasoning (preschool) to principled conscience (adult). Maintaining six stages, the first of Lickona’s is for preschool-age children (3 to 4 years old); the second, for kindergarten-age children (5 to 6 years old):

• Stage 0: Egocentric reasoning

• Stage 1: Unquestioning obedience

• Stage 2: What’s-in-it-for-me fairness

• Stage 3: Interpersonal conformity

• Stage 4: Responsibility to the system

• Stage 5: Principled conscience

Stages 0 and 1 are reversed from Kohlberg’s 1 and 2, while the rest follow Kohlberg’s stages (1983). Both Kohlberg’s and Lickona’s theories illustrate a progression of developing a sense of right and wrong, good and bad, from externally imposed rules (authority and punishment) to internalized, individual moral behaviors determined by ethical principles. Both theories are based on the idea that children’s moral reasoning and social behaviors increase as their cogni- tive abilities mature.

However, other scholars have focused on the role of emotions in guiding the progression of children’s behavior from externally reinforced behavior to internally controlled regulation (Kochanska & Aksan, 2006). And, as we have pointed out, emotional development is closely tied to brain development, especially the development of the prefrontal cortex (Schiller, 2010). Emotions influence moral behavior in two ways. First, we feel guilty when we have done something wrong or when we have defied authority. Second, we feel good when we have followed the rules and behaved socially.

Grazyna Kochanska and Aksan (2006) define guilty feelings as the feelings that follow a bad response and the inability to do the right thing, even when no one else is around. The ability

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to experience guilt, in turn, is through the development of a conscience. A conscience devel- ops as the result of warm, mutually responsive interactions between young children and their parents, teachers, and caregivers. These warm, mutually responsive relationships are similar to the behaviors required to achieve the critical tasks in Erikson’s theory: trust, autonomy, and initiative (Erikson, 1963; Honig, 2002). Without the development of a conscience, moral reasoning will not occur.

Stage 0: Egocentric Reasoning (Preschool, ages 3–4)

At this age, preschoolers begin to talk about fairness, but to them fairness is getting their own way. Because preschool children are in Piaget’s preoperational stage, they view everything from their own egocentric perspective. Their reasons for being good are that being good enables them to achieve their desires and helps them avoid punishment. Children at this age and stage in their development may lie, cheat, and break the rules of a game to get their own way. These actions do not mean children cannot be compassionate and help others, but they

will only do so if it does not conflict with their own needs, including staying on the good side of adults (Lickona, 1983).

For each stage, Lickona (1983) provides advice to parents and teachers to help them with discipline and guidance. He suggests that teachers, parents, and caregivers allow children at this stage to make choices, but make sure the choices provided are all acceptable. He contributed the earlier example of his son refusing to hold his hand to cross the street (for safety) until given a choice of which hand to hold. Adults should also provide appropriate rewards— especially hugs and praise—when a preschooler is obedient, helps others, and is considerate. Lickona additionally suggests these ideas when working with children at this age:

• Require children to give better reasons for their behaviors than simply, “Because I want to.”

• Assign simple chores at home and in the early care and education program.

• Play simple games with rules (e.g. duck, duck, goose; red light, green light; follow the leader), even though at this age children cannot see the value of following the rules.

• Provide many opportunities to play with peers. In this way, young children learn that sometimes they cannot get their own way (see the discussion of play in Chapter 4).

Stage 1: Unquestioning Obedience (Kindergarten, ages 5–6)

At this stage, children are less egocentric and have a deep respect for authority—especially parents and teachers (Lickona, 1983). They believe adults know what is good and bad, and are motivated to be good to stay out of trouble. Therefore, they do what a parent or teacher says to stay on their good side. However, kindergarteners can handle only one piece of information at a time, so parents and teachers need to be very specific and consistent. At this age, it is adults who determine right from wrong and good from bad, so when adults are not present,

▲ Children in the preoperational stage of develop- ment have an egocentric view of morality and will break rules to satisfy their own needs.

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children will generally not follow the rules of good behavior (Lickona, 1983). Keep in mind that this is also the age at which children like to tattle about other children to parents and teachers. To help children at this stage, Lickona suggests that adults should

• provide strong and consistent guidance

• provide a few rules, but make sure they are enforced

• reward children’s appropriate behavior with smiles, hugs, and praise

• respond to a child’s questioning of a rule with “I said so because . . .” rather than simply “Because I said so”

• help children understand the reason for rules, but still insist they are applied

• help children understand that fairness is also about being fair to the other children.

To help children’s understanding of discipline and guidance at both stages of moral reason- ing, Lickona recommends a balance between allowing children to act according to their natu- ral development at each stage, helping them understand their own moral reasoning (why they act and do certain things), and expecting appropriate behaviors of the child, regardless of their developmental stage. He advises adults to respect children and require respect in return, teach by example (modeling), teach by telling (why certain behaviors are and should be expected), give children real and meaningful responsibilities, and help them develop a strong, positive self-concept (Lickona, 1983).

7.6 Exceptional Children Exceptional children pose additional challenges for discipline and guidance, both at home and in early care and education programs (Tomlinson & Hyson, 2010). Exceptional children include children with developmental delays, gifted and talented students, and twice exceptional chil- dren. Some children are born with obvious disabilities; in other cases, disabilities begin to emerge at later stages. In 1975, the United States Congress passed a law that later became the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Today, this law guarantees free public education for children with disabilities ages 3 through 21 years old (Powers & Burton, 2003). For children age 3 to school entry, Child Find works closely with local early childhood programs to meet the needs of children with special needs (see Chapter 5). Infants to 3-year- olds with developmental delays are served through various community agencies. These agen- cies work closely with hospitals, therapists, and early childhood special education specialists to meet the needs of these children.

Child Find and other agencies that work closely with families and early care and education programs are part of Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). To serve children with developmental delays optimally, these community agencies must work closely and effectively with both the home and the early care and education program. Because teachers, intervention experts, parents, and other caregivers not only work at different agen- cies, but also have very different knowledge and skills, working collaboratively is a challenge (Kaczmarek, 2007). Thus, a true ecological approach is needed.

Programs working with children and families of young children with developmental delays focus on two overall purposes: (1) assisting children and their families in getting the best pos- sible start in their education and development, and (2) encouraging early intervention. Early intervention is the belief that the sooner intervention is initiated with children who have

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disabilities, the more effective treatment will be in addressing their developmental delays, especially in the areas of academics and school achievement and in lessening the child’s need for later services (Carta, Schwartz, Atwater, & McConnell, 1991). While the federal IDEA law stipulates 13 specific disability categories, most states use the general term developmental delay to categorize children, infants to 5 years old, who have special needs. These children may receive services at home, at an early care and education center, or both.

Causes

Some children are born with specific disabilities. These may be genetic, a result of prenatal environmental stress (e.g., alcohol and drug use by the mother), or problems during birth. Often, these disabilities become evident as a child is unable to meet specific developmental milestones, such as walking, talking, problem solving, or learning social skills. Still other dis- abilities are caused by severe illness and accidents during childhood. Additionally, the exact cause of some disabilities, such as autism and ADHD, are unknown (Gernsbacher, Dawson, & Goldsmith, 2005).

However, many disabilities become evident only as children are expected to do academic work, function prosocially with children their age, and abide by strict behavioral rules. Thus, until recently, most children were diagnosed with disabilities after entering K-12 school pro- grams. With the increase of academics and other school-related expectations in early child- hood programs, we are seeing more children, infants to age 5 years old, diagnosed with developmental delays (U.S. Dept. of Education, 1999). Also, the focus on early intervention is resulting in more young children being labeled and served in early care and education pro- grams (Kaczmarek, 2007).

Parents and early care and education teachers and caregivers must work together if they believe a child might have a special need or developmental delay. Programs connected with

local schools (e.g. Head Start and Early Head Start) and large early childhood organizations initially work with children to identify the children’s needs, and then use their own team of specialists to provide the services each child needs. Smaller programs should work closely with Child Find and the disability coun- cil in their community. Further, teachers, early inter- vention staff, and directors should learn how to work with children who have developmental delays, and work with local agencies and families to provide the services needed by these children (Kaczmarek, 2007).

Identifying and Serving Children with Developmental Delays

As we have pointed out, an increasing number of children with developmental delays are enrolling and being served in community-based settings (Powers & Burton, 2003). When considering the possibility that a child may have a developmental delay, or wondering

▲ When working with children with developmen- tal disabilities, early childhood educators must collaborate with local disability councils and fami- lies to provide the best support for the child.

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whether a program has the capacity to serve a child with a disability who wishes to enroll, par- ents, teachers, and caregivers need to consider various factors, including the following:

• Parents who suddenly find out that their child has a developmental delay must prog- ress through a huge learning curve. They need to understand the nature and charac- teristics of their child’s disability, the various medical treatment options, and how to pay for services. Further, they must learn about the rights they and their child have regarding services within early care and education programs. A central role of the early care and education program is to educate parents of children with disabilities about their rights and those of their children.

• Young children develop unevenly, in spurts, and unevenly across domains (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009). What may initially appear to be a delay may simply be naturally occurring, developmental variability.

• With increased focus on direct instruction and pushed-down academics, some prob- lematic behaviors of young children may simply be the result of inappropriate expecta- tions—both academic and behavioral. What sometimes aggravates this problem is that intervention experts trained to work with elementary school children are not always knowledgeable of the typical developmental levels and behaviors of infants, toddlers, and preschool children (Johnson & McChesney-Johnson, 1992).

• A disproportionate number of African-American and Latino children are placed in spe- cial education programs, and more boys than girls are diagnosed with special needs. Parents of these children, and professionals working with minorities and boys, must be certain that valid and reliable indicators are used to determine that a child can benefit from special education services. This is especially true for ADHD, which is diagnosed five to nine times as much in boys as it is in girls, and learning disabilities (Rowland, Umbrach, Stallone, Jack, & Sandler, 2002).

• The federal law requires children with disabilities to be educated in programs with their non-disabled peers, whenever the child can benefit. This means that children diagnosed with developmental delays should not be removed from their early care and education programs—even religious and private ones—if at all possible. Private pro- grams and other community programs not directly linked to the public schools (e.g., a Head Start program that is not attached to a public school) must work aggressively to make sure children with disabilities remain in programs with their peers.

• Young children diagnosed with developmental delays must still progress through regu- lar development stages, including Erikson’s psychosocial stages. Of particular concern is the need for all children to achieve initiative (Erikson, 1963). Efforts to address a child’s disability must not prevent the child from engaging in the various ways they experience trust, autonomy, and initiative, including risk-taking, exploring, and inter- acting with peers.

Approaches to Working with Children with Developmental Delays

The nature and amount of interactions between agencies that serve young children con- stitutes the mesosystem of early care and education. The ecological approach to develop- ment suggests that the more quality interactions there are among these agencies, the greater the positive impact on the development and learning of the child (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994). Nowhere is this more evident than with supporting children with developmental delays (Kaczmarek, 2007).

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The key to working with these families is coordinated planning and communication between teachers, early intervention staff, and the family. The goal is to make sure that families have the information they need to understand everything their child will be doing while in the pro- gram, and what they can do at home to support these efforts. An initial meeting with every- one involved with the child’s program best accomplishes this, and the sooner such a meeting can be arranged, the better for all involved (Kaczmarek, 2007). As with any family-program interactions, teachers and intervention staff need to be sensitive to the family’s culture, and open to ideas and input from the family.

Once the initial meeting has taken place, a system of communication should be created. As we have already discussed, communication is the key to program-family partnerships (McWilliams, Tocci, & Hardin, 1998). However, this is often challenging to achieve when serving children with developmental delays. At the onset, teachers and early intervention staff should discuss with parents various communication strategies to establish and maintain positive communica- tion. These include notebook exchanges, telephone calls, home and classroom visits, family- teacher conferences, newsletters, and emails.

Use of Community Resources

A central role of the early care and education program is to inform families about resources available to them in the community. Families of children with disabilities will be interested in family support groups, disability organizations, advocacy and policy-making groups, special- ists, and testing centers. The early care and education program should also inform families of community agencies, providing them with websites and other lists, fliers and brochures, and so on. Parents who already have experience caring for children with disabilities can also be a valuable resource for all sorts of important information.

Learning in an Inclusive Community

The federal law requires children with disabilities to be taught, whenever possible, with nor- mally developing children. The contemporary term for this is inclusion. According to Mara Sapon-Shevin (2008), inclusion is about creating a society in which all children and their fami- lies feel welcomed and valued. Just as it is important to find ways to include children and fami- lies with a vast range of racial, ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity in early care and education programs, so, too, is it with children with a variety of developmental delays. According to Sapon-Shevin, it is not so much about making individual accommodations for children with specific disabilities (e.g., a wheelchair), as it is the need to create a classroom climate that naturally adjusts, embraces, and includes diversity.

Inclusion not only helps all children learn about individual differences, but it also creates a place for students to learn about challenging topics. To do so, a classroom must become a positive community for all students. In order to develop such a setting, it is important to:

• Take time for community building throughout the year.

• Proactively teach prosocial skills throughout the year, including how to make friends, how to give compliments, and what to do if someone teases or hurts your feelings. Do not wait for these things to happen.

• Use specific words to explain why treating people fairly is important, and why com- munity is important. Such words can include: support, friends, community, caring, and kindness.

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• Adopt a zero-indifference policy. Be clear on what is acceptable and what is not; do not expect things to go away on their own. For example, to a student who uses inap- propriate language in the classroom, say, “I don’t want words like that used in my classroom; it hurts people’s feelings.”

• Think about the messages you are communicating about community and differences in everything you do, including the books you read to the children, visitors you invite to the classroom, songs you sing, pictures on the walls, and how you talk about diversity.

• Seize teachable moments to talk about inclusion. For example, when students make fun of another student in a wheelchair for being unable to do certain things, remind the stu- dents that words hurt, and that the child in the wheelchair can do many different things.

• Provide lots of opportunities for children to work together, and teach them how to do so effectively. Dan Olweus (2003) recommends this approach as part of his anti- bullying program.

• Avoid activities in which children compete with each other. Set up an atmosphere in which each student knows he or she is valued for something important the child brings to the classroom.

• Keep in mind that children may remember only some of the specific things we teach them in the classroom, but they will remember everything about how they felt (Sapon- Shevin, 2008).

Gifted and Talented Children

Along with children with developmental delays, there is another group of children who often struggle in early care and education programs: gifted and talented students. These are children whose abilities, talents, and potential accomplishments are so outstanding that they require special provisions to meet their educa- tional needs (State of Colorado, 1994). Gifted children are born with a potential that must be nurtured, chal- lenged, enhanced, extended, and supported by the envi- ronment—at home and in the early care and education program (Tannenbaum, 2003).

Many parents and, unfortunately, some teachers, believe gifted children will automatically succeed in any school environment (Manning, 2006). However, young gifted and talented children often experience frustrations that threaten later school success and greatly damage self- esteem. Often, gifted and talented children are referred to pediatricians and psychologists, not because people think they are gifted, but because they exhibit some of the same characteristics associated with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) (Dooley, 2003). The per- ceived inability of gifted and talented children to stay on task is due to boredom, curricular mismatch, inappropriate instruction, and meaningless activities. This results in discipline problems at home and in the program, and parents and

▲ Parents, teachers, and caregivers must work together to identify a plan for children with developmental delays or special needs.

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early care and education staff are often frustrated due to the very different ways these chil- dren think, problem solve, and learn (Manning, 2006).

Characteristics and Behaviors of Gifted and Talented Children

Young gifted and talented children exhibit many of these characteristics:

• Extreme curiosity and intensity and remarkable memories, especially in areas that keenly interest them

• Ability to notice details and nuances that their peers often miss

• Advanced reasoning skills and interest in abstract ideas earlier than their peers

• Long attention spans when they are involved in activities that interest them; a ten- dency to develop a deep interest and involvement in certain learning activities

• Advanced vocabularies

• Use of humor and imagery in dramatic play and storytelling

• Ability to make connections between seemingly unrelated concepts or situations and come up with creative solutions to problems that arise

• Use of everyday materials in new and novel ways

When the unique needs of gifted preschoolers are not met in the classroom, they may become disruptive or experience disillusionment, fear, anxiety, and depression.

Meeting the Needs of Gifted and Talented Preschoolers

Like all children, gifted children have unique needs. When these needs are not met, children can become frustrated and exhibit challenging behaviors that can tax the patience of teachers and parents (Loomis & Wagner, 2005). All children need teachers to respond to their unique physical, cognitive, social, and emotional needs (Jones & Reynolds, 1997). The unique needs of gifted and talented young children often go unmet due to a variety of reasons. Sometimes teachers simply do not know how to meet the unique cognitive, social, and emotional needs of these children; sometimes they believe that gifted children can solve their own problems. Both parents and early care and education teachers and caregivers can meet the needs of gifted and talented children by using a variety of approaches to the curriculum, activities, challenges, and resources. While many of these approaches work with all children, including those with devel- opmental delays and twice exceptional children, they are highlighted here because they have been shown to provide a particularly accurate goodness-of-fit between the needs of gifted children and the approach (Manning, 2006; Tannenbaum, 2003). These include the following:

• Embed complex processing skills within tasks and activities

• Include advanced materials and resources for exploration

• Provide more advanced concepts and ideas in lessons and activities

• Provide activities and materials that allow for in-depth and abstract learning

• Provide opportunities to compare and contrast, to look at ecological habitats and con- texts, and to extend all learning

• Ask questions and provide tasks that require complex thinking, such as classify- ing, comparing, evaluating, summarizing, testing hypotheses, and identifying cause and effect

• Encourage children to create products to demonstrate what they have learned, allow- ing them to integrate new and existing knowledge and learn across many domains (Dooley, 2003).

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When developing a curriculum thematic unit, teachers should provide more complex and advanced books, artifacts, and real experiences. For a unit on animals or birds, provide books on animals; artifacts from nature such as bird nests, samples of fur, feathers, and other pro- tective coverings; enlarged pictures of common and unusual animal tracks; and magnifying glasses and microscopes to inspire exploration and acquisition of knowledge (see Chapter 4 for other ideas using the outdoors).

To encourage creativity and artistic talents in students, provide a variety of materials and encourage open-ended artistic expression. Expose artistically talented children to various styles and famous artists, along with mentors from the local arts community. Changes and additions to material resources, daily routines, and the classroom environment also need to be made on a regular basis. Gifted children require a more flexible schedule and love to learn in an integrated, cross-domain manner.

T H I N K A B O U T I T:

Common Myths and Truths about Young Gifted Students

Myths Truths

All gifted children are the same: all are high aca- demic achievers.

Gifted children have fewer problems than other children because they can use their intelligence to solve problems.

Gifted children are self-directed—they know where they are headed.

A gifted child’s social and emotional develop- ment is at the same level as the child’s intellectual development.

Gifted children are nerds and introverted.

The gifted child’s family always appreciates the child’s giftedness.

Gifted children need to be role models to others and should always assume extra responsibilities.

Gifted students can accomplish anything they decide to. All they have to do is apply themselves; those who do not are lazy.

Gifted students are naturally creative and aca- demic and do not need encouragement to suc- ceed in school.

(Dooley, 2003)

Gifted children are often perfectionists and idealists. They tend to equate grades and achievement with self-worth, which prevents risk-taking and causes a fear of failure. They will only attempt tasks that guarantee success.

Gifted children experience heightened sensitivity to their own and others’ expecta- tions, causing guilt over low achievement and grades.

Each domain of the gifted child develops at different rates; their physical development and intellectual development may well be at different levels, along with their emo- tional and social development.

Gifted children may be so advanced com- pared to their peers that they know more than half of the curriculum when the school year begins.

Gifted children are problem solvers—they like to solve open-ended, integrative problems.

Gifted children get bored very easily, espe- cially if the topic or activity is of no interest to them.

Some gifted children struggle with tradi- tional academic tasks.

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Focus on the Whole Child

All of the developmental needs of gifted and talented children need to be supported and nurtured. Gifted and talented children should be encouraged to enter into activities in areas that require more effort and determination and should be helped to understand that not all learning comes easily. This will also help them appreciate the efforts their peers must make when learning new skills and achieving new tasks. Gifted students require parents, teachers, curricula, resources and materials, and approaches to learning and instruction that create an accepting environment in which their individual differences are celebrated (Manning, 2006). Teaching and parenting gifted preschoolers also requires a unique skill. Teachers and par- ents need to ask probing questions, encourage critical thinking, and pose problems to solve. Questions such as “What do you think?” “How did you do that?” “What might happen if you try this?” or “What did you learn when you did that?” must dominate the conversation. Avoid questions with yes and no answers. Although teachers and parents may find this behavior challenging, they must also be prepared for gifted and talented children to know more than they do on certain topics and to challenge what they know and say.

Affective Needs of Gifted/Talented Preschoolers

One reason gifted and talented preschoolers struggle in early care and education programs is that they have unique social and emotional temperaments (Tannenbaum, 2003). Teachers need to be aware of these unique needs, which tend to include the following:

• Likely to be perfectionists

• Highly sensitive to words and actions directed at them

• Have difficulty making friends

• Often get frustrated because their thinking may be more advanced than the rest of their development

Some gifted and talented children have difficulty making friends and do not know how to initiate an activity or join an activity already in progress (Tannenbaum, 2003). They also fail to

understand the reciprocal nature of relationships. Gifted and talented children tend to want to con- trol all social situations, play by their own rules, and expect other children to think and problem solve at their intellectual level. Often, they cannot tolerate mild stress, such as disagreements and letting other children control the activity (Dooley, 2003). Also, they want to engage in meaning- ful activities and projects far longer than other children do; some are accused by their peers of “being bossy.”

Teachers can address these issues in two gen- eral ways: (1) provide opportunities for gifted preschoolers to work and play with other gifted preschoolers and other students who match their level of intellect, and (2) help gifted preschoolers understand how to function effectively with chil- dren who do not share their interests, skills, or

▲ Despite being ahead of peers in academic areas, gifted and talented children often experience trouble relating to their peers on a social level and may have difficulty making friends.

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view of the world. This can be done by using role-playing, engaging in conversations, reading books in which characters learn to accept difference, and the use of puppets. Children can also explore their fears and frustrations through journal writing and all sorts of art activities. Some gifted children engage in highly complex, solitary dramatic play (see Chapter 4).

Twice Exceptional Young Children

Some gifted and talented students are also twice exceptional students. As we described in Chapter 1, twice exceptional learners are those students who are both gifted and talented, and who have a disability or developmental delay. Unfortunately, these children are very much underserved, usually because teachers and experts automatically believe that a child who has a disability cannot be gifted and talented, and a child who is gifted and talented cannot have a disability (Davis, Rimm, & Siegle, 2011). For example, boys with very high IQs and boys with learning disabilities have very similar behaviors, making it difficult to discriminate between the two (Shaywitz et al., 2001). Almost any disability can exist with giftedness—autism, hearing and communication disorders, learning disabilities and ADHD—and thus stereotypes regard- ing giftedness and special needs children are not valid.

Challenges in identifying and serving children who are twice exceptional include the following:

• Assessments that address only a child’s disability, ignoring potential talents and giftedness

• A belief by many professionals and parents that children with physical or intellectual gifts cannot have special needs

• Lack of worldly experiences by these children, due to disability limitations and narrow perceptions of those working with children with disabilities

• An incorrect view of giftedness as only being advanced in traditional academic areas

• A focus on disability issues preventing an understanding of giftedness and the needs of gifted and talented students who also have developmental delays

To address these issues, programs and parents need to be strong advocates to make sure all children are properly assessed for developmental delays and giftedness. To achieve these goals, professionals who work with children who have disabilities and professionals who work with gifted and talented children must work closely together at institutions of higher learning, in state departments of education, and within early childhood programs and schools. Some ideas to help parents and teachers be effective with twice exceptional young children include the following (Nielson & Higgins, 2005):

• Offer a variety of learning opportunities and choices that capitalize on each child’s strengths, abilities, and individual interests

• Teach and encourage the use of various accommodations (for example, technology)

• Develop a variety of alternative means to communicate, depending on the specific disabilities of the students

• Emphasize high-level abstract thinking, creativity, and problem solving

• Help children acknowledge and accept a realistic view of their strengths and challenges

• Provide individual differentiation, both in areas of giftedness and for specific disabilities

• Establish high expectations and promote self-directed learning and independence.

Chapter Summary Chapter 7

Chapter Summary Guidance, Discipline, and Emotional Regulation

• The goal of guidance, discipline, and emotional regulation is to assist young children in internalizing socially appropriate behaviors.

• Brain development must occur before emotional regulation can develop.

• Executive functioning, effortful control, and emotional regulation lead to a child’s abil- ity to behave appropriately.

• Young children struggle to behave appropriately due to immature brain development, lack of experience, and mixed messages from adults.

Adult Expectations of Young Children

• Adults have a variety of expectations for the behavior of young children.

• Adult expectations regarding teaching and learning, both at home and in the early childhood center, create a variety of different behavioral expectations.

• Adults expect children to behave according to social and cultural norms.

• Adults often forget what it was like to be, and behave like, a child.

Approaches to the Guidance and Discipline of Young Children

• Rewards can be primary or secondary reinforcers and are used to increase a child’s desirable behavior by rewarding the child after the behavior is demonstrated.

• Rewards can be extrinsic (external) and intrinsic (internal).

• Punishments, including natural consequences, logical consequences, and unrelated consequences, are used to reduce or eliminate undesirable behaviors.

• Modeling is a powerful tool to teach children desirable behaviors, but it requires con- sistent, appropriate modeling by all significant adults in the child’s life.

Working with Parents: Children’s Discipline and Guidance

• Major conflicts around discipline and guidance can arise between the early childhood program and family.

• Programs must be very clear with families regarding their approach to discipline and guidance.

• The program should have a well-developed discipline policy that is reviewed continually.

• Teachers and other staff should receive ongoing training regarding cultural issues and open communication with families.

Moral Reasoning

• Kohlberg developed a theory of moral reasoning based on Piaget’s cognitive stage theory.

Key Terms Chapter 7

• Lickona modified Kohlberg’s theory, creating a six-stage developmental theory, with the first two stages covering the preschool and kindergarten ages.

• While these theories of moral reasoning focus on changes in how children think and problem solve, other theorists emphasize the role of changes in a child’s emotional development and the development of a conscience.

Exceptional Children

• Exceptional children include students with developmental delays, gifted and talented students, and twice exceptional students.

• Exceptional children can present additional discipline and guidance challenges for par- ents, teachers, and other caregivers.

• Adults working with exceptional children need to find ways to address the unique needs of these children, which in turn will reduce potential discipline problems.

Key Terms behaviorism An observable change of behavior caused by the environment: rewards, removing negative stimuli, and punishments.

differentiated approach An approach that adjusts instruction to match the learning lev- els and styles of all children, including gifted and talented, twice exceptional, and students with developmental delays.

discipline and guidance Attempts by adults to guide children into learning and internaliz- ing socially appropriate rules and behaviors. A combination of rules, consistent adult expec- tations, and helping children understand the relationship between their behaviors, good and bad, and the results they produce.

early intervention An approach to working with children with disabilities that is based on a belief that the sooner a disability is identified and addressed, the more effective treatment will be in addressing developmental delays.

effortful control The process a child uses to learn how to control emotions and delay gratification, which itself is related to the development of a conscience.

emotional regulation The ability to inhibit, control, or maintain an emotional response to accomplish a goal, which is often to behave socially and appropriately in difficult and frus- trating situations.

executive function The development of the child’s prefrontal cortex during the preschool years, a result of maturation and experience, improving the child’s attention, emotional regulation, and memory.

extrinsic reinforcements Rewards for a behavior from outside of one’s self, which increases the prevalence of the behavior occurring. Examples are stickers, smiles from a par- ent or teacher, verbal rewards (“good job”), and candy.

gifted and talented students Students whose abilities, talents, and potential accomplishments are so outstanding that they require special provisions to meet their educational needs.

Key Terms Chapter 7

inclusion Integrating children with developmental delays within the regular classroom; including all children as part of the classroom community.

Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) A federal law passed in 1975 that guarantees children with disabilities, ages 3–21, certain rights in all schools. Children, birth to age 3, are also included under a separate section of the act.

intrinsic reinforcement Internal good feelings and a sense of success and accomplishment resulting from a behavior.

logical consequences Consequences to negative behavior or a rule infraction that are logically tied to the child’s behavior. For this approach to work, the child has to understand the logical connection.

modeling/social-cognitive approach Modeling works by the learner (child) observing the behavior of the model; after the behavior of the model is reinforced, the learner repeats (imitates) the behavior of the model. A model can be real (parent, teacher, professional ath- lete) or symbolic (book, TV, and movie characters). The model must have status in the eyes of the learner and be viewed by the learner as being competent in what they are modeling.

moral reasoning Moral reasoning is the thinking children engage in as they determine moral responses and appropriate behaviors.

negative reinforcement Increasing a behavior through the removal of a stimulus, usually an unpleasant one.

neutral stimuli Stimuli that a child does not normally respond to. These can be for any of the senses: sight, sound, touch, smell, and taste.

positive reinforcement Rewards to a child’s behaviors that increase the probability of the behavior occurring in the future. These can be intrinsic (e.g., feeling a sense of mastery) or extrinsic (e.g., stickers and grades).

positive reinforcers Rewards that increase a person’s behavior.

power assertion An approach to discipline and guidance that depends on controlling the child’s behavior through physical and nonphysical punishment, based on the absolute power of the adult. Often this form of punishment is unreasonable and illogical (threats, belittling remarks, sarcasm, and physical force).

prefrontal cortex The front part of the brain, which controls planning, judgment, and self-regulation.

Premack principle The opportunity to engage in a favorite activity after completing a less enjoyable one; a form of reinforcement used to modify children’s behavior.

primary reinforcers A reinforcer (reward) that satisfies a built-in, often biological need, such as water and food.

prosocial behaviors Behaviors aimed at helping others; in early care and education pro- grams, this includes sharing, following the directions of teachers, and solving conflicts with other children in a constructive manner.

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punishment A behavioral approach that reduces the child’s inappropriate behavior through the presentation of a negative stimulus and the removal of a pleasant stimulus.

response cost Withdrawal of a previously earned reinforcement. For example, a child loses a privilege that the child just earned.

secondary reinforcers A previously neutral stimulus that now acts as a reinforcer, due to becoming a conditioned stimulus (e.g. money, stickers, words, etc).

socializing agent A person or institution (e.g., family) that teaches children the behaviors, values, mores, and norms of a society and culture.

time away Removal of a child from an activity or group to another task or group.

time out A discipline procedure that removes a child from an activity and places the child in a boring, neutral environment for a short period of time. This is also a form of punishment.

unrelated consequences Punishing a child’s inappropriate behavior with something that is unrelated to the behavior.

verbal reprimands Scolding or harsh words from the teacher or parent designed to sup- press undesirable behaviors; may also be threats.

vicarious reinforcement The reinforcing of a model’s behavior with the intent of chang- ing the behavior of the observer or learner. Part of social cognitive theory. One of the reasons modeling is so effective in changing a child’s behavior is that the child believes he or she will receive the same rewards that the model has received (fame, popularity, money, etc.).