Discussion 6
Lecture 11: The Scientific
Revolution, 1600-1642
I do not feel obliged to believe that that same God
who has endowed us with senses, reason, and
intellect has intended to forgo their use and by
some other means to give us knowledge which we
can obtain by them.
---Galileo, Letter to Grand Duchess Christina (1615)
In a previous lecture I suggested that before Isaac
Newton could conceive of and demonstrate the laws of
universal gravitation, a practical understanding of
motion was required (see Lecture 10). This practical
understanding of mechanics would be provided by an
Italian astronomer and mathematician by the name of
GALILEO GALILEI. Born at Pisa in 1564, Galileo studied
medicine and mathematics and became a professor at
Pisa in the late 1580s. But because the largely
Aristotelian faculty was hostile to him, Galileo decided
to move on to Florence. Eventually he settled at Padua
and between 1592 and 1610 his mathematics lectures
at the university attracted students from across the
Continent.
The key to all of Galileo's discoveries was the accurate
measurement of time. Accurate
measurement of time was essential
if the mechanics of motion were to
be explained. By 1600, there were
no accurate clocks or time keeping
devices. There were clocks, of
course, but none of them were at all
precise. Medieval clocks were
convenient for dividing the day but
not for keeping precise time. Galileo
was fascinated with time. As the
story goes, Galileo was attending a
religious service at Pisa in 1583. His thoughts began to
wander and as he gazed about he noticed the swinging
motion of a lamp that hung from the ceiling. It was then
that Galileo was struck by the uniform motion of the
pendulum. The pendulum, if kept swinging at a constant
rate, keeps near perfect time. Galileo experimented
with various sorts of motions and falling bodies. This,
after all, was what helped him determine the mechanics
of motion. His observations of falling bodies at Pisa are
only the most well known of his experiments. He rolled
balls of varying size and weight down slopes with
varying angles of incline. He showed that an object
thrown into the air falls to the earth along a parabola.
What he ended up doing was casting doubt on
Aristotelian mechanics -- he challenged the monopoly
on scientific education enjoyed by university clerics who
had, so he thought, learned nothing since their earliest
encounter with Aristotle.
Around 1609 Galileo had news of a development from
Holland -- a lens grinder had taken two lenses and
placed them at opposite ends of a metal tube. A
rudimentary telescope was the result. Galileo made his
own telescope as well as a compound microscope.
Galileo directed all of his attention to the heavens. He
was the first man to see craters on the moon, sun spots
and the rings of Saturn. He also observed the phases of
Venus. He determined that the Earth's moon was not a
source of light but rather of reflected light. He saw the
moons of Jupiter. And of course, Galileo was also a
Copernican: "Sol est centrum mundi, est omnio
immobile motu locali," ("The sun is the center of the
universe and the earth moves.")
In 1611, Galileo packed his brass telescope in his bag
and decided to go to Rome. The previous year, Galileo
had reported his findings in his book, THE STARRY
MESSENGER. Criticism of Galileo's observations began
immediately. The authorities at Rome would not even
look through his telescope. Why not? They had absolute
faith in Aristotle. Not only that, if you think about it, the
telescope reveals the existence of things which are not
really there. Look at the heavenly body called Saturn
with the naked eye. Do you see its rings? Of course not.
In Galileo's day, seeing something that could not be
seen with the naked eye was the same thing seeing
apparitions or hearing voices -- it was the work of the
Devil! The religious authorities at Rome were uneasy
with the New Science. Copernicus, Kepler and Galileo
seemed to be turning the world upside down. The sun
was the center of the cosmos, the earth moved and the
sky seemed to hold hidden visions. In effect, the
Scientific Revolution had created an invisible world
behind the visible world and those men of an older
generation, weaned on Aristotle and Aquinas were
fearful of it.
On April 12, 1615, Cardinal Bellarmine (1542-1621)
wrote his famous LETTER TO FOSCARINI, a letter which
expressed his displeasure with Copernican theory. The
following year, Galileo was summoned to Rome and
ordered to desist teaching Copernican theory. He was,
however, free to think about Copernican theory, but he
could not teach it or write about it. Galileo agreed to
this condition but still maintained that his mechanical
philosophy described the natural world better than any
alternative explanation. He was confident, extremely
confident, that his position was the correct one. So
confident was Galileo that in 1632 he imagined that the
decree regarding his public advocacy of Copernican
theory could be overturned. He began to criticize the
clergy,
who would preach the damnability and heresy of
the new doctrine from their very pulpits with
unwanted confidence, thus doing impious and
inconsiderate injury not only to that doctrine and its
followers but to all mathematics and
mathematicians in general.
The new science, so though Galileo correctly, was
unsuited to pulpit discussion. In fact, Galileo was more
than aware of this necessity and in the defense of the
new science, we can see the first stage of a century
long struggle between faith and reason.
The new science was also unfit for public discussion. On
the one hand, as a practical man with an eye toward
the applicability of science, Galileo knew that the new
science could improve the human condition. On the
other hand, however, he argued that it was necessary
not to allow the public too much knowledge regarding
the motions of the heavenly bodies -- at the very least,
the public mind ought to be enlightened slowly and
cautiously:
The shallow minds of the common people must be
protected from the truth about the universe lest
they should become confused and obstinate in
yielding assent to the principle articles that are
absolutely matters of faith.
In Galileo's mind, the new science was a body of
knowledge intended for the learned elite. It was not
intended for public consumption.
Furthermore, Galileo argued, the new science did not
contradict the deeper meanings of the Holy Scriptures.
The wise man should seek the true sense of the
Scriptures, the true meaning. But, in matters of physical
problems, we ought not begin from the authority of
Scriptural passages but from sense experience and
necessary demonstrations: in a word, natural
philosophy. Aristotle had not observed enough, nor as
freely as Church authorities believed and so Galileo and
the rest of his fellow revolutionaries went beyond The
Philosopher -- they had done a much better job of using
their senses. By arguing that man must look beyond the
literal meaning of the Scriptures, Galileo unwisely put
himself in disagreement with Council of Trent. In 1546,
the Council prohibited "any attempt to twist the sense
of Holy Scripture against the meaning which has been
and is being held by our Holy Mother Church." The
Council, of course, was clearly reacting to the onslaught
of the Lutheran Reformation. The medieval synthesis
had been assaulted on several fronts but in one last
ditch effort, Rome built its last defense -- Galileo was
the fall guy!
In 1623, Galileo's friend and admirer Maffeo Barberini
was elected Pope Urban VIII (1568-1644). An intelligent
but vain man, Barberini had much in common with
Galileo -- both men considered themselves above the
common man. Galileo enjoyed six audiences with
Baberini and was rewarded with lavish gifts from him.
Galileo reasoned that the time was now right to publish
a new defense of Copernican theory. His confidence at
an all time high, he spent four years composing the new
Copernican manifesto. His Dialogue Concerning the Two
Chief World Systems, Ptolemaic and Copernican, was
cleared by Church censors, one of whom was Galileo's
former student, and was published at Florence in 1632.
As the title suggests, Galileo grounded his manifesto in
the form of a dialogue rather than a treatise. The
dialogue, Galileo reasoned, was a device through which
an argument for Copernican theory could be made
without violating the papal decree of 1616. Two of the
conversants -- Salviati and Sagredo -- are sympathetic
to Copernican theory. Simplicio, the third participant,
represents Aristotle and the Scholastics and is
presented as fool. Galileo's enemies were quick to
inform the Pope that the official cosmology of the
Roman Catholic Church had been put in the mouth of
Simplicio. The Pope ordered an investigation and so in
August 1632, less than six months after it had
appeared, the Inquisition banned further sales of the
book. Galileo's book was placed on the Index of
Forbidden Books and there it remained until 1757.
Galileo was ordered to appear before the Inquisition at
Rome. He awaited intervention by the Pope, his former
friend, but it never came. He also believed, quite
innocently, that he could show that Copernicanism was
not in any direct opposition to Church dogma, However,
as Galileo found out, what was at issue was not so much
heliocentricity but authority. Galileo quickly realized
what was at stake. The now seventy year old Galileo
was interrogated relentlessly and threatened with
torture. The Church had a strong defense -- it was clear
that Galileo had violated the prohibition placed upon
him in 1616. He could believe Copernican theory but
not publicly defend it. To prove their position, the
Church produced the forged minutes of Galileo's
meeting with Cardinal Bellarmine in 1616. Unfortunately
for Galileo, by 1632, Bellarmine was dead. The
document produced by the Church was clearly forged. It
acknowledged that Galileo could not hold, teach or
defend Copernican theory in any way. This was a much
stronger prohibition than Galileo could recollect. (See
the Galileo Trial Documents) Without a defense of any
kind, Galileo took his only reasonable option and on
June 22, 1633, he recited the required abjuration on his
knees:
Wishing to remove from the minds of your
Eminences and of every true Christian this
vehement suspicion justly cast upon me, with
sincere heart and unfeigned faith I do abjure, damn,
and detest the said errors and heresies, and
generally each and every other error, heresy and
sect contrary to the Holy Church; and I do swear for
the future that I shall never again speak or assert,
orally or in writing, such things as might bring me
under similar suspicion.
The trial at an end, the abjuration made public, the
broken Galileo spent his remaining eight years under
house arrest at his villa outside Florence. It was at this
time that he wrote perhaps his finest book, the
Dialogues Concerning Two New Sciences, a study of
motion and inertia. His eldest daughter, Sister Marie
Celeste (1600-1634), whom he had sent to a convent
against her wishes twenty-three years earlier, stayed
with him to the end. Every day she said the seven
Psalms of penitence ordered by the Holy Office as part
of his sentence.
Galileo continued to gaze at the stars through his
telescope until 1637, when his sight finally failed him.
"This universe that I have extended one thousand
times," he wrote, "has now shrunk to the narrow
confines of my own body." The trial and condemnation
of Galileo marked the climax of the first wave of the
Scientific Revolution. He had helped to unlock some of
the mysteries of the cosmos for his fellow man.
However, his trial also signified something else. The
weight of papal authority which had brought Galileo to
his knees also succeeded in halting the growth of the
new science in Italy. It is no accident then, that following
Galileo's death in 1642 that the greatest advances in
science would come from outside Italy in countries like
England, Holland and Germany. These were, after all,
Protestant countries with a tradition of protest and
toleration. But 1642 also signifies something else for it
was in that year that the man most responsible for
producing modern science was born. That man was
Isaac Newton (see Lecture 12).
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