Discussion 8
While Europe's "great men" plotted grand schemes to
pursue their
political and intellectual ambitions during the crisis
of the Old Regime,
French Revolution, and Napoleonic wars, obscure
British inventors designed
machines whose impact would dwarf their efforts.
They industrialized textile
making by using machines and new power sources to
accomplish a task formerly
done by human and animal power. They began what
has been called by some the
Industrial Revolution.
The huge increase in productivity made possible by
using machines can be
shown in the amount of raw cotton Britain imported
in 1760 and 1850. In 1760
the British imported a bit over 1000 tons; in 1850 the
number had risen to
over 222,000 tons. The story behind the growth of
the textile industry is one
of a continual "catch-up" game between the spinners
and weavers to respond to
a growing market. After the 1707 Act of Union with
Scotland, Britain possessed
an expanding population with a larger per capita
income than that of any other
European state. The population growth stemmed
from a gradual decline in death
rates and an increase in the birth rate. ^14 It
provided more customers and
workers.
[Footnote 14: J. D. Chambers, "Enclosures and the
Labour Supply in the
Industrial Revolution," Economic History Review, 2nd
series, V, 1953, pp.
318-343, as cited in David Landes, The Unbound
Prometheus: Technological
Change and Industrial Development in Western
Europe from 1750 to the Present
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p.
115.]
The Revolution In Making Cloth
Practical people seeing the need for greater output
solved the practical
problems of production. In the many steps from the
raw cotton to the finished
cloth, there were bottlenecksprimarily in making
yarn and weaving the strands
together. In 1733, John Kay (1704-1764), a spinner
and mechanic, patented the
first of the great machines - the flying shuttle. This
device made it possible
for one person to weave wide bolts of cloth by using
a spring mechanism that
sent the shuttle across the loom. This invention
upset the balance between the
weavers of cloth and the spinners of yarn: ten
spinners were required to
produce enough yarn needed by one weaver. James
Hargreaves (d. 1778), a weaver
and carpenter, eliminated that problem in 1764 with
his spinning jenny, a
mechanical spinning wheel that allowed the spinners
to keep up with the
weavers.
Five years later, a barber named Richard Arkwright
(1732-1792) built the
water frame that made it possible to spin many
threads into yarn at the same
time. Ten years after that Samuel Crompton (1753-
1827), a spinner, combined
the spinning jenny and water frame into the water
mule, which, with some
variations, is used today. By this time the makers of
yarn were outpacing the
weavers, but in 1785 Edmund Cartwright (1743-1823)
invented the power loom
that mechanized the weaving process. In two
generations what had once been a
home-based craft became an industry.
The appetite of the new machines outran the supply
of cotton. Since most
of the material came from the United States, the
demand exceeded the
capability of the slave-based southern economy to fill
the supply. The best
worker could not prepare more than five or six
pounds of cotton a day because
of the problems of the seeds. American inventor Eli
Whitney (1765-1825), among
others, devised the cotton gin, a machine that
enabled a worker to clean more
than fifty times as much cotton a day. This device
coincidentally played a
major role in the perpetuation of slavery in the
United States.
Finally, the textile industry became so large that it
outgrew the
possibilities of its power source: water power. Steam
came to drive the
machines of industrializing Britain. In the first part of
the eighteenth
century a mechanic, Thomas Newcomen (1663-1729),
made an "atmospheric engine"
in which a piston was raised by injected steam. As
the steam condensed, the
piston returned to its original position. Newcomen's
unwieldy and inefficient
device was put to use pumping water out of mines.
James Watt (1736-1819), a
builder of scientific instruments at the University of
Glasgow, perfected
Newcomen's invention. Watt's steam engine also was
first used to pump water
out of mines. It saved the large amounts of energy
lost by the Newcomen engine
and led to an increase in coal productivity. After 1785
it was also used to
make cloth and drive ships and locomotives. The
application of steam to
weaving made it possible to expand the use of cloth-
making machines to new
areas, and after 1815 hand looms began to disappear
from commercial textile
making, replaced by the undoubted superiority of the
cloth-making machines.
These inventors made their contributions in response
to the need to solve
a particular problem. Their machines and the new
power sources expanded
productivity and transformed society in ways never
before dreamed of. The
transition from a rural agrarian to an urban lifestyle
merits applying the
term revolutionary to the process of industrialization.
The steps in
increasing textile production were repeated and
continue to be repeated in
other goods as well. The liberation from the
productive limitation of human
and animal power to satisfy essentially unlimited
demand is the great gift of
industrialization.
Britain's Dominance
Industrialization began in Britain in the eighteenth
century for a number
of reasons. Neither the richest nor the most populous
country in western
Europe, it did, nevertheless, possess at virtually all
levels of society a
hard-working, inventive, risk-taking private sector
that received strong
support from the government. Industrialization could
not begin and grow
without individual business owners who took a
chance on something new. The
British kept this close tie between private initiative
and creative
governmental support throughout the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries.
Thanks to early governmental support of road
improvements and canal
construction, Britain had a better transportation
network than any other
country in Europe. The British also had mastery of
the seas, excellent ports,
and a large merchant fleet. They enjoyed the
advantage of living safely on
their island, away from the carnage of war, even
during the Napoleonic wars.
The chance to industrialize in stable conditions gave
them the opportunity to
profit from war contracts between 1792 and 1815.
They developed their
industrial capacity without fear of battle damage or
loss of life.
Probably the most important factor was the relative
flexibility of the
British social and political systems. Members of the
elite, unlike their
colleagues on the continent, pursued their wealth in
the new industrial
framework with great energy. They worked closely
with the middle classes and
workers, even to the point during the nineteenth
century of sponsoring gradual
reform efforts to stifle any chance of revolution from
below.
The combination of inventiveness, growing markets,
governmental support,
and social flexibility made Britain the world's
dominant economic power until
the end of the nineteenth century. Napoleon's
interference had hurt economic
growth, but had also spurred the British to look for
new manufacturing methods
and markets. Once the wars were over, Britain
flooded the continent and the
Americas with high-quality, inexpensive goods. No
nation could compete against
British efficiency. When Britain began industrializing
before 1789, there were
isolated areas on the continent such as the French Le
Creusot works that could
have served as the base for a similar growth. Twenty-
six years of revolution
and mercantile policies made that competition
impossible. ^15
[Footnote 15: E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution,
1789-1848 (New York: New
American Library, 1964), pp. 44-73.]
Cotton production continued to increase and was
supplemented by the
arrival of the modern Iron Age. In 1800 Russia and
Sweden had exported iron to
Britain. By 1815 Britain exported more than five
times as much iron as it
imported. By 1848 the British produced more iron
than the rest of the world
combined. As in textile production, in ironmaking a
number of inventions
appeared to respond to problems. Refining of the
brittle cast iron was
improved to make it more malleable and tougher. At
the same time more
efficient mining processes for both coal and iron ore
were used to ensure a
constant supply of raw materials.
To further dominate the metals market, in the 1850s
Henry Bessemer
(1813-1898) developed a process to make steel, a
harder and more malleable
metal, quickly and cheaply. So effective was the
process that between 1856 and
1870 the price of British steel fell to one half the
amount formerly charged
for the best grade of iron. The drastic reduction in
price, a mark of
industrialization, had a positive impact on all areas of
the economy.
In the period after midcentury Britain produced more
than two-thirds of
the world's coal and more than half of the world's
iron and cloth. Industrial
development encouraged urbanization and by 1850
more than half of the
population lived in cities and worked in industries.
The British continued to
enjoy the highest per capita income in the world, and
the island nation stood
head and shoulders above the world in terms of
economic and material strength.
Industrialization: The Second Phase
The second phase of industrialization brought new
products and power
sources to the continent. Increased food production
and improved health
standards and diet led to a population explosion that
promised both economic
gains and bureaucratic burdens. The rapid and
massive growth of cities brought
with it the social problems of urbanization. Workers
united to fight for their
interests, while the middle classes extended their
wealth and influence. Both
groups changed the nature of social and political life.
Food And Population Increases
Liberated from many of the restraints of the past by
the French,
Napoleonic, and Industrial revolutions, most
Europeans made the transition
from a society based on agriculture to a modern
urban society. The spectacular
growth of the industrial sector makes it easy to
overlook the great strides in
food production during the nineteenth century.
Because of the improved global
transportation network and better farming methods,
the expanding number of
city dwellers had more and better food to eat in 1914
than they had had in
1815.
It is estimated that in 1815 around 60 percent of the
money and 85
percent of the Europeans were tied to farming. These
large quantities of
capital and labor were not effectively used, because
the advances made in
Holland and Britain in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries had not spread
to the continent. However, progressive landowners
gradually introduced these
improved methods when they saw the money to be
made feeding the growing
population of the cities.
By the end of the nineteenth century farmers on the
continent were
plowing new lands and using higher yielding crop
varieties to survive in the
worldwide agricultural competition. Industrial
nations such as Britain, in
which only 10 percent of the population was engaged
in farming, imported more
than a fourth of their food. Farmers in the Americas,
Australia, and New
Zealand competed with each other in the cutthroat
export market. The peasants
of Ireland and southern and eastern Europe were
unable to produce efficiently
enough to prosper in this new setting. Russia, where
the peasantry comprised
70 percent of the population, had to export to bring
in foreign capital to
finance industrialization. When the country had to
compete with efficient
foreign farmers, the tsarist minister of finance
stated, "we may go hungry,
but we will export." ^16
[Footnote 16: I. Vyshnegradsky, quoted in William L.
Blackwell, The
Industrialization of Russia: An Historical Perspective
(New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell, 1970), p. 24.]
The expanded food supply supported the growth in
European population from
175 million to 435 million. ^17 This 130 percent
increase between 1800 and
1910 partially disproved the views the British
clergyman Thomas Robert Malthus
(1766-1834) set forth in his Essay on Population.
Malthus asserted that human
reproduction could easily outrun the earth's ability to
produce food. ^18 In
his own day he could point to the limited food supply
and rapidly increasing
population. From this evidence he concluded that the
inevitable fate of
humanity was misery and ruin, since the number of
people would rise
geometrically while food supply would grow only
arithmetically. The experience
of the next two centuries has at least temporarily
disproved Malthus' thesis.
[Footnote 17: Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and
Material Life: 1400-1800 (New
York: Harper & Row, 1975), p. 11; William Langer,
"Checks on Population
Growth: 1750-1850," Scientific American 226 (1972),
pp. 92-99.]
[Footnote 18: Thomas Malthus, "An Essay on
Population," in Introduction to
Contemporary Civilization in the West, vol. II (New
York: Columbia University
Press, 1955), p. 196.]
A gradual decline in mortality rates, slightly better
medical care, more
food, earlier marriages, and better sanitary
conditions contributed to the
population increase. The number of people grew so
rapidly in Europe that
although 40 million Europeans emigrated throughout
the world, the continent
still showed a population increase in one century that
was greater than that
of the previous two thousand years. Where the
economies were advanced, such as
in northern and western Europe, the population
growth could be absorbed. But
in the poorer countries of southern and eastern
Europe, the masses faced the
choices of overcrowding and starvation or
emigration.
The Ties That Bind: New Networks
To bring the increased food supply to the growing
population, to
distribute new resources to larger markets, and to
connect augmented capital
with essential information, Europeans built the most
complete and far-reaching
transportation and communication networks ever
known. Without rapid and
dependable transport and contact the Industrial
Revolution could not have
occurred, cities would not have grown, factories
could not have functioned,
and the new millions of Europeans would not have
been fed. The new networks
became the arteries and nervous system of Europe.
The Duke of Bridgewater made a major step forward
in water transportation
in 1759 when he built a seven and one-half mile long
canal from his mines to
Manchester. Water transport cut the price of his coal
in half and gave Britain
a vivid lesson in the benefits of canals. Nearly four
thousand miles of
improved rivers and canals were built, with strong
governmental support by the
1830s, making it possible to ship most of the
country's products by water.
Following the British example, canal building spread
through Europe and North
America and then to Egypt with the Suez Canal in
1869 and Latin America with
the Panama Canal in 1914. The first project cut the
sailing time between
London and Bombay India by nearly half, while the
second did away with the
need to sail around South America to reach the
Pacific Ocean.
Until 1815 most roads were muddy, rutted paths that
were impassable
during spring thaws and autumn rains. In that year a
Scotsman, John McAdam,
created the all-weather road by placing small stones
in compact layers
directly on the road bed. The pressure of the traffic
moving over the highway
packed the stones together to give a fairly smooth
surface. This practical
solution cut the stagecoach time for the 160 miles
from London to Sheffield
from four days in the 1750s to 28 hours.
Steam-powered vessels replaced the graceful though
less dependable
sailing ships in ocean commerce. Clipper ships are
among the most beautiful
objects ever built, but they could not move without
wind. Sturdy,
awkward-looking steamships carried larger cargo
with greater regularity and
revolutionized world trade. The price of American
wheat on the European market
dropped by three-fourths in the last part of the
century, thanks to a
considerable degree to the savings made possible by
the large, reliable steam
ships. Transatlantic passenger and mail services
were also improved by the use
of steam to power seagoing vessels.
The most important element in the European arterial
network was the
railroad. Between 1830 and 1860 rails linked every
major market in Europe, and
the United States. By 1903 the Russians had pushed
the Trans-Siberian railroad
to the Pacific Ocean. Railroads cheaply and efficiently
carried large amounts
of material and people long distances and knit
countries and continents closer
together. Within cities, urban rail lines and trolleys
were widespread by the
end of the century; these had an impressive effect on
housing and business
patterns by permitting a wider diffusion of workers.
London established
subways first in the 1860s, followed by Budapest in
1896 and Paris in 1900.
[See English Royal Train: This English Royal train was
built in the early
1840s for the special use of Queen Victoria in her
travels over the nation's
rapidly expanding railway system. courtesy
L'Illustration, December 9, 1843]
Connected with the growth of the transportation
networks and
technological innovation, major improvements came
in the area of
communications. Postal agreements among the
various countries made cheap and
dependable mail service possible. The modern
postage stamp and improved
transportation brought astronomical increases in the
amount of letters and
packages mailed after 1850. ^19 Starting in the
1840s the electric telegraph,
undersea cable, telephone, wireless telegraph, and
typewriter expanded
humanity's ability to exchange ideas and information.
No longer would distance
be a critical obstacle after the transportation and
communications
revolutions. The world became a smaller, if not more
unified, place.
[Footnote 19: Eugen Weber, A Modern History of
Europe (New York: W. W. Norton,
1971), p. 988.]
The Continent Industrializes
The continent faced many hurdles to economic
growth after 1815. Obstacles
to mobility, communication, and cooperation among
the classes prevented the
social structures there from adapting as easily to
change as had the British.
The farther south and east the social system, the
more repressive was the
structure. In many parts of the continent, the
restored nobilities reclaimed
their power, and they were neither intellectually nor
financially prepared to
support industrial development. Fragmented political
boundaries, geographical
obstacles, and toll-takers along primary river and
road systems hampered
growth, especially in central Europe. In eastern
Europe, the middle classes
were weaker and more isolated than in the west.
At the end of the Napoleonic wars, the initial stages
of
industrialization could be found in Belgium, France,
and Germany. In Sweden,
Russia, and Switzerland there were pockets of
potential mechanized production,
but the total of all of these activities was tiny
compared to Britain's
economy. In 1850 only Belgium could compete with
British products in its own
markets. There a combination of favorable
governmental policies, good
transportation, and stability brought some success.
Governments and businesses sent officials and
representatives to Britain
to try to discover the secrets of industrialization. The
British tried to
protect their advantage by banning the export of
machines and processes and
limiting foreign access to their factories. Industrial
espionage existed then
as now, and continental competitors did uncover
some secrets. Britain's
success could be studied, components of it stolen,
and its experts hired, but
no country on the continent could combine all the
factors that permitted
Britain to dominate.
After midcentury, a long period of peace, improved
transportation, and
strategic government assistance encouraged rapid
economic growth in France and
the German states. Population increased 25 percent
in France and nearly 40
percent in the Germanies, providing a larger market
and labor supply. Two
generations of borrowed British technology began to
be applied and improved
upon; but the two most important developments
came in banking and customs and
toll reforms.
After 1815, aggressive new banking houses appeared
across Europe,
strengthened by the profits they had made extending
loans to governments
during the Napoleonic wars. They saw the money to
be made investing in new
industries such as railroads and worked with both
governments and major
capitalists. Firms such as Hope and Baring in London,
the Rothschilds in
Frankfurt, Paris, Vienna, and London, and numerous
Swiss bankers were
representative of the private financiers who had well-
placed sources and
contacts throughout the state and business
communities. ^20
[Footnote 20: Sidney Pollard, European Economic
Integration: 1815-1970 (New
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), pp. 56-62.]
Banking changed radically during this period to
satisfy the growing
demands for money. Long-range capital needs were
met by the formation of
investment banks, while new institutions were
created to fill the need for
short-term credit. The ultimate source of financial
liquidity was the middle
classes - the thousand of little people who put their
money in banks to make
their own profits on interest earned. More money
could be gained from the many
small investors than from the few rich families who
used to dominate banking.
The Germans led the way in the other major
development, the Zollverein
(customs union), that began under Prussian
leadership in 1819. This
arrangement helped break down the trade barriers
erected by state boundaries
and in the next twenty-three years came to include
most of central and
northern Germany. Instead of the more than 300
divisions fragmenting the
Germans in 1800, there was a virtual free trade
market, something Britain had
enjoyed since the union of Scotland and England in
1707 - and which the
European Economic Community will create after
1992. The significance of the
Zollverein was that it allowed goods to circulate free
of tolls and tariffs,
thus reducing prices and stimulating trade.
In the second half of the century, industrialization
grew rapidly, aided
by the increased flow of credit and elimination of
many internal barriers.
Tariff walls throughout the area fell to a degree not
matched until after
World War II. Major firms such as the German Krupp
works and the French silk
industries controlled portions of the European
market and competed effectively
with Britain throughout the world.
Technological Growth And Advances
Another reason for the continent's economic
emergence was a wide range of
new technologies using new materials, processes,
and transportation. New
competitors began with state-of-the-art factories
that allowed them to
outproduce Britain, whose older factories were less
productive.
The basic change in the second phase of
industrialization was the use of
electricity in all aspects of life. Scientists had
discovered electricity's
basic principles a century earlier, but it was difficult
to generate and
transmit power across long distances. When the first
dependable dynamo, a
device that changed energy from mechanical into
electrical form, was perfected
in 1876, it became possible to generate electricity
almost anywhere. Inventors
such as the American Thomas A. Edison began to use
the new resource in
industry, transportation, entertainment, and the
home. Humanity had finally
found a source of power that could be easily
transported and used. The British
took the lead in bringing electricity to home use. The
Germans made the most
advanced application of electric technology to
industry.
[Hear P. T. Barnum]
Edison's early recording of PT Barnum
Another fundamental change came in the use of gas
and oil in the newly
devised internal combustion engine. Steam power's
use was limited by its
appetite for huge amounts of fuel and its sheer bulk.
Gottleib Daimler
perfected the internal combustion engine used in
most automobiles today. In
1892 Rudolf Diesel invented the engine that bears his
name. It burned fuel
instead of harnessing the explosions that drove the
Daimler engine.
These new developments led directly to the search
for and use of
petroleum and the beginning of the passenger car
industry. By 1914 the making
of cars was a key part of the Italian, Russian,
German, French, and American
economies. Automobile manufacturing called for a
number of "spinoff"
industries such as tires, ball bearings, windshields -
the list extends to
hundreds of items. Leaving aside the passenger car's
economic contribution,
the world's cities and people felt the complex impact
of this new form of
transportation, with consequences extending from
the range of an individual's
world to the increased noise level and pollution that
changed the character of
urban areas.
Other new machines changed life. Bicycles became
commonplace in the
1890s, as did sewing machines, cameras, and
typewriters, to name a few. Never
had people had the ability to transform ideas almost
instantly into products
accessible to the average person. This was another
dividend of
industrialization and a symbol of a rapidly changing
Europe.
The Human Costs Of Industrialization
Industrialization drove society from an agricultural to
an urban way of
life. The old system in which peasants worked the
fields during the summer and
did their cottage industry work in the winter to their
own standards and at
their own pace, slowly disappeared. In its place came
urban life tied to the
factory system. The factory was a place where people
did repetitive tasks
using machines over long hours to process large
amounts of raw materials. This
was an efficient way to make a lot of high-quality
goods at cheap cost. But
the factories were often dangerous places and the
lifestyle connected to them
had a terrible effect on the human condition.
In the factory system the workers worked and the
owners made profits. The
owners wanted to make the most they could from
their investment and to get the
most work they could from their employees. The
workers, in turn, felt that
they deserved more of the profits because their labor
made production
possible. This was a situation guaranteed to produce
conflict, especially
given the wretched conditions the workers faced in
the first stages of
industrialization.
The early factories were miserable places, featuring
bad lighting, lack
of ventilation, dangerous machines, and frequent
breakdowns. Safety standards
were practically nonexistent and workers in various
industries could expect to
contract serious diseases - workers with lead paint
suffered lung problems,
pewter workers fell ill to palsy, miners suffered black
lung disease, and
primitive machines claimed many fingers, hands, and
even lives. Not until late
in the century did health and disability insurance
come into effect. In some
factories workers who suffered accidents were
deemed to be at fault, and since
there was little job security, a worker could be fired
for virtually any
reason.
The demand for plentiful and cheap labor led to the
widespread employment
of women and children. Girls as young as six years
old were used to haul carts
of coal in Lancashire mines, and boys and girls of
four and five years of age
worked in textile mills - their nimble little fingers
could easily untangle
jammed machines. When they were not laboring, the
working families lived in
horrid conditions in such wretched industrial cities as
Lille, France, and
Manchester, England. There were no sanitary, water,
or medical services for
the workers and working families were crammed
twelve and fifteen to a room in
damp, dark cellars. Bad diet, alcoholism, cholera, and
typhus led to a
reduction of life span in the industrial cities.
Simultaneous with, and
perhaps part of, the industrialization process was the
vast increase in
illegitimate births. Up to midcentury, corresponding
to the time of maximum
upheaval, continent-wide figures indicate that at
least one-third of all
births were out of wedlock. ^21
[Footnote 21: Edward Shorter, "Illegitimacy, Sexual
Revolution, and Social
Change in Modern Europe," in Theodore K. Rabb and
Robert I. Rotber, eds., The
Family in History (New York: Harper & Row, 1973),
pp. 48-84.]
Later generations profited from the sacrifices made
by the first workers
in the industrialization, and factory owners came to
understand that they
could make more profit from an efficient factory
staffed by contented workers.
Urban Crises
Huge population increases and industrialization
prompted a massive growth
of European cities in the nineteenth century, as can
be seen in the following
table. ^22
CITY 1800 1910
London 831,000 4,521,000
Paris 547,000 2,888,000
Berlin 73,000 2,071,000
Vienna 247,000 2,030,000
St. Petersburg 220,000 1,907,000
[Footnote 22: Heinz Gollwitzer, Europe in the Age of
Imperialism: 1880-1914
(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1969), p. 20.]
In addition, new towns sprang up throughout the
continent and soon reached the
level of over 100,000 inhabitants. Even in agrarian
Russia, where 70 percent
of the population worked on the land, there were
seventeen cities of more than
100,000 by the end of the century.
Political leaders faced serious problems dealing with
mushrooming city
growth. The factory system initially forced families to
live and work in
squalor, danger, and disease, a condition to be found
today in countries
undergoing the first stages of industrialization. City
leaders had to maintain
a clean environment, provide social and sanitation
services, enforce the law,
furnish transportation, and - most serious of all -
build housing. They
uniformly failed to meet the radical challenges of
growth.
Until midcentury human waste disposal in some parts
of Paris was taken
care of by dumping excrement in the gutters or the
Seine or through
street-corner manure collections. Not until
Haussman's urban renewal in the
1850s and 1860s did the city get an adequate
garbage, water, and sewage
system. Police protection remained inadequate or
corrupt. Other cities shared
Paris' problems to a greater or lesser degree. The
new industrial towns were
in even worse condition than the older centers.
[See London Slum: This illustration, Over London - By
Rail, vividly depicts
the problems that accompanied urbanization -
cramped living spaces, crime, and
air and water pollution. courtesy From Gustav Dore
and Blanchard Jerrold,"
London: A Pilgrimage" Grant and Co. London, 1872.]
The terrible life in the industrial towns touched
observers like novelist
Charles Dickens, who in his book Hard Times
described a typical British
factory town:
It was a town of red brick, or of brick that would have
been red if the smoke and ashes had allowed it; but
as
matters stood, it was a town of unnatural red and
black,
like the painted face of a savage. It was a town of
machinery
and tall chimneys, out of which interminable serpents
of
smoke trailed themselves for ever and ever, and
never got
uncoiled. It had a black canal in it, and a river that
ran
purple with ill-smelling dye, and vast piles of building
full of windows where there was a rattling and
trembling
all day long, and where the piston of the steam
engine
worked monotonously up and down, like the head of
an elephant
in a state of melancholy madness. It contained
several large
streets all very like one another, and many small
streets
still more like one another, inhabited by people
equally
like one another, who all went in and out at the same
hours,
with the same sound upon the same pavement, to do
the same
work, and to whom every day was the same as
yesterday and
tomorrow, and every year the counterpart of the last
and
the next. ^23
[Footnote 23: Charles Dickens, Hard Times (London:
Thomas Nelson and Sons,
n.d.), p. 26.]
By the end of the century, however, governments
began to deal effectively
with urban problems. By 1914, most major European
cities began to make clean
running water, central heat, adequate street lighting,
mass public education,
dependable sewage systems, and minimal medical
care available for their
people.
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