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American Secondary Education 43(3) Summer 2015

In Their Own Words: Perceived Barriers To Achievement

By African American and Latino High School Students

Authors

DESIREé vEgA, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor for the school psychology pro- gram at Texas State University in San Marcos, Texas.

JAmES L. mooRE III, Ph.D., is the EHE Distinguished Professor of Urban Edu- cation and Executive Director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male at The Ohio State University in Colum- bus, Ohio.

AnToInETTE h. mIRAnDA, Ph.D., is a Professor for the school psychology pro- gram at the The Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio.

Abstract

Drawing on a larger study, this qualitative investigation explored the factors that African American and Latino high school students perceived as barriers to positive educational opportunities. Eighteen African American and Latino urban high school students comprised the sample. The findings indicated that perceived barriers to positive educational experiences included relationships with teachers, school counselors, and peers as well as school policies and a lack of safety in their communities. Implications for educators (i.e., admin- istrators, teachers, and school counselors) and policymakers are discussed.

Keywords: urban education, African American, Latino, barriers, achievement, high school

The significant gap between African American, Latino, and White students has been well documented in public education. Students of color lag behind their White counterparts in areas such as standardized testing, high school

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completion rates, academic achievement, and college attendance and com- pletion (Gándara & Contreras, 2009; O’Connor, Horvat, & Lewis, 2006; Thomas, Caldwell, Faison, & Jackson, 2009; Valencia, 2000; Vega et al., 2012). The gaps between students of color and White students suggest that the public school system is one of many systems failing to meet their educa- tional needs. Education and the economy are linked (Moore & Lewis, 2012); consequently, the expectation that all students can become productive citi- zens in our economic society is idealistic. Various factors contribute to the educational outcomes of students of color, including access to preschool and early childhood programs, quality of teachers, access to high-quality curricu- lum, school quality, socioeconomic status, and support systems (Amatea & West-Olatunji, 2007; Lee, 2005).

Despite facing structural barriers such as poverty, attendance at poor quality schools, lack of access to rigorous curricula, and exposure to vio- lence, some students of color do achieve at high levels (Wyner, Bridgeland, & DiIulio, 2007). Many African American and Latino youth demonstrate re- siliency in the face of negative schooling experiences (Waxman, Gray, & Padrón, 2004; Wyner et al., 2007). Therefore, educators should be aware of how students perceive their educational experiences in order to address their concerns. Additionally, a commitment to educate urban youth is essential to assisting them in attaining success in school and beyond (Vega et al., 2012). Educators can play a significant role in transforming potentially negative situ- ations into positive school experiences among urban youth.

As part of a larger study examining the educational experiences of stu- dents of color, the current investigation explored the factors that African American and Latino high school students perceived as barriers to positive educational opportunities. It is important to better understand these students’ educational experiences firsthand in order to provide them with appropriate instruction and services. Although quantitative studies contribute significant- ly to the research base on this topic, they may leave unanswered questions as to why participants respond the way they do (Madrigal & McClain, 2012), so we employed a qualitative research design using individual interviews to explore the following broad research question: “What factors do African American and Latino high school students feel hinder their educational ex- periences?”

Denzin and Lincoln (2003) stated that a major benefit of collecting data through individual interviews is that they offer the potential to capture a persons’ perspective of an event or experience. The interviews in this study enabled participants to offer rich information concerning their educational experiences in the urban public school system. The findings have the poten- tial to eliminate obstacles to success. Recommendations for educators and policymakers will also be discussed.

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Theoretical Framework The current study utilized Purkey and Novak’s theory of invitational educa- tion (1996) as a guiding conceptual framework. Invitational education stress- es creating a school climate that invites everyone in the school to experience success (Purkey & Strahan, 1995). Invitational education focuses on the mes- sages communicated by the five P’s: people, places, policies, programs, and processes within the school system (Novak & Purkey, 2001); they address the global nature of schools and seek to positively transform the schooling process (Purkey, 1991; Purkey & Strahan, 1995).

“People” refers to all persons who are a part of the school setting (e.g., students, teachers, administrators). These persons create a respectful and valuable environment and are welcoming to all members (e.g., trusting, in- clusive, caring, courteous). “Places” refers to the physical school setting itself (e.g., clean, warm, inviting). Questions such as, “Is this a place where people want to be and want to learn?” (Purkey & Strahan, 1995, p. 2) should be considered.

“Policies” signifies the procedures and rules used to standardize the ongoing functions of individuals and organizations (e.g., attendance, disci- pline). Policies reflect value toward the people as individuals in an organiza- tion such as a school. Therefore, if a policy is “disinviting” or punitive, it may negatively shape the school climate. School policies should be examined to ensure that they are inclusive and encouraging.

“Programs” (e.g., extracurricular activities, parent involvement) should be monitored for inclusivity so that people do not feel isolated or excluded. These feelings can lead to negative self-perceptions if programs are discrimi- natory or elitist. Finally, “processes” (e.g., cooperative procedures, collab- orative interactions) focuses on how the other “P’s” are conducted. The pro- cesses employed in schools should be inviting to all.

Messages expressed to students via the five “P’s” convey their worth and value in the school setting. If the messages communicated to students are negative or uninviting, they “inform people that they are worthless, in- capable of accomplishing much, and unable to participate in anything that matters” (Novak & Purkey, 2001, pp. 7-8). In the context of urban schooling, messages are constantly transferred from various sources that may influence students’ perceptions toward learning. When students and teachers develop positive views, the structure that shapes the school culture begins to change and the school environment can become a more welcoming place where people want to spend their time.

Many students of color, including African American and Latino students, combat significant adversity in their lives including poverty, familial stressors, and low teacher expectations (Cunningham & Swanson, 2010). The messag- es communicated to students by the five “P’s”, particularly, from the people they interact with, may affect their academic success and serve as barriers

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to a positive educational experience (Purkey & Strahan, 1995). Nonetheless, although many students of color encounter these challenges, some are still able to successfully navigate the educational system and achieve academic success (Wyner et al., 2007).

Teachers Teacher attitudes about their students’ ability may play a role in the students’ capacity to learn (Halvorsen, Lee, & Andrade, 2009). A lack of support from school personnel can potentially have detrimental effects on the achieve- ment and success of students of color. A meta-analysis by Tenenbaum and Ruck (2007) found teachers held higher expectations for Asian American and White students when compared to African American and Latino students. Additionally, the researchers discovered that teachers made more positive referrals and offered more encouraging comments to White students than African American and Latino students. This type of differential treatment to- ward students from varying racial and ethnic groups may lead to limited educational opportunities and create a negative and less inviting classroom climate (Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007).

Maintaining a stable and high-quality teaching force in urban schools is important to improve academic achievement (Lewis, Chambers, & But- ler, 2012). Adkins-Coleman (2010) examined the classroom environments of two teachers in an urban public school. She found that the teachers were strict but caring, took a special interest in their students, maintained high ex- pectations, and provided support to students. Poplin et al. (2011) also found that highly effective teachers were strict but nurturing, demonstrated instruc- tional rigor, connected student learning to their futures, developed strong relationships with their students, and held high expectations for all students.

Students of color have often reported that school personnel, such as their teachers or administrators whom they consider supportive, show genuine care and concern for them (Land, Mixon, Butcher, & Harris, 2014; Wiggan, 2008). Williams and Bryan (2013) interviewed African American high school graduates and found that supportive relationships with school officials were influential for these students. They felt these adults took the time to get to know them outside of the classroom, and they also received mentorship and assistance in making educational and career decisions. Positive relationships among people in the school setting can be instrumental in making students of color feel supported and included in their school community.

School Counselors Poverty, inexperienced teachers, inadequate resources, and achievement gaps often characterize urban public schools (Lee, 2005). In this context, school counselors face significant challenges in meeting the needs of their students. They frequently face high caseloads and minimal resources (Lee,

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2005). The actual ratio of school counselors to students frequently exceeds the ratio of 250:1 recommended by the American School Counselor Asso- ciation (ASCA, n.d.). Counselors’ roles are often defined for them (Bemak & Chung, 2005), and they are relegated to engaging in administrative and clerical duties (Holcomb-McCoy & Mitchell, 2005). Williams and Portman (2014) found that students perceived school counselors as uninvolved and busy with paperwork. They also felt that school counselors should meet with students individually to inform them about potential educational opportuni- ties.

Access to information about postsecondary options for students of color is pertinent, especially since many tend to be potential first-generation col- lege students; however, contact with school counselors tends to be limited (Malone, 2013). Although the school counselors in Malone’s (2013) study were found to be reliable sources of information related to college applica- tions and financial aid, students did not begin accessing this information until their senior year of high school. Students expressed frustration with long waits to see their school counselor and minimal meeting time with them. It is critical that students obtain college-related information much earlier in their high school career in order to make the most informed decisions.

The African American students in Owens, Simmons, Bryant, and Hen- field’s (2011) study expressed concerns about not having enough school counselors to meet all students’ needs. Although they perceived their school counselors in a positive light, they felt they were very busy and did not have enough time to provide them with assistance and support. Limited opportu- nities to receive guidance from school counselors may influence opportuni- ties to attend institutions of higher education (Kimura-Walsh, Yamamura, Griffin, & Allen, 2009). For students whose parents did not attend college, schools can serve as a significant college resource; however, the information they receive may be insufficient, inaccurate, or untimely (Kimura-Walsh et al., 2009).

Peers Peer support has not been examined in the literature as comprehensively as support from school personnel and family members (Shin, Daly, & Vera, 2007). Findings in the literature are conflicting and underscore a clear need for further research that examines how the availability of peer support sys- tems can facilitate or impede positive academic outcomes for adolescents of color. Having most or all of one’s friends planning on attending a four-year college is a predictor of four-year college attendance for low-income African American and Latino high school graduates (Sokatch, 2006). On the other hand, Shin et al. (2007) found that peer support was not related to school engagement.

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Newman, Myers, and Newman (2000) found that high-achieving, ur- ban youth had peer groups who were supportive of their academic success whereas low-achieving students reportedly experienced peer pressure. The high-achieving students could turn to their friends for help during life chal- lenges and were supportive of academic goals. They also recognized the im- portance of resisting peer pressure. However, the low-achieving students ex- perienced a more difficult time resisting temptations associated with fitting in in high school. The social atmosphere of high school can be overwhelming; thus, it is important for adults to help students develop appropriate coping strategies to deal with the pressures of fitting in. Adult assistance may help students identify peers that support their academic goals and avoid engage- ment with peers who distract them from their studies (Newman et al., 2000).

Method

Settings Crawford City Schools. According to the 2008-2009 school year report card from the state Department of Education, Crawford City Schools district (pseudonym) was designated as being in “Continuous Improvement” out of a scale of six designations: Excellent with Distinction, Excellent, Effective, Continuous Improvement, Academic Watch, and Academic Emergency. The average daily school enrollment for the district was over 51,000 students, consisting of 60.9% Black, non-Hispanic; 27.4% White, non-Hispanic; 5.9% Hispanic; 3.7% Multi-racial; 1.9% Asian or Pacific Islander; and 0.2% Amer- ican Indian or Alaska Native. Crawford City Schools classified 81.1% of its students as economically disadvantaged, 8.3% as Limited English Proficient, and 16.9% as students with disabilities. The 2007-2008 graduation rate was 73.9%; it fell short of the state graduation rate of 84.6% and the state require- ment rate of 90%. Therefore, the district graduation rate fell well below the state average and state requirement.

Participating schools. Students from six Crawford City high schools, Baker, Evergreen, Miami, Stanley, Waterford, and Watson (pseudonyms), participated in this study. Their high school graduation rates ranged from 49.6% to 71% (2007-08 school year), and all of the schools enrolled over 80% economically disadvantaged students. According to the U.S. Depart- ment of Education, these schools are labeled as “high-poverty” schools, where more than three-quarters of the children qualify for the free or reduced price lunch program. Five out of the six schools were designated as being in “Continuous Improvement” and failed to meet adequate yearly progress (AYP) for the 2008-2009 school year. Miami was designated as “Effective” and met their AYP during the 2008-2009 school year.

Upward Bound. Eleven of the 18 students (10 African American and 1 Latino student) were participants in a 6-week residential Summer Institute

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component of the Upward Bound program. College-bound 9th, 10th, and 11th graders from five high schools in the Crawford City Schools District (Baker, Evergreen, Miami, Stanley, and Waterford) were eligible to partici- pate in the program where they received academic instruction on the cam- pus of a local large Midwestern university and resided in the dorms.

The Upward Bound program is federally funded; it is one of several TRIO programs developed under the Higher Education Act of 1965. The program is designed to prepare high school students for college by providing academic instruction, tutoring, college visits, and assistance in applying for financial aid and college admissions. The selected Upward Bound program site targeted potential first-generation college students (those whose parent and/or guardian did not hold a baccalaureate degree) whose family’s taxable income for the preceding year did not exceed 150 percent of the poverty level.

Participants A purposeful sample (Patton, 2002) of 18 African American and Latino high school students in the Crawford City Schools district was selected for this study. The rationale for purposeful sampling lies in identifying information- rich cases with the intent of gaining insight into a specific phenomenon un- der study (Patton, 2002). The main goal of qualitative research is not gener- alizability, but the collection of detailed information regarding a particular topic (Patton, 2002). Thus, we sought to collect detailed information about the barriers to positive educational experiences that were perceived by Afri- can American and Latino high school students.

Overall, from this sample, 10 students identified as African American and 8 as Latino. Of the 18 students who were interviewed, 11 were partici- pants in the Upward Bound program, and only one of those students was La- tino. To ensure Latino student participation in the study, snowball sampling (Patton, 1990, 2002) was used to recruit the remaining seven Latino students from Watson high school, which enrolled the largest percentage of Latino students in the district. The students provided parental consent and assent to participate in the study.

Data Collection Participants completed a questionnaire where they reported informa- tion including (a) demographic data (e.g., age, grade, GPA, school of at- tendance), (b) community demographic data (e.g., racial/ethnic makeup of neighborhood), and (c) family demographic data (e.g., family educational background). To protect their privacy and conceal their identity, participants selected pseudonyms to be associated with the study. In order to develop a greater awareness of the students’ school environments, we collected re- cords related to attendance rates, graduation rates, racial/ethnic demograph-

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ics, and standardized test performance rates for the school district and the six high schools from the state department of education’s website.

The students participated in semi-structured, individual interviews with the lead researcher. Each interview took approximately 35 to 45 minutes; the lead researcher audiotaped the interviews and transcribed them verba- tim. The interview protocol was tailored from Sanders (1997) study to fit the needs of the current study. Questions included, “If you could change anything about your school, what would it be? Why?”; “Who helps you the most with your schoolwork? How do they help you?”; “When selecting your courses, who helps you the most with making these selections?”

Data Analysis Data were analyzed using the constant comparative approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Therefore, data collection and analysis occurred concur- rently in order to develop categorical or thematic explanations to describe, compare, and trace the development of the researched phenomena. Data analysis began with the first individual interview and continued until the last interview was conducted. Through close examination of the interview data, the categorizing of themes began, a process known as open coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Subsets of themes or axial codes were identified and con- nected categories with their categories. Codes were discussed, compared, and contrasted, until 100% agreement of assigned codes was achieved be- tween the lead researcher and a research partner.

Findings Consistent with the theory of invitational education and the five “P’s” (Novak & Purkey, 2001), participants in this study identified people, places, and poli- cies as areas that needed improvement in their schooling experiences. The overarching theme that emerged from the data was participants’ perceived barriers to positive academic experiences. Subthemes are also presented in the following sections.

Teachers: “Why didn’t they choose something else? A different career?”

All of the students in the study reported high career aspirations and expressed a desire to be successful in the future. However, many of the participants encountered barriers that made their educational experiences as urban youth difficult to navigate. For instance, when asked the question, “If you could change anything about your school, what would it be and why?” Twelve of the 18 students indicated they wanted to change the people in their schools (e.g., administrators, teachers, students, and other school staff). In particular, six of those 12 students stated that they wished that they could change their

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teachers. James stated, “I would actually change the teachers; get teachers that really care about getting what’s being taught to the students, getting it through their heads, and they won’t move on until the majority of the stu- dents get it.” LeMarcus echoed a similar sentiment about his teachers; he asserted, “The teachers aren’t as involved as I hoped they’d be. It’s just, ‘I’m gonna put this on the board and I’m gonna teach it and if you don’t learn it, oh well, we’re moving on.’”

Lisa also felt cheated by what she perceived as her teachers’ lack of commitment to their job. She shared,

I would change the teachers because we only have a select few that actually do the right thing and complete all the materials we need to be taught. A lot of teachers don’t get through everything for the year and we miss out on information for a test [state achievement test].

Mario, who attended the same school as Lisa, also shared similar views about his teachers.

Some teachers, they love what they do…but other teachers are not into their jobs, and they’re not into helping students. Sometimes I just wonder, other students wonder, why did they choose to pick this job? Why didn’t they choose something else? A different career?

School Counselors: “We miss out on a lot of opportunities… because of the counselors”

Nine of the 18 participants indicated that they received the most assistance in selecting courses from their school counselors. The other nine students re- ported that they did not receive any assistance at all in selecting their courses; instead, they chose courses on their own. Two of those nine students shared that they selected courses themselves because they felt their school coun- selors were not helpful. For example, Lisa stated, “They [school counselors] don’t do anything… That’s another thing that I hate because we miss out on a lot of opportunities, a lot of programs, a lot of things to do because of the counselors.” James simply stated, “[I] don’t know them [school counselors], never spoke to them.” The participants also explained that their counselors simply told them the classes they had remaining to take to graduate. Addi- tionally, some complained about how their school counselors were too busy to see them. Lucette discussed how she was failing a class that she thought she dropped; however, the instructor informed her that she was still enrolled in the class. She shared,

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In first period, I dropped it, but he [teacher] said my name is still there, so he’s still giving me an F. I’m like all right…I’ve been trying to go see her [counselor], but she’s always busy and I hate waiting.

Six of the 11 Upward Bound students in this study reported receiving the most course selection assistance from their school counselors. As indicated earlier in this section by Lisa and James, the remaining Upward Bound stu- dents did not find their counselors to be very helpful. However, the Upward Bound participants held a unique advantage over their peers because they received college preparatory assistance outside of school from the program counselors and staff. Yet, students who did not participate in this program, seven of the eight Latino participants, were not receiving the same level of intensive preparation.

Peers: “They don’t come to school to learn” Four participants felt that some of their peers did not attend school to learn and were insensitive to students from different racial/ethnic backgrounds. Ju- nior stated, “…It’s like there’ll be kids that they don’t come to school to learn; they just come there to mess with somebody or to get in trouble.” Elizabeth also shared,

I would have to say, I think the people that we have here…like some people are really ignorant and they could hurt a lot of people… They’re just mean to people, anything; it could be your color, your sexual orientation, you’re short, too tall, it could be anything.

Additionally, three of the participants shared that they could not trust their peers to help them academically, and they preferred not to take classes with their friends. For instance, Lisa indicated, “…when it comes to my education, I’m so serious about it, I don’t let no friends…I only take advice from other people.” Monique shared, “…I don’t like to go to people that are the same age as me or whatever. I want to go to someone who’s higher and knows stuff.” Similarly, Jose stated, “I don’t think they’re [his friends] at that level. I wouldn’t trust their opinion that much.” Students also mentioned the difficul- ties experienced from taking classes with their close friends. For example, Ta- layah mentioned that at her high school, “…they really try to split friends up so we can learn more.” Maria indicated that she took classes with her friends, “…but the problem is that we talk too much... [and teachers] separate us.”

Throughout the data analysis, it became evident that many of the partici- pants relied primarily on themselves to make school-related decisions. The majority of the participants (10) reported they did not seek help from others with their schoolwork. Some of the participants shared that their families were limited in their ability to provide them with assistance on assignments or college preparatory support due to limited education and low English lan-

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guage proficiency. For example, Linda explained, “My mom doesn’t speak English, so she can’t help me at all.” Jose asserted that he was, “Pretty much independent. If I have a question, I just ask my teacher who gave the assign- ment, but as to go and ask for help, no.”

James did not feel he could ask his teachers for help. He stated, “Well, at Miami it was hard to understand the teachers and everything, so I would basically write down everything that they did, and then go over when I got home to get my own understanding of how to do it.” Pilar on the other hand, felt her schoolwork was easy and could do it by herself, noting why she waited to complete it at the last minute. When asked who helps her the most with her schoolwork, she shared,

Myself…whenever I feel like doing my homework or I just tell myself I gotta do it before I go to sleep…and my mom…She just always be reminding me to do it…I do my homework all of the time. I always wait until the last minute and then I always do it [because] I know it be easy.

Policies: “…And that’s completely unfair” School policies also appeared to influence student perceptions and attitudes towards schools as five students mentioned wanting to change their schools’ rules. Mia stated,

There are some really, small rules that you’ll get kicked out of school for and I don’t think it’s necessary. I remember one of my friends was wearing flip-flops one day and she got suspended for three days for it, for wearing flip-flops.

Tenishi also felt changes in school policies were necessary; she attended Stanley High School, a high-poverty (90.6%), predominantly African Amer- ican school (86.4%) with an extremely low graduation rate (49.6%). This school had a large presence of gang activity, which affected the school rules enforced by administrators evidenced by Tenishi’s responses. For this reason, she expressed,

I would have us wear red because they think [administrators/school personnel], ‘Oh you wear red, you’re automatically a Blood’, when that’s not the case. I have a couple of red shirts I would love to wear to school, but I can’t because they are red and then they have people at school who wear red all the time, but they don’t say anything to them. But when someone else wears red, they’re like, ‘Oh, you can’t do that’ and that’s completely unfair.

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She also indicated that students could not wear hooded sweatshirts in school. Although the administrators banned red clothing in an attempt to decrease gang violence, the inability to wear hooded sweatshirts, similar to flip-flops at Mia’s school, were perceived as being unfair. Additionally, from these stu- dents’ accounts, school personnel appeared to implement these policies dif- ferentially.

Other students also felt that their school policies were unfair including two from Watson High who indicated that three minutes to travel from one class to another in their large school building was an insufficient amount of time. The consequence for arriving to class late included getting locked out of class until the student returned with a pass excusing their lateness. How- ever, the potential for further punishment existed if students were caught in the hallway rather than being in class, even though students were locked out of class because their teachers wanted them to get a pass. Linda shared this about the rule: “From one side of the building to the other on the third floor, it’s crazy,” and she told the researcher that repeated lateness resulted in detention on Wednesday’s after school or on Saturdays.

Places: “The worst thing about my neighborhood is my neighbor- hood in general”

Although two students reported feeling unsafe at their schools, 10 students discussed the poor and unsafe conditions they faced in their neighborhoods. Participants reported hearing gunshots, seeing the presence of gangs, vio- lence, break-ins, and heightened visibility of the police in their communities. When asked to describe the best part about his neighborhood, LeMarcus preferred to start with the worst.

Ha, the best thing about my neighborhood? Yeah, I can start with the worst. The worst thing about my neighborhood is my neighbor- hood in general. Like it’s one of the worst neighborhoods and it’s, I don’t know how I would say it, like the fighting, it’s fighting every day, you hear shooting every day, you get harassed everyday by random people that are by the corner store, [because] everybody stands around the corner store and they harass you like every day.

When LeMarcus finally shared the best thing about his neighborhood, he stated, “The best thing about it, I guess would be that once you know ev- erybody, once people know you, it gets a little bit easier…Well if they know you, they’re not going to target you as much.” Talayah actively avoided po- tentially dangerous situations in her neighborhood, “[Because] when I was little, every time I turn around, I see a fight, just always somebody fighting and I’m trying to get away from that. Get away from violence, so I just stay in the house.” Tenishi had this to say about her neighborhood, “I would say it’s

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not the best positive environment because it’s the ‘ghetto.’ But positive things can come out of it; I guess that would be the best way to say it.”

Discussion This study examined the factors that African American and Latino high school students considered to be barriers to positive educational experiences. Lim- ited literature documents the schooling experiences of youth of color from their own perspectives (Williams & Portman, 2014). This study attempted to fill the void by providing students with the opportunity to share their sto- ries and reflect on their personal experiences in today’s public schools. The theory of invitational education (Purkey & Novak, 1996) identifies five areas of application for transforming schools- people, places, policies, programs, and processes.

The “five P’s” demonstrate how urban youth may feel invited or un- invited in these areas and how it may affect their attitudes and behaviors towards school. Specific to this study, people, places, and policies, emerged as perceived barriers to an inviting educational experience. While, programs and processes did not explicitly emerge as themes from the data, access to programs such as Upward Bound was not equitable for all students in the study, and in terms of processes, students did not feel their opinions were taken into account, particularly, for issues such as school policies.

People Relationships with people in the school setting communicate the value and necessity of those persons (Novak & Purkey, 2001; Purkey & Novak, 1996). Novak and Purkey (2001) stated that, “educators must view other persons in the school as competent and responsive members of a professional learning community” (p. 16); thus, school personnel should believe in their students and hold high expectations for learning. However, many of the students in the study expressed a lack of positive and supportive relationships with per- sons in their school community.

These students believed their teachers did not care about them, had neg- ative attitudes, and did not treat them fairly. The participants felt they could not rely on the people in their schools; so instead, they relied upon them- selves to make educational decisions such as selecting courses and complet- ing schoolwork. These participants’ felt their school staff, specifically, their teachers and school counselors, communicated negative messages to them that impacted their willingness to seek assistance.

Jackson, Moore, and Leon (2010) asserted that low teacher expecta- tions “are part of a cycle of disengagement where teacher’s low expectations will diminish student involvement that further causes teachers to have even lower expectations regarding the student’s ability creating a self-fulfilling prophecy of failure” (p. 842). Extant research also demonstrates that student

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perceptions of teacher support and expectations can influence motivation, self-perceptions, and academic performance (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009; Jussim & Harber, 2005). Therefore, when students are not in school environ- ments conducive to learning, their chances of gaining the skills needed to achieve their educational goals are reduced (Booker, 2007; Sánchez, Colón, & Esparza, 2005; Wiggan, 2008). Thus, it is critical for educators to be cog- nizant of how their attitudes and behaviors may affect student perceptions of their academic capabilities.

Ten of the 18 participants reported making decisions on their own. While self-reliance can be viewed as an asset, the participants may be do- ing themselves a disservice and miss out on important opportunities by not consulting with their school counselors and teachers more often, especially when their parents are unable to provide assistance. Educators should under- stand the needs of their students and structure their classrooms in ways that foster an environment where all students feel comfortable asking for help and perceive their teachers as caring and competent. Moreover, teachers should be in tune with the needs of their students and attend to students who clearly need help, but are not seeking help (Ryan, Pintrich, & Midgley, 2001). As it relates to invitational education, educators should create positive spaces for interaction and view persons within the school setting as valuable and contributing members in the learning community (Novak & Purkey, 2001).

The participants also reported that their school counselors provided them with minimal assistance in selecting courses, and they lacked guid- ance in navigating their high school careers. However, Upward Bound participants were at an advantage as they attended classes on weekends, received individualized support (e.g., academic advising, college prepara- tion) throughout the school year and summer, attended college visits, and participated in the Summer Institute. Counseling in urban schools differs significantly from school counseling in other contexts (Lee, 2005); school counselors are burdened with clerical and non-counseling duties (Martin, 2002). Student caseloads often exceed ASCA recommendations, and struc- tural challenges such as high workloads, minimal resources, and lack of ac- cess to professional development may impede their ability to utilize many of the skills they encompass (The College Board, 2012).

Lucette’s difficulty in seeing her school counselors highlighted the high caseload many school counselors have in urban public schools. Students may suffer from poor grades or a lack of access to relevant information when school counselors are unavailable to see them. School counselors can only reach so many students, and if students do not take the initiative to make the counselor aware of their needs, then they may go unassisted. There is a need for a systematic approach in the schools where all students receive equitable access to school counselors and their services. Too often, students, particu- larly urban students, are not aware of the importance of school counselors

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and their role in helping students pursue a postsecondary education (Moore, Sanders, Bryan, Gallant, & Owens, 2009).

Along with teachers and school counselors, participants identified peer groups as being of minimal assistance. Research has demonstrated inconsis- tent findings on the relationship between peer groups and academic success of urban youth; this is an area that requires further investigation. Peer rela- tionships can be supportive or lead to poor academic outcomes for students; thus, it is essential that students develop appropriate decision-making skills to make good choices for themselves (Newman et al., 2000).

Policies School policies may influence students’ attitudes toward the school envi- ronment; if they perceive school rules as negative or unfair, their attitudes towards school may be negative (Novak & Purkey, 2001). This was the case for the participants that described unfair treatment by school policies such as not being able to wear flip-flop sandals or red clothing and insufficient time for transitioning between classes. They also perceived these policies to be differentially enforced. Skiba and Knesting (2001) found that school suspen- sion is “commonly used for a number of relatively minor offenses, such as disobedience and disrespect, attendance problems, and general classroom disruption” (p. 29). They also found that school factors such as teacher at- titudes, teacher perceptions of student achievement, and racial make-up of schools, appeared to be more predictive of school suspension rates rather than students’ attitudes and behaviors.

From Mia and Tenishi’s comments, it is evident that these minor offenses of wearing flip-flops, hooded sweatshirts, and red attire led to suspension, whereas other consequences for these rule violations may be better suited. The way Mia and Tenishi felt in regards to their school policies is consistent with the belief that “student perceptions of the effectiveness of various school disciplinary actions are often significantly at odds with the perceptions of teachers and administrators” (Skiba & Knesting, 2001, p. 33).

Although administrators may believe these policies are necessary to maintain order and control of their schools, students feel differently and did not perceive these policies as effective in changing student behavior or fos- tering a positive school climate. Student voices should be taken into account in the development of such policies.

Places Most of the participants were not concerned with the safety of their

schools; yet, over half felt unsafe in their neighborhoods. Wilkinson, Beaty, and Lurry (2009) discussed how individuals protect themselves in unsafe neighborhoods by affiliating with others for protection and through direct avoidance of dangerous times, places, and people.” LeMarcus and Talayah

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mentioned engaging in these behaviors; however, LeMarcus stated that peo- ple who did so were not targeted “as much.” Affiliation with others for pro- tection (Wilkinson, Beaty, & Lurry, 2009) does not guarantee safety

Research on community safety and achievement has found that increas- es in community violence are associated with decreases in math and reading achievement (Milam, Furr-Holden, & Leaf, 2010). Additionally, increased exposure to violence has been found to be associated with internalizing dis- orders such as depression and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), while social support and perceived school safety appear to serve as protective fac- tors against exposure to violence (Ozer & Weinstein, 2010). School person- nel must be aware of these factors when working with students exposed to community violence.

Limitations and Future Directions The sampling procedures in the study utilized two groups of participants, students from five high schools participating in an Upward Bound program and Latino students from Watson high school. The researchers recognize the limitations due to differences in access to resources available for the two groups and the effect it may have had on their educational experiences. It is also important to note that interviews with school personnel and families may have added alternative perspectives and strengthened the results of this study. Nonetheless, the findings highlight important information regarding how these youth perceived their schooling experiences in urban, public high schools. This study supports existing literature and emphasizes areas for fur- ther examination including an examination of the effects of peer support systems in urban schools, how students of color demonstrate resilience with limited perceived support, help-seeking behaviors, and how students attend- ing urban schools with limited resources successfully achieve educational success.

Differences between African American and Latino students must be noted due to the sampling procedures for this study. The Latino students did not express any concerns about their teachers, while many of the African American students in the study reported a lack of support from their teachers. Of the nine students who reportedly relied on themselves to select courses, three of those students were Latino students. It is possible that the African American students who participated in Upward Bound did not require sup- port from others such as their school counselors because of the guidance they received from program staff. Seven of the eight Latino students, on the other hand, did not participate in this program and may have needed more support from school staff to select the appropriate classes to progress toward graduation. Of the four participants that reported concerns with their peers, two of those students were Latino students. Thus, no differences between African American and Latino students were observed.

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When it came to school policies, no differences were noted, as three of five students who wanted this change were African American students. Final- ly, when it came to places and community safety, a major difference existed between the African American and Latino students. Two of the ten partici- pants who expressed concern about safety in their neighborhood were La- tino students. Only a small number of students from each school participated in the study, except for Watson High, where the researcher recruited seven Latino students, therefore, it is difficult to infer why these differences existed. Nonetheless, school location appeared to play a role in students’ perceptions of community safety. The students who lived near their schools reported feel- ing more unsafe than students who lived further away from school and took the bus or drove to school from different neighborhoods. Neighborhoods near high-poverty schools tend to mirror the school demographics (The An- nie E. Casey Foundation, 2012; Child Trends, 2013); therefore, it was not surprising that these students felt unsafe, reported witnessing crimes, and a large police presence in their communities.

Although the participants perceived people, places, and policies to be barriers to positive experiences in school, these occurrences may be mani- festations of a larger systemic problem in the public education system lead- ing to inequities for students of color. Racial disparities for African American and Latino students have been evidenced and long documented in areas such as discipline (Skiba et al., 2011), standardized test scores (Ladson- Billings, 2006), access to high-quality teachers (Darling-Hammond, 2005), low expectations (Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007), lack of access to advanced courses (Sólorzano & Ornelas, 2004), and residential segregation and health issues (Dinwiddie, Gaskin, Chan, Norrington, & McCleary, 2013). These fac- tors often influence opportunity for students of color, thus, it is necessary for schools to examine how their people and policies may be reproducing these inequities. Part of creating an invitational environment is striving to- ward transmitting positive or inviting messages that “tell people they matter, are capable, and can participate in meaningful activities” (Novak & Purkey, 2001, p. 7).

Future research should focus on collecting data from other relevant in- dividuals involved in students’ lives such as school personnel and family as these relationships may also contribute to the challenges and resiliency of these students schooling experiences. Incorporation of a quantitative mea- sure examining factors such as student and teacher perceptions of school cli- mate and/or achievement motivation would be beneficial in generalizing the results of the study. This process would also address any preexisting notions students and school personnel may have about each other and the school environment. Moreover, this study provides the basis for the development of a questionnaire to enable ease of administration, scoring, and interpretation. The use of a questionnaire would also allow for generalization of research findings. Finally, most research surrounding urban issues in education focus-

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es on the experiences of African American youth. Increased research must address the schooling of Latino youth as they encounter unique experiences related to factors such as language development, acculturation, immigration status, generational status, etc. Research in these areas may assist educators in eliminating obstacles to academic success for all urban youth.

Recommendations

Recommendations for Administrators As leaders of school buildings, administrators should get to know their stu- dents and encourage positive interactions among all members of the school community. Invitational education calls to reflect on how we view students and ourselves, how we envision relationships with each other, and how we can nurture those relationships to produce academic success for all students (Purkey & Strahan, 1995). Administrators should assess whether their school is a place where people want to be and want to learn (Purkey & Strahan, 1995). High-quality staff development and ongoing support to teachers who need it should be provided. Cost-effective ways to provide professional de- velopment include identifying consultants, retired teachers, and/or university faculty to deliver trainings at no cost. To prevent teacher burnout, which may influence their quality of teaching (Bitsadze & Japardize, 2011), administra- tors should develop mentoring programs for new teachers by pairing them with highly skilled veteran teachers.

Administrators must also examine the effectiveness of school policies for the behaviors they are trying to decrease. While administrators may have limited control in completely changing school policies set by school boards, they can identify rules that may be negative and find ways to make them more inclusive and constructive (Purkey & Strahan, 1995). The language used to state expectations can make all the difference in shaping school climate. The incorporation of Positive Behavioral Support (PBS), an empiri- cally validated, function-based approach to eliminate challenging behaviors and replace them with prosocial skills, can decrease the need for punitive disciplinary measures such as suspension and expulsion (Cohn, 2001). The benefits of PBS include safer schools, more effective learning environments, increased time on-task, improved academic performance, and reductions in office disciplinary referrals (Cohn, 2001).

Recommendations for Teachers Secondary teachers should aim to develop positive and genuine relation- ships with their students. Low expectations, deficit perspectives, and overall poor student-teacher relationships are commonly associated with behavioral problems, classroom management difficulties, academic disengagement,

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poor academic outcomes, and dropping out (Gregory, Cornell, & Fan, 2011; Rivera-McCutchen, 2012). Therefore, taking the time to build meaningful re- lationships with students is important in creating a productive learning envi- ronment. Urban teachers should actively participate in staff development op- portunities such as in-service trainings to enhance their cultural competence and develop the tools to make their classrooms more engaging for students of color. Because teacher burnout is extremely common in urban school settings (Haberman, 2005), teachers should request mentors if they are not provided. Receiving guidance and advice from veteran teachers may help novice teachers implement effective teaching strategies (Kazin-Boyce, 2014).

Recommendations for School Counselors School counselors at the secondary level should seek to ensure that all stu- dents have access to important information regarding scholarships, outreach programs, and college preparation. It is important to note that urban youth, especially low-income, African American and Latino students, may not come to school with the tools required to understand how to navigate high school and prepare for college. Given the high student to counselor ratios, school counselors should refocus intervention strategies to work with groups of students, parents, and teachers (Bemak & Chung, 2005). School counsel- ors should also form partnerships with principals and administrators in their schools and districts who will help them in working toward social change and decreasing the achievement gap for low-income and racial/ethnic mi- nority youth (Bemak & Chung, 2005). Finally, counselor educators from local universities can facilitate in-service trainings focused on college counseling, advocacy, and other relevant issues.

Recommendations for Policymakers There is an urgent need to address the structural challenges prevalent within the public school system. Darling-Hammond and Sykes (2003) explain that the federal government plays a critical role in recruiting qualified teachers in high-need areas and improving retention of qualified teachers. The na- tional government has provided necessary support for training and distribut- ing doctors in shortage areas but has failed to do so for education despite the existence of an educational crisis. Thus, the recruitment and retention of qualified teachers is crucial, as inadequate education has implications for a less competitive workforce; therefore, a top-down investment from the gov- ernment is needed (Darling-Hammond & Sykes, 2003).

Darling-Hammond and Sykes (2003) recommend incentives such as scholarships and loan forgiveness programs in exchange for a commitment to teaching in high-need areas. The nation currently loses billions of dol- lars annually due to early attrition from teaching; therefore, this monetary investment would repay itself if its recipients remain in teaching for several

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years. Difficult-to-staff districts may provide pay packages that include spe- cial housing, parking, or transportation allowances, additional medical and retirement benefits, or summer-based professional development opportuni- ties for travel, workshops, and institutes. Moreover, local, state, and federal government should examine school assignment policies, such as school choice or integration of schools by income to reduce the high concentra- tions of racial/ethnic minority students in some schools (Kober, Chudowsky, Chudowsky, & Dietz, 2010). School improvement through a concentrated investment should be a centerpiece of the nation’s education agenda. The benefits of this strategy, in terms of students’ school success, employability and contributions to society, would be invaluable.

Conclusion The current study explored perceived obstacles to positive educational expe- riences among urban, African American and Latino students. Findings indi- cated that these participants perceived people such as their teachers, school counselors, and peers, school policies, and limited safety in their neighbor- hoods as barriers to their educational success. As low-income students of color, systemic barriers place them at a disproportionate risk for school fail- ure. Nonetheless, transformation at the school and national levels has the potential to eliminate these obstacles and improve these students’ outcomes by developing into inviting school environments. Research must continue to examine the educational experiences of students of color and develop strate- gies to enhance academic success.

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