Sociology Research paper

ORIGINAL PAPER

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical Study of BDSM (Bondage, Domination and Submission, Discipline, Sadism and Masochism) Practices in Italy

Laura Zambelli1

Published online: 24 December 2016

� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016

Abstract I present a subcultural analysis of the Italian Bondage, Domination, Sadism and Masochism (BDSM) community based on recent empirical findings.

The research involved over 1 year of participant observation into the BDSM

community of Milan and 43 interviews with members or key witnesses.

Throughout the article, I explore the heuristic value of the category of subculture

in highlighting important features of BDSM groups. Subcultures are intended as

formed by: (1) norms, behaviours, narratives, and artefacts that circulate in a

group, and (2) a sense of identification, or subcultural participation in a com-

munity. I then present four ideal types of BDSM practitioners based on the

degrees of subcultural identification with the group and of display of BDSM-

identification throughout practitioners’ everyday life. Some empirical examples are

provided. In addition, I describe the formation of the BDSM subculture in Italy in

the last 40 years as recollected by long-term members and key witnesses. Besides,

I discuss its most recent developments. A subcultural analysis of BDSM groups

allows the identification of group elements like power structures and shifting roles,

and the different degrees of emotional and cultural involvement of social actors in

the group.

Keywords BDSM � Italy � Subculture � Bondage � Domination � Sadomasochism

& Laura Zambelli l.zambelli@campus.unimib.it

1 Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Milano-Bicocca, via Bicocca degli

Arcimboldi, 8, 20126 Milan, MI, Italy

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Sexuality & Culture (2017) 21:471–492

DOI 10.1007/s12119-016-9400-z

Introduction: The Study of Subcultures

The study of subcultures traditionally identified youth and marginal groups as main

research topics (Gelder 2007); in fact, the first subcultural works at the beginning of

the 1970s were marked by the study of English working class people (Magaudda

2009). Subcultures were described as one of the practices of resistance towards mass

culture, particularly among young adults at risk of, or, living in poverty during those

years in Europe (Santoro and Sassatelli 2008). Today, the meaning of resistance has

been almost abandoned, yet the concept of subculture is still useful for many

sociological analyses, see for example Dean (2009).

In this article, I propose a subcultural analysis of Bondage, Domination and

Submission, Discipline, Sadism and Masochism (BDSM) practices based on the

empirical research I conducted in Italy in 2013–2014. This article explores the

heuristic value of the category of subculture, as formalised by Fine and

Kleinman (1979). In their article, the two scholars describe subcultures as

formed by two sets of elements: (1) norms, behaviours, narratives, and artefacts

that circulate in a certain group with rather flexible boundaries, and (2) a sense

of belonging to and identification with a community. I will show how their

conceptualisations prove to be useful in highlighting some important features of

BDSM. In fact, the BDSM practices analysed are the starting point for the

formation of groups who share norms, behaviour, and values; and convey a

strong sense of identification and belonging. These are partly in contrast with

those conveyed by the ‘general’ wider society. At the same time, these groups

provide members with meaning and a worldview, therefore constituting further

engagement with the ‘community’.

BDSM subculture is a set of groups, based on sexual practices, involving BDSM.

Usually, a member of this subculture feels a certain degree of attachment and

commitment to the community, as shown by the time spent in community activities,

like greeting new members during events (i.e. munches), moderating online forums

and groups, enthusiastically promoting activities in social networks, or other sorts of

events.

Fine and Kleinman described subcultural identification as formed by salience

and centrality. The former relies on the frequency of engagement or exposure

over time; the latter, refers to the degree of identification either with the group

or the broader society. Following this conceptualisation, and throughout this

article, I will highlight four ideal types of subcultural identification: (1) the

Amateur, (2) the Testimonial, (3) the Committed Novice, (4) the Virtual Player,

and point out the different degrees of involvement of practitioners into the

BDSM subculture.

Methodology

This article is based on the empirical research I conducted in 2013–2014. I

conducted fieldwork over a 1-year period in Milan: I carried out participant

observations of BDSM-related events (i.e. themed parties, happy hours, private

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gatherings, etc.) in different places and spaces, and I conducted 43 semi-structured

qualitative interviews of BDSM practitioners. The participants have been selected

balancing for variables like age, gender and BDSM role: half of them are female,

almost one-third of them are submissive, one-third dominant and one-third engages

in both roles (switch). The participants have been selected through opportunistic and

snowball sampling, also thanks to social media (e.g. ‘‘Fetlife’’). Their age ranges

from 22 to 56 years old, and they mostly come from the educated middle class.

Most of them are heterosexuals, with a few exceptions (predominantly women)

engaging in both heterosexual and homosexual BDSM and/or erotic interactions,

either as part of the play or for the sake of their play partners. All but two of the

interviews have been audio recorded with participant consent.

The city of Milan can be considered among the most appropriate sites to conduct

this type of research. This is because of a high number of regular BDSM-related

events, and a flourishing and growing BDSM scene. In the end, it is a place that is

attracting practitioners living in the city, the outskirts, and other cities nearby.

Shifting Subcultures: From Social Classes to Scenes and Lifestyles

Subcultural studies highlight individual choices in being part of a subculture, and

the identification process of the social actor with the group. Past research focused on

marginalised youth groups and revolved around the concept of social class

(Magaudda 2009). The postmodern turn partly abandoned the concept of social class

as an essential element influencing subcultural belonging, and on the other hand

showed the existence of multiple subcultural belongings and overlapping identities.

The individual choice is compared to the consumer’s choice (Magaudda 2009;

Santoro and Sassatelli 2009). Hodkinson provided the example of how being part of

the Goth subculture consists also in actions like buying certain goods (i.e. black

clothes) or engaging in specific activities (Hodkinson 2002). On the other hand,

Redhead (1993) described the choice of being part of a subculture as an

appropriation or refusal of certain aesthetic representations, rather than solely

based on consumption of specific goods.

Contemporary approaches underline new subcultural aspects: a smaller focus on

structural values (such as age, class, and income) on subcultural belonging. Rather,

exploring the understanding of multiple memberships and overlapping identifica-

tions, which could change over time. These fluid social relations within the group,

shifting roles, and changing power relations over time, are defined in conjunction

with the consumption paradigm: subcultural belonging is seen as a way to express

individual autonomy through the choice of a certain lifestyle (Magaudda 2009).

Regarding this aspect, Bennett (1999) states that along with practices of resistance,

subcultures also employ mainstream cultural expressions, linked to the global

cultural industry. Thus, subcultures could be seen not only as places and practices of

resistance, but also as expressions of mainstream culture enacted through

consumption and consumer’s choices.

One of the consequences of these changes in the subcultural approach, is either

the suggested abandonment of the term ‘subculture’ in favour of new ones, or the

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 473

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use of new words alongside the old fashioned one. Among the proposals, ‘neo-

tribe’, ‘tribe’, ‘gang’, ‘club’, ‘scene’, ‘community’, or ‘lifestyle’ (Gelder 2007;

Maffesoli 1988; Magaudda 2009; Mains 1984), each of them focusing on a

particular aspect, from the consumer’s choice to the commitment to the group. In

this article, I employ both the term ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ with different yet

overlapping meanings. Subculture conveys the idea of a community, a group of

friends, play partners, or simple acquaintances, who repeatedly interact, play

together, or discuss issues related to BDSM. They could play together at home, in a

club, or not at all. Some of them dedicate time, energy and resources, to organise

activities for the others, some however do not. Boundaries are flexible, yet some of

them are close friends and see each other very often, also outside of BDSM

contexts.

A scene is, on the other hand, the recording of all the BDSM interactions,

discussions, and/or sessions which take place at specific moments in the city. The

BDSM scene includes cafés, clubs, and private houses in which people are playing

or discussing BDSM’s features, like consent or the importance of safety and rules.

The scene also includes online discussions on social media (i.e. Fetlife). A scene

differs from the BDSM subculture as it doesn’t emphasise personal ties, shared

narratives, norms, and identifications. It is a picture of the BDSM configuration in a

place at a time. Subculture and scene partially overlap, yet, they underline different

aspects of the same phenomenon.

Subcultural Accounts of BDSM: From Krafft-Ebing to San Francisco’s Leathermen

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, people engaging in sadomasochistic

practices were perceived and described as perverted, ill, and deviant from the norm

(Sisson 2005). The medical literature of the time was almost unanimous in affirming

that. Still, later on, and until recently, psychological and psychiatric approaches

categorised BDSM practices as deviant from the norm or as illnesses (Krueger

2010a, b). This is epitomized by sexual sadism and masochism until recently being

listed as mental conditions in the DSM, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of

Mental Disorders. 1

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, a sense of community among BDSM

practitioners—or their ‘ancestors’, sometimes referred to as ‘sadomasochists’—was

in the beginning; communities were small and, I suppose, closed to a certain extent

to outsiders and relied on a small but strong network. Cataloguing the perversions,

as for example Krafft-Ebing did at the end of the nineteenth century (Krafft-Ebing

1886), was nevertheless the starting point of a process that decades later would lead

to the formation, formalisation, and diffusion of these subcultures. The medical,

psychiatric, and later psychological discourse constituted BDSM-like practices and

1 At least until DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association 2000) sexual sadism and masochism are

categorised as mental conditions. By reading the last edition of the Manual, DSM 5, it appears that sadism

and masochism have been excluded from this list when not accompanied by distress or impairment in

social, occupational, or other areas of functioning (American Psychiatric Association 2013).

474 L. Zambelli

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marked them explicitly as a disorder. Yet the moment these ‘perversions’ were

isolated and recognised, the formation of a BDSM subculture became possible. 2

Mains was the first to equate leathermen sexuality, the ‘ancestor’ of BDSM, to a

subculture. Himself part of that tribe (Mains 1984), he describes in length and depth

leather sexuality, which possesses all the characteristics that qualify for a subculture

in the eyes of Fine and Kleinman (1979). Mains explained the tribal dimension as

follows: leathermen have a cultural unity and a common language; they identify

with a territory, not only physical like the playroom, but comprised of body, mind,

and imagination. They rely on an oral transmission of culture, a strong self-

identification with the members of the group, a social network that provides both

identity and a space within which members can form relationships, and finally, the

group provides a perspective through which broader societal norms are filtered

(Mains 1984).

The term ‘scene’ is employed by BDSM practitioners and activists as well. A

‘scene’ is usually a local context in which groups of individuals gather to attend

BDSM-related activities on a continuous and regular basis. This can include

activities like periodical happy hours (munches), play parties, workshops, and

similar. Scholars also employ the term in accounting for BDSM practices. Herself

a researcher studying the BDSM subculture in the United States, Newmahr

describes a scene as follows: ‘‘a social interaction that involves the mutually

consensual and conscious use, among two or more people, of pain, power,

perceptions about power, or any combination thereof, for psychological,

emotional, or sensory pleasure’’ (Newmahr 2010a: 393). She underlines the

importance of face-to-face interactions in the group and of shared elements and

narratives about consent, pain, pleasure, and power. Compared to Mains (1984),

the first to define sadomasochism as a subculture, Newmahr describes a scene as

less demanding and more inclusive. This is contrary to Mains (1984), who

portrayed a leathermen community that was far more founded on belonging,

commitment, and to some extent secrecy.

The choice of words such as ‘tribe’, ‘scene’, ‘community’, and the like indicates

a change of paradigm. From the focus on subculture and counterculture analyses of

working classes typical of the 1970s, we move to contemporary research

understanding subcultural belonging also as aesthetic choices, lifestyle decisions,

or the purchase of goods. Watters (2003) found that urban tribes, particularly in

Europe and the United States, are formed by people who enjoy multiple

memberships in several groups and move fluidly among them. They either enter

or leave them depending on personal conditions and circumstances, such as the city

in which they work, the job they have, the eventual existence of a partner, etc.

2 It would be more precise to speak about subcultures (plural) instead of a singular subculture, in the

opinion of Langdridge and Butt: ‘‘There is no homogeneous S&M culture, but a heterogeneity that

becomes increasingly apparent as sexual stories elaborate and proliferate in the late modern world’’

(Langdridge and Butt, 2005). Fine and Kleinman (1979) in fact, underline that subcultures are not

internally homogeneous. Langdridge and Butt underline, though, the relation between an internal

heterogeneity and the importance of personal narratives (especially coming out narratives), which are

pointed out in detail by Plummer (1995).

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 475

123

Gelder effectively sums up some of the main elements informing contemporary

accounts of subcultures. They are, in his opinion, outside of the domestic spaces,

they are usually equated with excess and exaggeration (i.e. gangs), and they have

the tendency to territorialise or occupy the spaces in which they operate (Gelder

2007). The equation between subcultures and excess in relation to BDSM has

indeed been partly overcome once the sociological-psychiatric research and scholars

ceased to describe these practices as deviant. 3 The tendency to territorialise rather

than possess the places in which BDSM encounters take place is further highlighted

by Mains in his account of leathermen sexuality in 1970s–1980s’ San Francisco.

The leathermen community identifies ‘‘with a territory’’ and has ‘‘the propensity

[…] to draw together in its defence’’ (Mains 1984). A few decades passed, and the use of words such as ‘SM’ and ‘leathermen’ has been abandoned in favour of the

umbrella term ‘BDSM’. 4 Indeed, most public activities in the Italian BDSM scene

take place in territorialised places: clubs, with memberships required to join the

specific party, private houses, hosting small gatherings, or fully furnished themed

buildings rented for special occasions, like costume BDSM parties.

Breaking Down Subcultures: Narratives and Identification

The formalisation of the leather subculture offered by Mains is highly auto-

ethnographic, informed by his membership and strong attachment to the group that

we cannot find in the analysis of Fine and Kleinman (1979). They offer an

apparently detached account of how subcultures are generally organised, and share

and create cultural elements. The main conceptualisation they employ is their

description of subcultures, composed by two sets of elements: (1) values, norms,

behaviours, narratives, and artefacts; (2) The strength of identification with the

individuals belonging to the group. The identification could be partial, since as they

suggest, the boundaries of the groups are fluid and the membership is not strict and

rigid; people could come and go. For example, a person can identify with a

subculture for a period and then lose interest and stop attending the activities of the

group; or, the same person could be a member of multiple subcultures at the same

time.

The two scholars describe the second element of a subculture, subcultural

identification, as a process that can be layered down to two elements: salience and

centrality. Salience relates to the frequency of the identification: how often a person

identifies with the group within a certain period. Salience is high if a BDSM

practitioner identifies/engages with the group twice a week, for instance; it is low if

it takes place once per year. Degrees of identification could vary between the two

extremes of latent identification, seldom enacted and displayed, and present

identification, which is enacted throughout many everyday life interactions. On the

3 Nevertheless, in 2011 the journal ‘‘Deviant Behavior’’ featured an article focused on BDSM practices.

4 The term BDSM is quite recent. Its origin has been traced by Dalzell and Victor (Dalzell and Victor

2008; Dalzell 2009) back to the beginning of the 1990s in the United States. I do not have further details

about the occasion in which it has been used.

476 L. Zambelli

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other side, centrality relates to the degree of identification with either the subculture

or the wider society. For instance, one identifies with a specific BDSM group rather

than the wider society if all his/her interactions, friends and relationships belong to

that subculture. Clearly, both centrality and salience are continua, so they never

describe a state in which identification is either complete and total with the group or

the larger society, but rather in-between and shaded configurations. A person could

thus identify with a group and disregards rhythms and norms of the general social

context, on one hand, or on the other be more prone to the influence of ‘mainstream’

norms and behaviours. I will deal with this topic extensively further on by

presenting four ideal types of BDSM practitioner: The Amateur, the Testimonial,

the Committed Novice, and the Virtual Player. In the following section, I will

discuss the consolidation of the Italian BDSM scene in Milan and in general in Italy

and its specifically subcultural elements: shared values and behaviours.

The Formation of the Italian BDSM Scene

The development of BDSM groups in Italy has been a process concentrated in some

of the larger cities. 5 During the 1970s the first contacts among SM practitioners

were established through pornographic magazines and erotic comics, 6 in Italy as

elsewhere: they featured some BDSM elements, like pictures and VHS for sale, and

hosted personal ads of practitioners looking for other play partners. Besides them,

other periodical publications addressed BDSM practitioners more explicitly. 7

During these first years, the level of organisation of BDSM practitioners in groups

and clubs was low: encounters and gatherings were mediated by these magazines,

and they were made possible by the poste restante, 8 with meetings possibly

happening in the private houses of practitioners themselves 9 (Brumatti 2011).

During the 1980s, the above-mentioned magazines acquired more importance in

establishing relationships among the practitioners: they created networks and

provided play partners and information about safety procedures and local events.

5 To reconstruct the history of the development of the Italian BDSM scene I have to account for the

problem of sources, since academic research on the topic does not really exist—except two small cases, a

theoretical paper (Landi 2011) and a small piece of online empirical research by Faccio et al. (2014)—and

there are few eye witnesses of the early days. I had to rely on key informants and on the memory of long-

time members of the scene. Hence, the information collected could be fragmentary, incomplete and

locally-focused. 6 Among the most cited erotic comics there are Isabella, Biancaneve, Zora la Vampira, Lando, Sukia,

L’Uomo Supposta, Vartan and Satanik (Brumatti 2011; Malcolm, male, submissive, 2013; Sybil, female,

mistress, 2014). Note: when names, and not surnames, are indicated as references between parenthesis

and followed by gender, BDSM role, and year, they refer to research participants interviewed for the

research (e.g. Garrett, male, switch, 2013). 7 Among them, I Moderni, SM and Club (Brumatti 2011; Malcolm, male, submissive, 2013). The first

BDSM elements represented by pictures were models wearing latex and involved in rope bondage

sessions (Malcolm 2013). 8

Poste restante is a service where the post office holds mail until the recipient calls for it. 9 Some ads were hosted on the still existing magazine Secondamano, dedicated to buying and selling

used items or hosting job announcements (Malcolm, male, submissive, 2013).

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 477

123

Gradually, women entered the scene, previously populated almost exclusively by

men, although with some exceptions involving famous mistresses or submissives,

whose names are still remembered and celebrated (Brumatti 2011). Similarly,

earlier research on sadomasochism accounted for a quite limited female presence in

Europe and the United States (Alison et al. 2001; Breslow et al. 1985; Moser and

Levitt 1987; Sandnabba et al. 1999; Spengler 1977).

The later presence of women in the scene could be understood considering the

different social, cultural, and economic roles assigned to women and men during the

1970s onward. It is commonly stated that women were usually confined to the

private realm of the house and excluded from the labour force (although their

presence in the labour force increased since the end of the Second World War); on

the contrary, men occupied the public space. This resulted in men discussing and

enacting their sexuality and eroticism more freely and openly than women, who

only gradually entered the public realm and the BDSM scene.

At the beginning of the 1990s, the first open parties and events were organised in

Italy: periodical dinners and happy hours, 10

sometimes centred around specific

online communities, 11

with the aims of both engaging in BDSM sessions and

meeting new partners (David, male, submissive, 2013; Malcolm, male, submissive,

2013; Red, male, master, 2014). 12

These first groups were founded in bars and

clubs, places where they could gather and enjoy each other’s company, away from

the public gaze. BDSM events in northern Italy, especially in Milan, were in those

years—and still are—numerous and varied. 13

Some events revolved around female

domination, ‘femdom’, and others around specific ‘fetishes’, like the adoration of

(female) feet.

10 Periodical happy hours, or munches, were held at Trezzo sull’Adda and Mortara, the area of Porta

Romana and Porta Genova in Milan (Lombardia), Mestre (Veneto), and Bologna (Emilia-Romagna)

(David, male, submissive, 2013; Malcolm, male, submissive, 2013). Since the 2000 s, the ‘‘Kinky Pop’’,

born in 2013, and the older ‘‘First Fridays’’ have been the most famous munches in Milan. 11

Some happy hours, such as ‘‘La Chattina’’, ‘‘Legami’’ and ‘‘Fetlife’’, were born around the online

communities of some BDSM-themed social media (Peter, male, switch, 2013; Quianna, female, dominant

sadist, 2014). 12

Names, and not surnames, indicated as references between parenthesis and followed by gender, BDSM

role, and year refer to BDSM practitioner interviewed for the research (e.g. Garrett, male, switch, 2013). 13

A famous periodical ‘femdom’ play party held in Milan was ‘‘Il Piedistallo’’, named probably after the

famous Club Pedestal in London; other series of femdom play parties were organised by the community

of Femdom Italia and by specific mistresses, like the ‘‘Bacaro Sadico’’ party. Some unique events, never

repeated, have been organised in Milan, like the ‘‘Secret Fetish Party’’ and ‘‘Revolution’’ (Red, male,

master, 2014). A few bars, near the crowded Navigli neighbourhood in the city centre, organised BDSM

events; some of the performances there attracted several people into the club, dragged from the

surrounding streets, including curious non-BDSM practitioners. Furthermore, in Milan some discotheques

organised and organise BDSM-themed events, such as the fetish night at the ‘‘Hollywood’’, the one at the

‘‘Depot’’ or at the ‘‘Black Hole’’. Other discotheques hosted specific events, such as corset fashion shows.

‘‘Feetaly’’ was a fetish community centred around the foot fetish which existed during the first 2000s and

has now disappeared. Nowadays, several BDSM play parties are held in Milan, like ‘‘Sadistique’’,

‘‘L’Ultimo Lunedı̀’’, ‘‘Makabra’’; other are in central Italy, like the one organised at the ‘‘Tref Point’’

(Emilia-Romagna) (Malcolm, male, missive, 2013; Maud, female, mistress, 2013; Red, male, master,

2014; Sybil, female, mistress, 2014). The website Sadicamente, www.sadicamente.com, recently started

to list the BDSM parties and events taking place in Italy; in addition, a search engine for locating BDSM

parties and events is available through the social network Fetlife, www.fetlife.com.

478 L. Zambelli

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It is in these very years that the first code of conduct within the community is

formalised. The emergence of the SSC mantra (Safe, Sane, and Consensual) dates

back to the 1980s–1990s (Stein 2002; Switch 2001).

With the arrival of internet, some long-time periodical gatherings slowly

disappeared, partially replaced by online discussions on forums, online communi-

ties, and social media, like the BDSM-themed social network Fetlife. 14

In the Italian context, the core of the BDSM activity and community-building

seems to have taken place in the north-central part of the country, based on the high

frequency of the parties and the number of events organised. Groups and clubs

revolving around BDSM were and are nevertheless present throughout the peninsula

and are still growing in number and typology.

The Italian BDSM Scene: Values and Shared Narratives

Rules and behaviours within the BDSM subculture have been already pointed out by

scholars elsewhere (Langdridge and Barker 2007; Newmahr 2010a, b, 2011; Weiss

2011). They consist particularly in the respect of some rules, such as consent, safety

standards (for instance the widely-recognised SSC, Safe, Sane, and Consensual, or

RACK, Risk-Aware Consensual Kink), and norms regulating the relationship

among people with respect to the roles they could assume during the play or session.

Communities insist on the respect of consent as a non-negotiable element that

characterises BDSM. Recently, though, critical accounts on the effective respect of

consent have been given by both scholars and activists (Dymock 2014; Ritchie and

Barker 2005). Self-criticism on the actual respect of consent on behalf of a

community member who addresses other members has been reported by Dymock

(2014) in the interview with the activist Kitty Stryker. The debate on the effective

applicability of safety standards such as SSC and/or RACK is present in many

forums, communities, online, and face-to-face discussions. They also featured in the

interviews conducted for my own research. A few long-time members of the BDSM

community insisted on the paradoxical nature of such codes of conduct. ‘‘How can

BDSM, they ask, ever be safe if it involves licking boots recently used to walk the

streets?’’ (Sybil, female, mistress, 2014).

Other rules of the subculture regard the appropriate behaviour to be held towards

a person with a certain role during a session. This protocol would recommend to a

dominant person 15

to only address other dominants even if the desired interlocutor

is one of ‘their’ submissives; it is not considered polite to directly address them.

Values and narratives are equally important and well-developed in the groups.

Values usually concern a sense of respect for others’ BDSM practices and desires,

14 Fetlife is the ‘‘BDSM and fetish community for kinksters by kinksters’’, a social network widely used

by BDSM practitioners. Before that, some mailing lists were present in the first 2000s with the aim of

discussing BDSM issues and meeting new partners (Garrett, male, switch, 2013). 15

I am using the word ‘dominant’ as a synonym for master, mistress, and top, and ‘submissive’ as a

synonym for slave and bottom. I am aware that I am not considering the shades and the differences among

the terms, which nevertheless vary among communities and countries. For the sake of this article, I will

be using dominant and submissive as all-encompassing terms.

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 479

123

independently from one’s own interests. The narratives are locally and/or globally

informed: for instance, the shared narrative of a group could evolve around a

cultural item internationally known and at the same time being constructed around

an element acknowledged mainly locally. The supposed link between the Samurai

art of tying knots and the Shibari, the Japanese bondage, is an example of BDSM

narrative renown internationally. 16

Furthermore, the global level could show its

effects on the local; consider for instance the interaction between the old and the

new guard. In fact, in the context of Milan as well as in other scenes, a sort of

dialectic relationship between the old and new guard takes place. Some members of

the BDSM communities sometimes perceive the old guard as a rigid, hidden, and

even closeted group of BDSM practitioners. The new guard is on the other hand

more open, with practitioners being more influenced by external elements,

experiencing more fluidity and often experimenting with their gender identity,

sexual preferences, and other dimensions connected to the intimate sphere. Some

features do find a place in both the subgroups: both the old and the new guard

almost equally share an interest for polyamory, the multiplicity of sexual/emotional

consensual partners at the same time. Many older and younger members either

practice it or would like to. Nevertheless, the empirical data seem to reveal a slightly

higher interest in polyamory among the younger rather than the older BDSM

practitioners.

To sum up, what varies between the old and new guard is in general the degree of

openness, light heartedness and experimentation, which are higher for the new

guard. For example, many of those who are in a couple for the first time come across

jealousy and simultaneously desire to have more than one partner. The old guard is

in this respect more experienced and aware of the potential impossibility of

overcoming jealousy, and of the limits of the monogamous couple. Furthermore, the

old guard could be sometimes suspicious of the sudden interest of new members

towards BDSM practices, particularly when it is not mediated by a period of what

they might refer to as ‘apprenticeship’. They discourage trying out BDSM simply

out of curiosity. They feel sometimes disregarded and secluded, despite their long-

time management of stigma, their long-standing safety competence and manage-

ment of BDSM relationships.

Opposition and disagreement between the old and the new guard are seemingly

global phenomena, being noted by other scholars (for example Weiss 2011). What,

then, is local about this opposition? The local aspect marking the difference between

these two groups consists in a set of actions undertook by the younger members with

the aim of creating a separate, safer, partially closed, and more young-friendly

environment. In Milan they organised a separate monthly meeting. During the

fieldwork, in 2013, I witnessed the creation of a series of periodical happy hours

reserved for people either interested in or curious about BDSM and younger than

35 years old. The aim of the small group behind this initiative was to create a ‘safe’

place in which younger people can meet, socialise, and find new play partners

without the gaze of older members, as well as being without what has been

16 Shibari is like what is labelled ‘rope bondage’, being physically tied by ropes, yet with a strong focus

on the relationship between the two players as mediated by ropes.

480 L. Zambelli

123

perceived by some as a competition for play and sexual partners. So, the

international dividing line that could be traced between the old and the new guard

has the local effect of creating a new meeting occasion for younger BDSM

practitioners on the local level of Milan.

As mentioned before, the BDSM scene researched is mainly heterosexual. It

appears that the homosexual male scene in the city takes place in other circuits and

clubs; I have little information on the non-heterosexual female BDSM scene in

Milan. The overlapping between the heterosexual and non-heterosexual scene was

almost totally absent, except for a young lesbian woman often participating in the

parties attended mainly by heterosexual people. Most the research participants self-

defined as heterosexuals, with some exceptions of a few people, especially women,

defining themselves as bisexuals. Most the participants also engaged in heterosexual

BDSM interactions: the gender of the play partner was usually coherent with the

sexual orientation of the player. Some women in the scene, though, performed

bisexuality during some sessions, engaging in BDSM play or light erotic

interactions (kissing, hugging) with other women, either for the sake of the play

partner or the session itself.

Degrees of Identification within the Italian BDSM Subculture

The second aspect that Fine and Kleinman (1979) recognise as typical of a

subculture, the identification of the members with the group, is formed by salience

and centrality. In Fig. 1, I give a visual representation of subcultural identification

(salience and centrality).

In Fig. 1, I represented the two dimensions of subcultural identification

employing a Cartesian coordinate system. Centrality and salience are represented

Identification with BDSM group

Identity latent, rarely displayed

Identity activated in many situations in

daily life

c e

n

t

r a

l

i t

y

s a l i e n c e

Identification with larger society

1

23

4

Fig. 1 Subcultural dimension of a group, the four quarters and the four ideal types represented by BDSM practitioners. Salience and centrality inform subcultural identifications

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 481

123

by two orthogonal axes, which form four quarters; quarter 1: high centrality and

salience, 2: high salience and low centrality, 3: low centrality and salience, and 4:

high centrality and low salience. Figure 2 provides a visual representation of the

positioning of many BDSM practitioners with respect to group identification. Their

positioning has been assigned considering both data from interviews and participant

observations.

By observing Fig. 2, 17

it emerges that there exist research participants in all the

four quarters of the Cartesian coordinate system. Participants like Red, are most

likely to identify with a BDSM group multiple times during their everyday life

routine.

In the following section, I present in detail the four ideal types identified: (1)

Garrett, the Testimonial, who displays his identity many times during his everyday

life routine; (2) Oliver, the Amateur, who rather identifies with wider society; (3)

Eric, the Virtual Player, with a latent identity/identification, rarely displayed; (4)

Ginger, the Committed Novice, who strongly identifies with the BDSM group. The

four ideal types show different characteristics which are pointed out in the attempt

of operationalising Fine and Kleinman’s scheme.

The Amateur § oliver

* GINGER The Committed Novice

The Virtual Player § eric

The Testimonial

§ garrett

* kyran

§ lance

* red

§ david § jefferson

* scott

* malcolm

§ nick

* LEAH

§ TANIA

§ ISABEL

§ HELEN

§ DAPHNE

§ PAULA

* SYBIL

§ JASMINE

* BRIDGET

§ KATHLEEN

* QUIANNA

* algernon

* ABIGAIL

* peter

* barney

§ ulrich

§ FANNY

Fig. 2 BDSM practitioners’ positioning within a representation of the subcultural dimensions of the group. Male, female; asterisk C35 years old; section sign \35 years old. The actual position of the practitioners is defined by the symbol preceding their name. Age at the moment of the interview

17 Not all the BDSM practitioners interviewed and/or involved in the research have been represented.

482 L. Zambelli

123

Garrett: The Testimonial

Garrett (2013), 43 years old, does not make a mystery of his professional and

personal interest in BDSM. Himself a practitioner since a teenager, he explored

many BDSM practices and has shifted roles, from submissive to dominant,

depending on the relationship established with the play partner. He has published

several books on BDSM and related aspects, and organises workshops on mind

plays. He is personally against the rigid separation of the selves, favouring their

holistic integration: the self who is involved in BDSM practices, should not be

segregated, but should coexist with the other ‘selves’ a person has.

In fact, Garrett thinks that those who do not speak openly with others about their

interest in BDSM have a closeted identity. They are internally divided and often

suffer from this separation; he brings the example of a girl he met:

I remember a girl, she discovered BDSM with me by the way, uhm, and she

was so hot, well […] because she had an unbelievable drive, and […] we started going out together, right? And, well, we used to meet, engage in heavy

and passionate BDSM sessions [with emphasis] and then she was going home

and went back normal, right? And as a regular girl she was so afraid of all that,

that […] when I phoned her I asked ‘shall we meet next week?’, she said ‘I can’t, I can’t come!’, ‘well, what do you have to do?’ ‘I don’t know, but I am

busy!’ […]. And after all this she called me at 3 am saying ‘hey, I am coming tomorrow ok?’ [in a low and mysterious voice]. […] Well, what the hell are you doing? Faking? Well, you go around pretending to be someone you are

not? It’s not possible! […] You can’t embody two identities which refuse each other, right?! (Garrett, male, switch, 43 years old, 2013).

He insists on the importance of displaying all the selves, without concealing

them. ‘‘Even if you were a random girl [not met with the purpose of giving an

interview for your research] after 20 min I would be speaking about BDSM

anyway! Well, for me it’s the most normal thing on earth!’’ (Garrett, male, switch,

2013). In this way, he expresses his desire to show his interest towards BDSM in

different settings of his everyday life routine. Rather than feeling superior, he is

sorry for those who, for various reasons, segregate their social networks, separating

BDSM from non-BDSM contacts, by keeping two cell phones and for example

devoting one exclusively to BDSM contacts.

As a public persona, he published several books on BDSM with his real name,

gave lectures and courses and has been an active member of the BDSM scene in

Italy in the last decades. Garrett also co-organised a few BDSM-themed mailing

lists at the beginning of the 2000s. During our interview, he passionately insisted

that I used his real name, at least for those aspects not dealing with his personal and

private story and experiences with BDSM. 18 Garrett has almost no reasons for being

‘in the closet’ and not declaring his being part of a BDSM group. In fact, he gives

the impression of being a person who raises BDSM as a topic in many casual

conversations, with almost anybody.

18 I am obviously omitting his name because in this context is not relevant.

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 483

123

Oliver: The Amateur

Oliver is a 48-years-old man, with a genuine laugh and an easy smile. He practices

BDSM as a leisure sexual activity, but identifies mostly with wider society, rather

than with the BDSM group he is part of. For him, BDSM practices are part of an

erotic and playful frame, and constitute an enrichment of the ‘vanilla’ (non-BDSM)

sex he engages in with his partner. His attitude towards BDSM is joyful and

intermittent, since he spends his energy also on encouraging various other cultural

aspects of sexuality and eroticism, for instance by co-organising cultural events

centred around sexuality. Oliver’s attitude towards BDSM roles and rules, as well as

life in general, is filled up with a sense of humour about himself, and for these

reasons he is the ideal type of BDSM practitioner who identifies with broader

society rather than focusing all his attention and energy on BDSM belonging,

relationships, and partners. He looks for a form of deep-rooted entertainment in his

erotic and sexual life, having encounters and relationships that for him are equally

important, like friendship or love. BDSM is one of the many ways through which he

socialises.

Oliver attends BDSM play parties with a hint of cynicism and playful arrogance.

Once, at a play party in a private club, he has been mistaken for a long-term, highly

experienced and severe master. Nothing more distant from the truth. The reason was

that his dress code was rather strange and inappropriate, informal, likely typical of

an arrogant master: Oliver wore short trousers and flip-flops. His apparent

disinterest has been interpreted by other practitioners as contempt for the rules,

due to his supposed superiority and arrogance. However, his disrespect of the dress

code, he tells me while abundantly laughing, was simply due to laziness. For him,

BDSM play parties are occasions to meet new friends and ‘travelling’ companions,

not to show off his non-existent role-related arrogance.

Oliver is neither particularly open nor closeted about his interest in BDSM

practices: it is not the first topic he puts forward when interacting with a person, yet

he may raise it during a discussion; he does not seem particularly attentive about

hiding it. On the contrary, he does not have any incentive to hide it, for instance he

has not got an elite job position or status, or a family situation in which BDSM

could constitute a reason for being discriminated. 19

He could well renounce to BDSM practices without feeling any sense of

emptiness, abandonment or losing his meaning of life. BDSM is for Oliver one

activity among others, which he enjoys also for being together with his partner and

friends.

Eric: The Virtual Player

Eric almost never displays his interest in BDSM outside of the virtual realm of

social media. He engages in BDSM practices in virtual worlds, such as Second Life,

19 Here, I am drawing a comparison between BDSM and the disclosure of one’s non-heterosexual sexual

orientation. I refer in particular to Troiden, who stated the many reasons that could prevent a person to

come out in a work environment (Troiden, 1989). One of them is to have a highly-qualified job, which

after a coming out could either be lost or endangered.

484 L. Zambelli

123

dedicated chats, forums and social networks, like Fetlife. Besides that, Eric is used

to experiment different ways to recreate a BDSM interaction in his own house, by

wearing nylon stockings, using dildos and other objects. He does this alone, and

describes his experience as incomplete; besides the use of these objects, he almost

exclusively lives his interest for BDSM online. He would like to play with a partner

in flesh and blood, but he has encountered many difficulties. He only recently he

came out as interested in BDSM, even his wife was unaware of it for most of the

time they have been married. Eric expressed his desire of adoring her feet and be

submitted by her. She tried her best, but for him that was not enough. In general, she

is not interested in BDSM. She either fears to hurt him, or she does not understand

his desires. Since Eric does not want to turn to a prodomme or another partner, he is

less likely to engage in BDSM relationships. Eric is divided in two: on one side,

frustrated from the insufficient attempts of his wife in engaging in very light BDSM

practices, and on the other, aware that he does not want to betray her by meeting a

dominant woman or a prodomme to be submitted or humiliated.

Eric describes his online interactions as they were real. Indeed, they are, since the

effects and the emotions involved on his side are real, in that they affect Eric’s

everyday life. In the past, before his wife discovered it and ask him to stop, Eric

spent a lot of time on Second Life playing with his submissive avatar. During the

interview, he recounts being a slave of two mistresses at the same time. One was

particularly extreme and killed Eric’s avatar many times. On Second Life, he plays

almost exclusively in BDSM environments; he and other users have programmed

specific play environments for allowing the most accurate BDSM interactions: they

can choke on a garrotte, use a whip, be in a prison and other techniques, methods,

environments, and tools. The prison is particularly interesting, if an avatar is

confined there by its master, it cannot escape until the punishment ends; the avatar is

blocked there for a predetermined amount of time, which is counted when the avatar

is online, not offline. In this case, the virtual interaction reflects in many ways a

‘real’ session during which the submissive is immobilised.

In Second Life, Eric could ‘‘take off his mask’’ (Eric, male, submissive, 2013)

and be free, because nobody knew his identity. For those who cannot practice

BDSM in their everyday life, Second Life is both very realistic and liberating, ‘‘like

manna from heaven’’, he says. Another popular practice in which he engages is text

role play, a role play that unfolds through the chat: both players take turns in

describing what they are doing to each other, progressively building together a

BDSM session. In this way, Eric feels the excitement and the defeat of punishment.

Eric identifies as a BDSM practitioner only in spatially and temporally limited

settings. His only experience not mediated by the virtual has been with a prodomme,

once. In his words, it has been ‘‘terrible’’ and ‘‘unsatisfying from every possible

point of view’’. He did not like that he had to give her detailed instructions about

how to dominate him; he perceived it as a fake domination, mediated by a sum of

money, not by the mutual interest of playing together.

At the time of the interview, he was at the beginning of a relationship ‘in remote’

with a Swedish mistress; they exchanged emails almost every day, and she was

giving him detailed instructions on what he had to do. The last one was to wear an

anal butt plug during the day at work, and she ordered him to send a picture as

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 485

123

proof. Eric told me that this kind of remote domination was quite widespread among

those who could not live BDSM in their everyday life.

Having the possibility to display his interest for BDSM to someone, to tell

another person about it, was in his words ‘‘satisfying’’, because ‘‘he cannot ever

speak about it, and now he can let his feelings out’’. I suppose that his identification

or interest with a BDSM community has been low as his desire risks a huge change

in his routine. He kept BDSM at bay so as not to have to rethink many relationships.

So, I suppose his identification is latent for strategic purposes: ‘‘If I were free, now I

would have many more possibilities’’, he tells me just before the end of the

interview.

Ginger: The Committed Novice

Ginger strongly identifies with both the BDSM group she is part of and with her

dominant partner, Lance. She is 22 years old and one of the most present younger

members of the group in Milan. Her interest for BDSM practices, which takes the

form of a continuous experimentation of new ones, is tightly linked to the figure and

presence of her partner, himself a practitioner. Her strong connection with Lance,

BDSM and the group itself is very high. Her first and most valuable experiences

with BDSM have been with Lance within the context of the group. She started

practising with him, and she has been tightly coupled to him ever since. Gradually,

she included a few other people into her sphere of close relationships and expanded

the number of BDSM play partners.

Her career as a submissive in the group was ascending when I met her. She

quickly learnt new practices, like how to engage in needle play or fireplay, the group

norms, and was highly curious about different tools and practices, even ‘outside’ of

the BDSM frame, polyamory for example. Ginger attended almost all events in

Milan and other Italian cities, either to perform with Lance for an audience there, or

to play for her own pleasure. She even contributed to establishing new BDSM

meetings, like the Kinky Pop (cf. note 10). She loved to be guided by a more

experienced person, who could either be her partner or a person she trusts.

Ginger’s play in public is quite different from when she plays in private (at home

with Lance or within a small group of friends). Usually, she enjoys more freedom

and more time by playing privately. A session in a club is necessarily influenced by

the presence of the audience. Therefore, she feels shy or not able to hold back her

laughter when in front of others. Her reference points in the groups are mainly two

people, Kyran and Abigail, who themselves are among the most active members

with a long and established presence in the group. She describes them as her

‘‘father’’ and ‘‘mother’’ or ‘‘big sister’’, since they, along with Lance, introduced her

to the BDSM community. For example, Ginger tried the bullwhip for the first time

with Kyran; she was scared and shy, and playing with him at home helped in

building and boosting her confidence.

Ginger gradually learnt how to be a proper submissive following the necessary

non-written rules. Moreover, she experimented with new practices, like needles and

fireplay, under the guidance of more expert members, like Kyran. Most of all, she

liked the state of mind she fell in when entering a BDSM session. With that state of

486 L. Zambelli

123

mind, she can engage in many different practices with an inner calm and an absence

of fear, which result in a higher resistance to whiplashes. Her ability to take

whiplashes increased over time: at the beginning of her experience with BDSM she

could not stand more than a few; at the time of the interview she easily reached 150

in a session.

She acknowledged that a desire to challenge her self-improvement sometimes

guides her through several new experiences. Most of all, Ginger has confidence in

her partner, Lance, who guides her step by step through the discovery of new

practices. If she feels uncertain about her performance, Lance encourages her by

making her focus on the actual task; most of the time with his support she manages

to accomplish it. Ginger’s trust and commitment to both her partner and her

reference group are high, and this makes her the ideal type of a BDSM practitioner

displaying both high commitment and high identification with the BDSM group.

Conclusion

Throughout the article, I presented an analysis of the BDSM scene in Milan,

researched for over a 1-year period, to enlighten its subcultural aspects. This

analysis allowed to point out some coded behaviours existing in the BDSM

community and to present different ideal types of personal involvement and

identification with the BDSM group. I identified four ideal types and presented them

together with examples from the empirical data.

The BDSM scene in the city of Milan is not homogeneous, since practitioners

live it differently and report different narratives. They either identify strongly and

frequently with a BDSM group, as Red, or not at all, as is the case of Barney, with

all the variations in between; this corresponds to what Fine and Kleinman state

about subcultural identification (Fine and Kleinman 1979). Differently from them,

leathermen from the 1970s–1980s were tightly linked around a strong idea of

community, also because heavily discriminated by the society around them (Mains

1984).

The meaning of subculture has changed, and other new terms, underling different

connotations of the phenomenon, appeared alongside it. Consider for instance

‘scene’, ‘tribe’, ‘lifestyle’, and ‘neo-tribe’ (Gelder 2007; Maffesoli 1988; Magaudda

2009; Mains 1984). In this article, I employed both the terms ‘subculture’ and

‘scene’, which partly overlap. They focus on different features; ‘subculture’

providing a lens through which looking at interpersonal and group dynamics, while

‘scene’ gives a situated snapshot of the spaces, places and people at a certain time.

The old and the new guard, different from one another for what regards their

degrees of openness, light heartedness and experimentation in BDSM, do coexist in

the same scene. Consider for example the attitude of those opposing the new happy

hour for young kinksters who supposedly ‘rushed’ into BDSM and those

experimenting with polyamory, non-heterosexuality and gender fluidity. The old

and the new guard do not correspond either to the distinction between scene and

subculture, or to the degrees of subcultural identification represented in Figs. 1 and

2. They are also not related to the age of the BDSM practitioners: some young

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 487

123

research participants do show a mind-set typical of the old guard: less flexibility in

the implementation of rules related to BDSM roles, less experimentations with roles

and interactions, and vice versa. The old and the new guard are expressions of

different mind-sets, one more anchored to the rules of secrecy and interactions

typical of the 1970s–1980s, the other open to contaminations and experimentations

in the sphere of both BDSM and sexuality and intimacy at large, for instance

polyamory.

The subcultural aspect of resistance, typical of the 1970s’ movements, changed

and diluted. Nowadays, BDSM practices are at the same time reproducing the

hegemonic hierarchies of genders and challenging them. Some practitioners

explored their sexuality through BDSM, for instance by engaging in both

heterosexual and non-heterosexual behaviours, others reproduce the gender

hierarchy of society at large by embracing the submissive role as women and the

dominant role as men. Some submissive men even undergo a ‘feminization’ as

punishment from the side of their mistresses. In this case, the embodiment of the

female gender is bearer of negative values. The debate on whether BDSM

challenges or reproduces the status quo of gender hierarchies and orders has been

particularly intense during the sex wars from the 1970s onward (on this topic see for

example Zambelli 2016).

The scheme I propose in Figs. 1 and 2, in the wake of the concept of subcultural

identification of Fine and Kleinman (1979) rather reflects a series of changes in the

sexual and intimate sphere that occurred in the last decades. They concern the way

in which sexuality is lived and defined. Sexuality and intimacy are not anymore the

only way in which one affirms his/her identity and uniqueness; today the spheres of

sexuality and intimacy constitute one of the many aspects defining the ‘selves’ of

the social actor. Sexual orientation alone, which could also change over time, does

not entirely define social actor’s attitudes, behaviour, and identity. Other aspects,

choices and attitudes contribute to shape one’s sense of individuality. In parallel,

scholars recognise the fluidity, changeability, and performativity of the sexual and

intimate identity and sphere. The research participants I observed in the BDSM

scene and its subculture reflect the fluidity and performativity of the sexual and

intimate sphere present in society at large.

Compliance with Ethical Standards

Conflict of interest The author declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Informed Consent Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

Appendix

See Table 1.

488 L. Zambelli

123

T a b le

1 R e se a rc h p a rt ic ip a n ts n a m e d in

th e a rt ic le

F ic ti ti o u s

n a m e

G e n d e r

A g e

E d u c a ti o n

P ro fe ss io n

S e x u a l

o ri e n ta ti o n

B D S M

ro le

Id e a l ty p e

A b ig a il

F 4 1

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

O c c a si o n a l jo b a n d

h o u se w if e

H e te ro se x u a l

S la v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

A lg e rn o n

M 3 3

H ig h sc h o o l d ip lo m a

S e lf -e m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

B a rn e y

M 3 5

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

E m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

T o p

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

B ri d g e t

F 3 4

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

E m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

A m a te u r/ te st im

o n ia l

D a p h n e

F 4 0

P h .D .

A d m in is tr a ti v e e m p lo y e e

B is e x u a l

S u b m is si v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

D a v id

M 4 2

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e a

E m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

E ri c

M 4 6

N o t a v a il a b le

E x e c u ti v e

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r

F a n n y

F 2 6

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

A c tr e ss

a n d p e rf o rm

e r

B is e x u a l

S w it c h

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

G a rr e tt

M 4 3

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

S e lf -e m p lo y e e a n d w ri te r

H e te ro se x u a l

S w it c h

T e st im

o n ia l

G in g e r

F 2 2

B a c h e lo r’ s d e g re e

U n iv e rs it y st u d e n t

B is e x u a l

S u b m is si v e

C o m m it te d n o v ic e

H e le n

F 2 4

B a c h e lo r’ s d e g re e a

U n iv e rs it y st u d e n t

H e te ro se x u a la

N o t y e t d e fi n e d

A m a te u r/ te st im

o n ia l

Is a b e l

F 3 3

P h .D .

E m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

Ja sm

in e

F 2 6

H ig h sc h o o l d ip lo m a a

S h o p a ss is ta n t

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

A m a te u r/ te st im

o n ia l

Je ff e rs o n

M 3 2

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

S e lf -e m p lo y e d a n d

p h o to g ra p h

H e te ro se x u a l

F e ti sh is t

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

K a th le e n

F 3 4

H ig h sc h o o l d ip lo m a

S h o p a ss is ta n t

H e te ro se x u a l

S w it c h m a so c h is t

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ c o m m it te d

n o v ic e

K y ra n

M 4 7

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

E x e c u ti v e

H e te ro se x u a l

M a st e r

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

Subcultures, Narratives and Identification: An Empirical… 489

123

T a b le

1 c o n ti n u e d

F ic ti ti o u s

n a m e

G e n d e r

A g e

E d u c a ti o n

P ro fe ss io n

S e x u a l

o ri e n ta ti o n

B D S M

ro le

Id e a l ty p e

L a n c e

M 2 5

B a c h e lo r’ s d e g re e a

U n iv e rs it y st u d e n t

H e te ro se x u a l

M a st e r

A m a te u r/ te st im

o n ia l

L e a h

F 5 1

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

O c c a si o n a l jo b s a n d

h o u se w if e

H e te ro fl e x ib le

S w it c h

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ a m a te u r

M a lc o lm

M 4 6

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

S e lf -e m p lo y e d

H e te ro se x u a l

S u b m is si v e

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

N ic k

M 3 2

P h .D .

E m p lo y e e

H e te ro se x u a l

S w it c h

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

O li v e r

M 4 8

H ig h sc h o o l d ip lo m a a

S e lf -e m p lo y e d

H e te ro se x u a l

S w it c h (m

o st ly

m a st e r)

A m a te u r

P a u la

F 3 2

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

T e a c h e r

B is e x u a l

M a so c h is t

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

P e te r

M 5 1

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e a

E x e c u ti v e

H e te ro se x u a l

S w it c h (p re fe rs

‘d o m in a n t’ )

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

Q u ia n n a

F 4 5

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

W ri te r

B is e x u a l

D o m in a n t sa d is t

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

R e d

M 4 5

B a c h e lo r’ s d e g re e a

S e lf -e m p lo y e d a n d w ri te r

H e te ro se x u a l

M a st e r

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

S c o tt

M 5 5

N o t a v a il a b le

N o t a v a il a b le

B is e x u a l

S w it c h a

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

S ib y l

F 5 6

N o t a v a il a b le

O c c a si o n a l jo b s

H e te ro se x u a la

M is tr e ss

A m a te u r/ te st im

o n ia l

T a n ia

F 3 2

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

T e a c h e r a n d a rt is t

P a n se x u a l

D o m in a n t m a so c h is t

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

U lr ic h

M 4 5

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e

E x e c u ti v e

H e te ro se x u a l

S la v e

V ir tu a l p la y e r/ c o m m it te d

n o v ic e

V ic to r

M 2 8

B a c h e lo r’ s o r m a st e r’ s

d e g re e a

S tu d e n t a n d se lf -e m p lo y e d

H e te ro se x u a l

M a st e r

C o m m it te d n o v ic e /

te st im

o n ia l

a U n c e rt a in ty

a b o u t th a t in fo rm

a ti o n

490 L. Zambelli

123

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