Social & Cultural Diversity -Events and Impact
People of Spanish and Latino Descent
TOPICS COVERED IN THIS CHAPTER
• The Spanish, Portuguese, Indians, Asians, and Africans
• Migratory Patterns From Mexico
• Social, Psychological, and Physical Health Issues
• Cultural Orientation and Values
○ Latino Ethnic Identity Development
• Implications for Mental Health Professionals
• Summary
This chapter profiles Latinos, a racially and culturally diverse ethnic group. A brief look at history, cultural values, and demographic trends is included. A case study is provided for the integration of material in a therapeutic context.
The Spanish, Portuguese, Indians, Asians, and Africans
The Western world’s Latinos are la raza, which means, “the race” or “the people.” Places of origin among Latinos are diverse and varied: Puerto Ricans (Puertorriquenos), Cubans (Cubanos), Central Americans and South Americans, Latin Americans (which include Dominicans [Dominicanos]), and Mexican Americans (Mejicanos).
The federal government defines Hispanic or Latino as a person of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race (Ennis, Rios-Vargas, & Albert, 2011). Novas (1994) clarified that for many Latinos, Hispanic represents a bureaucratic and government census term.” According to Hochschild and Powell (2008), during the 19th century, people who, now in the 21st century are considered to be Latinos and Hispanics, were not regarded by the Census as distinct from whites. In 1930, however, change was evident with an emergent classification of Mexican American. The Census Bureau added “Mexican” to the available color or race choices. Census takers were told that Mexican laborers were somewhat difficult to classify but could be racially located by virtue of their geographic location. The Census director at the time stated, “In order to obtain separate figures for this racial group, it has been decided that all persons born in Mexico, or having parents born in Mexico, who are definitely not white, Negro, Indian, Chinese, or Japanese, should be returned as Mexican” (Hochschild & Powell, 2008).
Increases in the Mexican population, the 1924 Immigration Act, which denied permanent residency to nonwhites, the Great Depression, and racial segregation accompanied by violence were among the weighty factors influencing the discourse about racial classification at the time and led to the Census Bureau’s retreat from classifying the Mexican race. In 1936, the census director stated, “’Mexicans are Whites and must be classified as ‘White’” (Hochschild & Powell, 2008).
The term Latino or Latina, depending on gender, is widely used and refers to persons with Spanish ancestry. Many Latinos prefer to be called by their country of origin.
The racial diversity among Latinos is very old and connected to political movements, slavery, family, conquest, defeat, geographic movement, love, and war. The term Hispanic comes from España, Spain, the country from which the conquistadors hailed. The Spanish encountered various Native people throughout millennia and across various lands: the Arawaks, Mayas, Aztecs, and Incas. African people who were brought involuntarily to the Caribbean, colonies, and South America as slaves reproduced with the Spanish and First Nation people. In addition to European, Indian, and African ancestries, some Latinos claim an Asian heritage (Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002). In the Philippines, the Spanish encountered Asian people and made their claim to the land in 1522; thus, Filipinos are categorized as Asian but have Spanish ancestry. Also in 1522, the Spanish infiltrated Central America, including Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. These countries were conquered two decades later.
Unions between the Spanish and the indigenous Indian people resulted in mestizos. Class divisions were connected to skin color in that mestizos were not regarded as equals to the Spaniards but emerged as a higher class than pure Indians. Once African slaves arrived, new class and color configurations appeared. During the colonial period of Spain’s reign over these conquered lands, a Spanish elite ruled and others were considered of a lower class. The Spaniards constructed las castas, which means the caste system (Montalvo & Codina, 2001). Las castas was a racially stratified system that cast stigma on darker skinned peoples and supported discriminatory treatment. The Spanish Conquistadores along with the Portuguese viewed the caste system as a way to dominate and demean the indigenous and African slaves (Fernandes, 2014). This system also ensured the free labor of indigenous and African people. The new world became a place where Europeans flourished while people with visibly dark skin encountered injustice.
The Latin American social caste pyramid, also known as las castas, ensured Spaniards’ power over and privilege in Latin America (Fernandes, 2014). The hierarchical caste system included: Peninsulares, Criollos, Mestizos, Mulatos, Zambos, Indios, and Negros. The peninsulares and criollos shared Spanish blood, with the later being born in the “new world,” Latin America. Although these two groups were similar, native-born Spaniards (peninsulares) held higher-level political positions and had more social capital, power, and privilege over the criollos and the indigenous and African people (Fernandes, 2014).
Beneath the Spaniards were the racially mixed Mestizos, Mulatos, and Zambos. Mestizos were of European and Indigenous ancestries. Mulatos were of European and black ancestries, while zambos were of indigenous and black ancestries. Individuals who were of mixed European descent had more power and privilege over non-Europeans. In a quest to identify as white European, bigoted ideologies and behaviors were at play, such as blanqueamiento (whitening) that encouraged the intermarriage with lighter-skinned people (Fernandes, 2014) and an attempt to suppress African or Amerindian bloodlines. People of African descent were deemed as less desirable given that their visible characteristics were likely to manifest in subsequent generations. By appearing physically as Spaniards, individuals aspired to achieve acceptance, elevate their status, and distance themselves from persons with less status (Fernandes, 2014; Montalvo & Codina, 2001).
Whitening policies, were eventually supported by Latin American governments. Consequently, white European immigration was encouraged, which included the recruitment of white prostitutes who were sent to heavily populated indigenous and African areas (Fernandes, 2014). For example, Venezuelans hoped to dilute their darker ancestry by mixing with white people as much as possible and in the process became home to a number of European immigrants from Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, German, French, and English ancestries.
High rates of intermarriage led the Spanish to implement the ideology of mestizaje, which deemed that all people, regardless of their ancestry, were of mixed descent. Persons of Spanish, African, and Amerindian descent subscribed to this idea, also believing that it would erase inequality; however, the legacy of mestizaje seems consistent with present day colorblindness in that the racial privilege of lighter and Spaniard looking Latinos was denied (Fernandes, 2014). Nonwhite Latinos experience discrimination that is politically, socially, and racially motivated (Hernandez, 1996).
History informs us that Latinos in Central America and South America can be of any race and represent a range of phenotypical characteristics, including white, brown, red, and black skin color hues. For example, during the 18th century slave trade, Europeans brought black Africans to the Americas. The Garifina people, a group of Africans believed to have come from Ghana, were taken to Central America. African slaves on the island of St. Vincent revolted and led by Marcos Sanchez Diaz, fled to the island of Rotan in Honduras. From there, the Garifina people spread out along the Caribbean to Belize, Guatemala, and Honduras (“Latin America,” n.d.).
Migratory Patterns From Mexico
Mexico is one of the largest sources of new immigrants to the United States. A number of push and pull factors influence the migratory patterns of Mexico’s people to the United States. During the early 1900s, there was a great need for cheap labor to work in U.S. agriculture. The harsh economic conditions in Mexico and high unemployment, along with Mexico’s proximity to the United States, set the stage for large-scale migration (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS], 2001).
The land that the majority of Americans now occupy was once Mexico. In 1821, Mexico won its independence from Spain, but this freedom was truncated. In 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was the result of Mexico’s defeat in a series of wars a decade earlier. Through this formal agreement between Mexico and the United States, Mexico lost 50% of its territory. The cultural and geographic decimation was enormous. Mexicans who had lived on their own land, where their almas (souls) resided, now became migrant farm workers. Mexicans who had been landowners found themselves working for white men. Once Texas, New Mexico, California, Arizona, Nevada, and half of Colorado officially became U.S. territory, the Spanish language was ousted, with English becoming the primary and official mode of school instruction.
Demography
In 2011, over half (53%) of all foreign-born persons were born in Latin America and the Caribbean (Grieco et al., 2012). Latinos represent over 17% of the U.S. population, or 55.4 million people as of 2014 (U.S. Census, 2015b). Latinos continue to be the largest group of color; however, this reference is admittedly confusing given that in the 2010 Census, 53% of Latinos, across skin color hues, identified as white (Ennis et al., 2011). More than half of the growth in the United States between 2000 and 2010 was due to increases among Latinos. In this 10-year period, the Latino population grew 43% or 4 times the total U.S. population growth rate of 10% (Ennis et al., 2011). High rates of immigration, low median age, and high fertility rates account for this increase.
Mexican Americans increased the most of the other Latino groups, growing from 20.6 million to 31.8 million in 10 years. Mexicans are the largest group of Latinos, representing 63% of the group. Puerto Ricans grew by 36%, from 3.4 million to 4.6 million and are 9% of Latinos. Cubans grew by 44%, from 1.2 million to 1.8 million and represent 3.5% of Latinos. Central Americans (people from Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama) increased 137%, from 1.68 million to 3.99 million and are 8% of Latinos. Of Central Americans, Salvadorians were the largest group at 1.6 million followed by Guatemalans at 1 million (Ennis et al., 2011).
South Americans (people from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela) increased 105%, from 1.35 million to 2.76 million. Among Latinos, South Americans are 5.5%. Colombians were the largest group at 909,000, followed by Ecuadorians at 565,000 (Ennis et al., 2011). (See Population Box 6.1: Percentage of Latinos in the United States by Ethnic Subgroup .)
Although Latinos can be of any race, in the 2010 census, over half of Latinos reported their race as white alone (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011). Over one third (36.7%) stated they were some other race. Very small percentages of Latinos identified as one of the other racial groups: 3% identified as black; 1% identified as Native American and Alaskan Native; .4% as Asian alone; and .1% as Native Hawaiian, other Pacific Islander (Ennis et al., 2011).
Among Latinas, the total fertility rate is 2.4. For non-Hispanic whites and for non-Hispanic Asians, it is 1.8. Non-Hispanic blacks (2.1) have higher fertility than whites but lower fertility than Latinas (Passel, Livingston, & Cohn, 2012). Compared with non-Hispanic white women, Asian women, and black women, Latinas are least likely to have not married between 25 to 29 years of age. The rate of never marriage for Latinas is 36.8% compared to 70.5% among black women, 52% among Asian women, and 43% among white women (Kreider & Ellis, 2011).
There were considerable within-Latino group differences with respect to marriage and divorce data from the 2000 census. Divorce and widowed rates were lower at 7.5% and 3.3%, respectively, compared with 10.2% and 6.1%, respectively, in the general population. Rates of separation were slightly higher, at 3.5% compared with 2.1%. Cubans have the highest rate of divorce, compared with Guatemalans who have the lowest: 12.4% and 4.1%, respectively. Cubans were also the least likely to have never married at 25%, whereas Hondurans and Salvadorans were the most likely to never have married, both at 40% (Therrien & Ramirez, 2001).
Struggling with transition from one cultural context to the next and working long hours to support self and family back in the home country can interfere with dating and family formation regardless of specific group. Latinos tend to have larger household sizes at 3.4 compared with 2.6 for the general population. Guatemalans had the most people in their households at 3.9 (Therrien & Ramirez, 2001).
The median age of non-Latinos in the United States is 37. Among Latinos, the median age is 27 years (Pew Research Center, 2012). Mexicans have the lowest median age, 25.3 years, and Cubans had the highest, at 40.6 years. In fact, one third of Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and Hondurans are children. In 2000, the largest 5-year age group among Latinos was children under the age of 5 (Therrien & Ramirez, 2001).
Population Box 6.1: Percentage of Latinos in the United States by Ethnic Subgroup
Mexicans: 63%
Other Hispanic or Latino: 8%
Dominican: 2.8%
Puerto Ricans: 9%
Central Americans: 8%
South Americans: 5.5%
Cubans: 3.5%
Source: Adapted from Ennis et al. (2011).
Geography
Brazil is a South American country where the official language is Portuguese. Millions of Latinos from countries such as Argentina and Costa Rica are not of Spanish or Indian descent but rather descend from European or Antillean nations (Beals & Beals, 1993). Some British left England during the 18th century, and other Europeans fled to Latin America to escape Nazi oppression (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Latinos in the United States are united by the Spanish mother tongue. There are dialect differences. Beals and Beals (1993) stated that the majority of Spain’s citizens speak Castellano, whereas the majority of Chicanos (Mexicans) speak Pocho. According to Carballo-Dieguez (1989), many Latinos are fluent in both Spanish and English, others know very little English, others have limited knowledge of Spanish, and others speak Spanglish, a mixture of both languages.
One of the discourses about Latinos is that they are brown, speak with an accent, and are foreign. (See Table 6.1 : Discourses About Latinos.) The 20th century witnessed the mass migration of Latinos to the United States, with most foreign-born Latinos entering in 1990 or later (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007d). Their points and periods of entry have differed from legal to nondocumented, from post-Castro for Cubans to citizenship status issues for Puerto Ricans, to the illegal and extralegal status of Mexicans and other Latinos en route to America. America has been enhanced, enriched, and transformed as a function of the presence of Latino people (Sanchez, 2002). Immigration reform has been led by President Obama who experiences considerable conflict with Congress over this issue.
In 2010, 41% of Latinos lived in the West, and 36% lived in the South. California had the largest Hispanic population of any state in 2014 (15.0 million). However, Texas had the largest numeric increase within the Hispanic population since July 1, 2013. New Mexico had the highest percentage of Hispanics at 47.7% (Ennis et al., 2011). The Northeast and the Midwest accounted for 14% and 9% respectively of the Latino population.
Over half of the Latino population resides in three states: California, Texas, and Florida. New York, Illinois, New Jersey, and Colorado are among the states that have Latino populations of 1 million or more. Mexicans are most likely to live in California, Texas, and Arizona; Puerto Ricans have the highest representation in New York, Florida, and New Jersey. Cubans are most likely to live in Florida, California, and New Jersey (Ennis et al., 2011).
Social, Psychological, and Physical Health Issues
The diversity among Latinos is tremendous. Latinos are descendants of the oppressed and the oppressor with a history marked by social oppression, conquest, liberation, and struggle (Garcia-Preto, 1996). Among the diverse group of Latinos, differences exist across geography, country of origin, racial identity, skin color hue, class, social capital, traditions, acculturation, and the time and sociopolitical circumstances in which persons entered the United States (Beals & Beals, 1993; Nicolau & Santiestevan, 1990). Stavans (1995) said, “We Latinos have an abundance of histories, linked to a common root but with decisively different traditions. At each and every moment, these ancestral histories determine who we are and what we think” (p. 20).
Variations are striking among ethnic groups with respect to educational attainment. More than one quarter, or 27%, of Latinos have a 9th-grade education or less compared with 5% of non-Hispanic whites (Schneider, Martinez, & Owens, 2006). The high school graduation rate for all Latinos is 60% compared with 88.6% for non-Hispanic whites. South Americans (Peruvians, Colombians, and Ecuadorians) have much higher graduation rates (84.5%) than Central Americans (Guatemalan, Honduran, Salvadoran) with an average of 53%. Puerto Ricans have the next highest graduation rate at 71%. Compared to other groups, Mexicans have a lower educational attainment rate. The college attainment rate among Latinos is 10% compared with 21.3% of non-Hispanic whites (Schneider et al., 2006).
The percentage of eligible Hispanic students attending college appears to be on the rise, at least at the community college level (Nora & Crisp, 2009). For many Latino youth and adults, being a linguistic minority represents a real barrier to education and employment. Arbona and Nora (2007) examined the likelihood of Hispanic high school graduates attending either a 2- or 4-year college. The researchers found five significant factors. These factors were (1) the student’s gender, (2) students’ perceptions of their parents’ educational expectations, (3) the student’s English self-concepts, (4) enrollment in high school calculus, and (5) the perception that most of the student’s peers planned on attending college. Male Latino students were more inclined to enroll in a 2-year college. Female Latina students were much more likely to attend a 4-year postsecondary institution. Choice of institutional type also depended on parents’ expectations that their children would attend college. Students whose parents had low expectations that their children would attend college were twice as likely to enroll in a community college as opposed to a 4-year higher education institution. Finally, the more positive a Latino student’s academic self-concept in science, the more likely he or she would enroll in a 4-year university. The two most influential factors that predicted enrollment in a 4-year college were taking a precalculus or calculus course while in high school (3.98 times more likely) and knowing that most, if not all, of a student’s peers also planned on going to a 4-year institution. Advanced degrees are on the rise among Latinos. The proportion of doctorates awarded to Latinos rose from 3.4% in 1993 to 6.3% in 2013 (National Science Foundation, 2015).
In addition to geographic diversity, income varies as well. Latinos are more likely to be unemployed at 6.8%, compared with 3.4% of non-Hispanic whites. Puerto Ricans have the highest unemployment rate at 8.1%, with 5.1% among Central and South Americans. When employed, Latinos are more likely to work in service occupations, at a rate of 19.4%, or in operator or labor positions, at 22%. Compared with non-Hispanic whites, their rates in these positions are 11.8% and 11.6%, respectively. Non-Hispanic whites are more than twice as likely to work in managerial positions at a rate of 33.2%. Many of the male Latino workers who newly arrive in the United States now work in construction. These workers were also older and thus less likely to be low-wage earners. Nonetheless, many Latinos who are foreign born are in poverty (Kochhar, 2007).
The poverty rate among Latinos is more than twice that of the non-Hispanic White population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014a). Among Latino children under the age of 18, 30% live in poverty. Among Latinos, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, and Mexicans have the highest poverty rates at 28, 24, and 24%, respectively. Colombians have the lowest poverty rate at 11%. The poverty rate among Central Americans is 18%, which is higher than it is for South Americans at 13% (U. S. Census Bureau, 2007d).
High poverty rates contribute to Latinos having the highest probability of being medically uninsured (Institute of Medicine, 2003). Despite the high poverty rates among Latinos, which actually fell from 25.6% in 2012 to 23.5% in 2013, substantial income gains have been made. In 2013, the median household income for Latinos was $40,963, or nearly $10,000 less than the median income for the general population (DeNavas-Walt & Proctor, 2014).
Income is related to status of housing. Latinos are more likely to own their homes than to rent them, but there is tremendous variation across ethnic groups. More than half, or 52%, of Latinos owned their homes in 2004 compared with 48% who rented. Only 25% of Dominicans own their own homes, whereas 61% of Cubans are homeowners. The median value of owner-occupied homes was $152,000, which was similar (a few dollars higher) to the general population. The median value of homes among Mexicans was $136,468 compared with nearly $300,000 among Ecuadorians. Latinos also have extremely high uninsured health rates, 34% compared with 16% in the general population (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2007).
Along with African Americans and Native Americans, Latinos have a 50 to 100% burden of illness and mortality due to diabetes compared with white Americans (Institute of Medicine, 2003). In addition, high blood pressure and obesity rates are also higher among this group (U.S. DHHS, 2001).
The Epidemiologic Catchment Area Study investigated rates of psychiatric disorders in five communities. Los Angeles was one of the sites studied, and Mexicans were oversampled. Mexican Americans born in Mexico were found to have lower rates of depression and phobias compared with those born in the United States. Another study examined rates of psychiatric disorders in a large sample of Mexican Americans residing in Fresno County, California. Lifetime rates of mental disorders among Mexican American immigrants born in Mexico were remarkably lower than the rates of mental disorders among Mexican Americans born in the United States. The length of time that Latinos spent in the United States was a factor in the development of mental disorders. Immigrants who had lived in the United States for at least 13 years had higher prevalence rates of disorders than those who had lived in the United States fewer than 13 years (U.S. DHHS, 2001). “Recent immigrants of all backgrounds, who are adapting to the United States, are likely to experience a different set of stressors than long-term Hispanic residents” (U.S. DHHS, 2001, p. 133). Acculturation, according to some epidemiological studies, may even lead to an increase in mental disorders.
Vulnerabilities among youth have been reported as well. A large-scale survey of primarily Mexican American teens in both Texas and Mexico found higher rates of depression, drug use, and suicide among Texas-based youth (U.S. DHHS, 2001). Living in the United States was related to a higher risk of mental health difficulties than not living here. Texan youth were more likely to report high rates of depressive symptoms than Mexican youth, 48% compared with 39%. Youth residing in Texas who reported illicit drug use in the last 30 days was also higher among Texas-based youth as was suicidal ideation compared with youth who lived in Mexico. Latino youth are at higher risk for poor mental health outcomes, and they are more likely to drop out of school and to report feelings of depression and anxiety. Latino youth also represent 18% of juvenile offenders in residential placement (U.S. DHHS, 2001). The number of Latino college students is growing, however, an understudied area is the examination of acculturative stress and psychological distress (Crockett et al., 2007).
The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a major threat to the Latino community. According to the Centers for Disease Control (2013), 1 in 36 Latino men will be diagnosed with HIV and 1 in 106 Latina women. In 2010, HIV was the sixth leading cause of death among Hispanics/Latinos aged 25 to 34 in the United States and the eighth leading cause of death among Hispanics/Latinos aged 35 to 54. In 2010, Latinos accounted for 21% of the new AIDS diagnoses in the United States. Latinos are most likely to be infected with HIV as a result of sexual contact with men. Latino men who have sex with men represent 79% of new infections among all Latino men. The estimated new HIV infection rate among Hispanics/Latinos in 2010 in the United States was more than 3 times as high as that of whites. In addition, poverty and language barriers may contribute to Latino HIV infection rates among Latinos. Latina women may not be aware of their male partner’s risky behavior and ultimately how they are unwittingly being impacted. In several studies of gay and bisexual Latinos in the United States, Latinos had the highest rates of unprotected male-to-male sexual contact.
Migration and Acculturation
Given the disproportionately higher levels of poverty, stress, and trauma of immigration and adapting to a foreign culture, and cultural isolation upon arrival, multiculturally competent mental health services for Latinos are critical. Adjusting to a new environment, acquiring a new language, and contending with a host of internal and external demands, the stress may be much greater than previously thought, with chronic acculturation stress having enormous psychological implications (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). On average, Latinos have relatively low educational and economic status. Despite the fact that the United States is referred to as the second largest Latin American country in the world (Arredondo & Rodriguez, 2005), migration experiences and the psychological impact of these on mental health and well-being is an area of research that needs further exploration (Santiago-Rivera, 2003).
To have access to economic opportunity and to give their children a good life are the dreams of immigrants, regardless of their country of origin. Political instability, unemployment, wars, terrorism, and devastation of a country’s infrastructure compel people in search of a better life to leave their homes. Although their homelands are rich in beauty, culture, and natural resources, economic and social development opportunities are often lacking (Suarez-Orozco & Paez, 2002). Feelings of personal loss and grief are part of the experience even when a person’s and/or family’s economic outlook improves. Political turmoil may prevent some families from returning to their homeland. For some, there are fears of deportation if they return home. These circumstances can heighten a person’s longing for home and the family and friends left behind (de las Fuentes, 2007). (See Storytelling: I Quit ).
Acculturation or the process of adjusting to a nonnative culture (Miranda and Matheny, 2000) is a form of stress for many Latinos and there are multiple factors that contribute to this stress. The degree of acculturation, amount of coping with stress resources, facility with the English language, the degree of cohesiveness with family members, and the length of time that people have resided in the United States all impact acculturation stress for Latinos (Miranda & Matheney, 2000). Since September 11, 2001, xenophobic attitudes have increased, and Latinos are vulnerable to such personal attitudes as institutional structures impinge upon their lives. Acculturation stress is the emotional, physical disharmony, and spiritual imbalance that is part of the acculturation process following immigration. Lack of a solid social network, not having facility with the English language, intergenerational conflicts, overcrowded and unsafe living conditions and neighborhoods have been documented as part of the acculturation process (Arredondo & Rodriguez, 2005).
In working with Latinos, it is important to consider the client within the broader context of the family. (See Case Study: Oblivious .) A multidimensional ecological comparative model may help mental health professionals devise a relevant and respectful treatment approach. There are four domains to the model (Falicov, 1995):
1. The impact of migration and cultural change
2. Family organization
3. The current ecological environment and the family
4. The family life cycle or transitions
Colorism refers to differential and often inequitable treatment because of skin color hue (Robinson & Ward, 1995). As with African American communities, colorism affects Latino communities. Sue and Sue (1990) indicated that “the more a person resembles an Indian, the more prejudice and discrimination he or she will encounter” (p. 298). A variety of hues—white, tan, black, brown, and red—compose the Latino population, attesting to roots from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Spain, and other parts of Europe, and an indigenous (first people) Native heritage. Research is needed to investigate the role of colorism among brown and black Dominicans, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans, Latino subgroups with higher rates of poverty.
Cultural Orientation and Values
Cultural heritage commonalities are strong. Among most Latinos, cooperation rather than competition is stressed. The extended family and friendship networks are held in high esteem and are the basis of Latino culture (Gloria & Peregoy, 1995). (See Table 6.2 : Common Cultural Values Among Latinos.) Family members feel a sense of obligation to provide for, and receive support from, one another both emotionally and materially (Vasquez, 1994). Familismo (familialism) is considered to be one of the most important cultural values that Latino people have (Santiago-Rivera, 2003) and “involves the strong identification and attachment to nuclear and extended family. Loyalty, reciprocity, and solidarity among members of the family are associated with this attachment” (p. 50).
Latino cultures tend to be collectivistic, which means individual goals are subordinated to the larger group. Relationships in collectivistic cultures also tend to be more stable and even involuntary “because they arise from the fewer, yet closer knit, in-groups that permeate this orientation” (McCarthy, 2005, p. 110).
In many Mexican American families, the extended family is strong and includes compradazgo, or godparents, and among Puerto Ricans, compadres, or special friends who often act as co-parents and receive a high place of honor, affection, and respect in the family (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). Gloria and Peregoy (1995) stated that more status is given to a person who honors family than to someone with material possessions.
Family structure and personal honor are highly valued. Dignidad is linked to both personalismo and respeto. Personalismo is an orientation in which the person is more important than the task. Warm and interpersonal relationships are valued (Santiago-Rivera, 2003). Respeto refers to “sensitivity to a person’s position and creates a boundary within which conversations should be contained to avoid conflict” (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002, p. 113). Dignidad encourages actions that cultivate pride for people independent of their position and refers to a strong sense of self-worth and personal dignity. A focus is also placed on being in the moment, with emphasis on the present.
Family structures are often formal and hierarchical, in that deference to elders and males is practiced. Although often misunderstood as related to men’s sexual prowess and women’s objectification and subjugation, machismo is a part of Latino culture that describes stoicism, the need for dignidad, or dignity, respeto, or respect, and in some instances, dominance within the family (Vasquez, 1994). Adherence to family roles, such as males outside the home and females inside, represents another value orientation practiced by some traditional Latino families (Arredondo, 1992). Preserving the Spanish language within the family is a common practice in many Latino homes.
In Latino culture, a premium is placed on personal relationships. Personalismo, or a desire to be close, to know one another intimately, and to communicate personally rather than impersonally, represents a value orientation common to many Latinos (Arredondo, 1992; Gloria & Peregoy, 1995). Communication styles represent a significant part of the way meanings are expressed and interpreted. Many Latinos tend to speak softly, avoid eye contact when listening to or speaking with persons perceived as having high status, and interject less. Often, the manner of expression is low-key and indirect (Sue & Sue, 1990). Simpatia refers to the value of smooth and harmonious interpersonal interactions (Gloria & Peregoy, 1995). It also speaks to the importance of harmonious and polite interactions (de las Fuentes, 2007). Latino families are more likely to live within family units and similar to Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, are least likely to live alone. Children also tend to remain with the family (especially girls) until they marry (U.S. DHHS, 2001).
Demonstrated through loyalty for one’s family, cultural pride is significant (Rendon & Robinson, 1994). According to Comas-Diaz (1993), the concept of respeto “governs all positive reciprocal interpersonal relationships, dictating the appropriate deferential behavior toward others on the basis of age, socioeconomic position, sex, and authority status” (p. 250). Within the concept of respeto, parents desire to raise children who are polite and well mannered (bien educados) as opposed to children who are not well behaved (malcriados), which is an indication of poor parenting that reflects on the family (Arredondo & Rodriguez, 2005).
For most Latinos, the bond to Catholicism is strong. In fact, the concept of Marianismo “is based on the Catholic cult of the Virgin Mary, which dictates that when women become mothers they attain the status of Madonnas and, accordingly, are expected to deny themselves in favor of their children and husbands” (Vasquez, 1994, p. 202). Clearly, conflicts can emerge within this cultural value system, particularly for Latinas who may be more acculturated. Overall, the church and faith play a crucial role and shape core beliefs, such as the importance of sacrifice, charitability, service to others, and long suffering, even in the face of adversity (Sue & Sue, 1990).
As is consistent with other groups who are more oriented toward collectivism than individualism, there is a holistic connection between the mind and body. Curanderos, or spiritual and herbal folk healers, who are primarily women, practice an ancient Native American art (Novas, 1994). They hold special status in many Mexican and Mexican American communities and often work in consultation on psychiatric cases with priests and other religious authorities (Arredondo, 1992). Espiritistas are spiritual guides, and Santeros (a reference to worshipers of Catholic saints and African gods) are consulted to diagnose conditions, both physical and psychological. Oils, prayers, holy water, candles, and special herbs are items used to perform rituals (Santiago-Rivera, 2003). Aztecs have a rich history as herbalists, healers, botanists, and medical doctors (Padilla, 1984). That some of their descendants would have the gift of healing is understandable.
Families gather to celebrate holidays, birthdays, baptisms, first communions, graduations, and weddings. Latino families teach their children the importance of honor, good manners, and respect for authority and the elderly. Importance is given to physical appearance as a sense of honor, dignity, and pride. Formal attire is commonly worn to church, parties, social gatherings, and work (Clutter & Nieto, n.d.)
Culture-bound syndromes are defined as “recurrent, locally specific patterns of a typical behavior and troubling experiences that may or may not be linked to a particular DSM-IV diagnostic category” (Shiraev & Levy, 2004, p. 244). Folk illness such as empacho, which is a bad upset stomach, nervios (nerves), and mal de ojo (evil eye) are often related to supernatural causes, particularly among Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Dominicans. Sustorefers to fright, and it originated from and is a combination of medieval Spanish, African, and indigenous beliefs (Santiago-Rivera, 2003). An expression of distress commonly linked to Latinos and Mediterranean groups is ataques de nervios or attack of nerves. Symptoms of an ataque de nervios include screaming uncontrollably, crying, trembling, heat in the chest rising to the head, and verbal or physical aggression. Death of a loved one, divorce, or interpersonal conflict can bring about this syndrome (Shiraev & Levy, 2004). Dissociative experiences, seizures, or fainting as well as suicidal gestures are known to occur in ataques (U.S. DHHS, 2001).
Personal identity for Latino Americans is sociocentric in nature, with the self and self-interest often subordinated to the welfare of la casa and la familia (Becerra, 1988). The balance of group and individual prerogatives, however, depends on the individual manner of dealing with the culture in traditional, bicultural, nontraditional, or marginal terms. For traditional and bicultural persons, the balance will often be in favor of needs in the extended family. For nontraditional and marginal persons, the balance may favor more egocentric decisions and actions.
Traditional sex roles are clearly defined by machismo for men and marianismo and hembrismo for women (Becerra, 1988). Machismo is more than male physical dominance and sexual availability. It includes the role of a provider responsible for the welfare, protection, honor, and dignity of his family. Marianismo refers to the spiritual superiority of women and their capacity to endure all suffering, with reference to the Virgin Mary. After marriage, the Madonna concept includes sacrifice and femaleness, or hembrismo, in the form of strength, perseverance, and flexibility. These hembrista behaviors ensure survival and power through the children.
Personal identity is also associated with being strong. Strong refers to inner strength, or fuerza de espiritu, characterized by toughness, determination, and willpower (Dana, 1993). A strong person can confront a problem directly and be active in resolving it, thereby delaying the admission that help may be needed. Controlarse, or controlling oneself, is the key to being a strong person and includes aguantarse, or being able to withstand stress during bad times; resignarse refers to resigning oneself and accepting fate. Sobreponerse speaks to imposing one’s will or overcoming circumstance. A weak person will have little or no self-control and be less able to exercise responsibility or to display orgullo, or pride, and verguenzza, or shame. As a result, he or she is more easily influenced by people or events and is relatively unable to become strong.
The family name is very important to Latinos; a man, along with his given name, adopts both his father’s and mother’s names. It is often expected, as well as encouraged, that family members will sacrifice their own needs for the welfare of the family (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 1996). Thus, the family constellation is loyal, committed, and responsible to each other and has a strong sense of honor.
Latino Ethnic Identity Development
That Latinos can be and are of any race is often confusing and difficult for students to grasp. When students are told that Latinos are not a racial group but an ethnic group with different ethnic and racial subgroups, the confusion magnifies. When I make the point to students that sharing race does not mean sharing ethnicity and sharing ethnicity does not mean sharing race, I often draw a Venn diagram or say something like, “A white-skinned woman with blond hair and blue eyes might identify herself ethnically as Cubana but racially she considers herself to be white she Latina?” Yes! At the same time, a sister Cubana may have African roots, dark skin, and very curly hair. Ethnically, she is also Cubana but considers herself black. “Is she also Latina?” Yes! I refer to my experience in Cuba by using the aforementioned example. Cubans hail from Africa, Europe (Spanish), or Asia (Chinese), and/or are indigenous (Indian). The difficulty with understanding Latinos both racially and ethnically is related to the dichotomization of racial categories. An inaccurate and limited bifurcation of people—“you are either this or that”—has had implications for a racial/ethnic identity development model for Latinos. A dialectic embraces a “both/and” way of being in the world and is needed to appreciate multiple identities within and across groups of people. In addition, the existing models of racial identity may not aptly apply to Latinos who are racially diverse and are Latinos across different ethnic groups.
According to Ferdman and Gallegos (2001), there are key dimensions involved in defining a nonlinear Latino identity: (a) how a person prefers to identify himself or herself, (b) how Latinos as a group are seen, (d) how white people are seen, and (d) how race fits into the equation.
Latino Integrated. Persons who are Latino integrated are able to embrace the fullness of their Latino identity and integrate this into other identities, such as class, profession, and gender. A dialectic, as mentioned earlier, is characteristic of the Latino integrated. This person is comfortable with all types of Latinos as there is a broad lens used to see himself or herself, white people, and others.
Latino Identified. This group has more of a pan-Latino identity, with a view of race, la raza, as uniquely Latin. There is a deep and abiding understanding of a history of political struggle and a desire to be united with other Latinos in racial unity. Despite the awareness of and vigilant stand against institutional racism, Latino-identified persons may see whites, blacks, and other groups in rigid ways.
Subgroup Identified. Persons of this group see themselves as distinct from white people but do not necessarily identify with other Latinos or with people of color. The broad pan-Latino orientation discussed in the previous orientations is not reflected here. Other Latino subgroups may be viewed in an inferior way. People’s allegiance to a particular subgroup is nearly exclusive. Race is not a central or clear organizing concept, but nationality, ethnicity, and culture are primary.
Latino as “Other.” Persons with this orientation see themselves as people of color. This may be a function of biracial or multiracial status, ambiguous phenotype, or dominant constructions of race. In certain contexts, persons see themselves as minorities and not white. There is no identification with Latino cultural norms or with white culture, and an understanding of Latino history and culture is missing.
Undifferentiated. Persons with this orientation regard themselves as simply “people” with a color-blind eye. The emphasis on racial classification is not a part of their framework. The desire to associate with other Latinos is not prominent because contact with others is distinct from a person’s race or ethnic identity. Life is lived apart from attention to and thoughts of difference.
White Identified. White-identified persons perceive themselves as white and thus superior to people of color (nonwhite-skinned people). Assimilation into white culture is a possibility as is connection primarily to only one other group (e.g., light-skinned Cubans) while denying connection to other subgroups. There is an acceptance of the status quo and a valuing of whiteness to the extent that marrying white is preferred over marrying dark. Latinos with this orientation are majored la raza (i.e., improve the race).
The strength of this model is that it helps mental health professionals and clients ascertain identity development for Latinos who differ greatly across acculturation level, skin color, education, class, national origin, and political ideology. This model is also not linear; nonetheless, it is clear that there are orientations more conducive to unity with others across race and skin color wherein people are valued because they are human and not because of what they look like.
Umaña-Taylor (2004) studied ethnic identity and self-esteem among 1,062 Mexican-origin adolescents who attended one of three schools: predominantly Latino, predominantly non-Latino, and balanced Latino/non-Latino. Phinney’s Multigroup Ethic Identity Measure was used to assess ethnic identity. Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale measured self-esteem. A significant relationship emerged between ethnic identity and self-esteem for adolescents attending the predominately non-Latino school, the balanced school, and the predominantly Latino school. This finding suggests that the relationship between self-esteem and ethnic identity may not be context specific. Maternal education was higher among students at the predominantly non-Latino school. Students attending the predominantly non-Latino school were more likely to have been born in the United States than students at the balanced school. Finally, students at the predominantly non-Latino school reported higher levels of ethnic identity than teens at the predominantly Latino and balanced schools. These data suggest that “ethnic identity appears to be more salient for Mexican-origin adolescents when they are in a minority context than in a majority context” (Umaña-Taylor, 2004, p. 144). However, the relationship between self-esteem and ethnic identity did not differ across schools. Predominantly Latino school students are a minority in the larger society, irrespective of their majority presence at school, which may account for this finding.
STORYTELLING: I QUIT
I went to college in southern California. One summer, I needed to find work to pay tuition. I found work in a factory where we made the telephone cords that went to landlines. We also detangled the cords and used a chemical on the cords to clean them. This cleaning is what I and the other women in my particular area did all day long. Feeling bored, I decided to wipe these cords down while studying Italian—this subversive move did not go over well with the supervisor, who told me to stop. Although I needed the money, I quit this job (I suspected that I was close to being fired). The smell of the chemical gave me a headache and made me nauseous. I was alarmed by the numbers of pregnant Mexican women subjected to this toxic chemical hour after hour every single day. I spoke quietly to one of the women and told her that her job might be dangerous to both her health and to her baby’s health. I remember that she looked at me like I was crazy. She said she liked working, and that she had a family. I soon came to realize that many of the women who worked at this factory were not in California legally. I was an American citizen, a college student, and although I needed summer work, I had no children to support. These women were not in a position to think about safety given their focus on survival.
Implications for Mental Health Professionals
Among many collectivistic cultures, mental health services are not sought because in-group members’ reliance for help comes from family or church. Persons who are members of the out-group might be viewed with mistrust and suspicion (McCarthy, 2005). Other barriers to psychotherapy services for Latinos include mental health services that are culturally insensitive and a lack of Spanish speaking behavioral health providers. In addition to having Spanish language skills, being an effective listener, engaging in intentional questioning, having empathy, and strong diagnostic skills, can make a big difference. For example, there is such informality in Western culture where people, regardless of age and status, are on a first-name basis. Some clients of color as well as some white people are put off by a casual air that may feel disrespectful. This is a basic concept when working with clients who are older than the clinician. The concept of falta de respeto (lack of respect) is considered to be a major cause for breakdowns in communication across a number of relationship dyads (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). The Western view of the nuclear family is limiting for many Latinos and is connected to the cultural tendency to bifurcate and separate the self into discrete categories. Among many Latinos, family need not be defined through blood. It is important for mental health professionals to assess the clients’ relationships within and outside the nuclear family (Schoulte, 2011).
An understanding of collectivistic frameworks and their influence on people’s problem orientation and resolve can help a clinician serving Latino individuals. Many Latino families value close and intimate communication styles in which there is greater emphasis on the group and less on the individual acting as a lone agent, where the husband is the primary and only breadwinner and gender roles are well prescribed.
Latino consciousness and solidarity should never be presumed for all subgroups. For many Latinos, identity labels that are linked to a country of origin are preferred (Fernandes, 2014).
Case Study
Oblivious
Zoe is a 23-year-old graduate student who has traveled to Guatemala with her college professor and other college students. Zoe was adopted as an infant from Guatemala. Through her travels, she is struck at the beauty of the country. She also encounters the blinding poverty that many Guatemalan people experience daily; the skin color differences are striking to her as well; she is aware that had she stayed in Guatemala, many opportunities might not have been available to her because of her dark skin color. Gender roles are well prescribed, and many women her age do not have an opportunity to get educated at the university. Zoe is angry at not knowing more about her country of origin, sad at the discrimination, and confused at how she has remained oblivious to class, gender, and skin color issues, not only in Guatemala but in the States. Zoe has always resented being mistaken for an African American. Her adopted sister, who is also from Guatemala, looks European. Zoe has always wanted her sister’s appearance over her own. Zoe never mentioned this desire to her mother, and they never spoke about race or skin color in their home. Zoe resented when people wanted to connect with her because of her race. Throughout her life, Zoe emphasized softball (she won a scholarship to college because of her talents). She also emphasized her academic strengths, religion, and being an animal lover (she has two cats and a dog at home with her mother and sister). The trip has been life changing for Zoe who enjoyed long conversations with her professor, local women, and some of the students of color with whom she has been traveling. Zoe observed the women in Guatemala see themselves within the context of their relationships. She is eager to return in order to find out more about herself, her birth mother, and her birth father.
Questions
1. Why was Zoe so unaware of her country of origin?
2. How could a therapist be effective with Zoe’s confusion, anger, and sadness?
Discussion and Integration
Zoe
According to Falbo and De Baessa (2006), Guatemala is divided between Indian (40%) and non-Indian groups. The Indian groups are considered to be descendants of the ancient Mayans, who dominated the area during the first millennium ad. Beginning in 1523 and typical of the colonizers who were determined to extinguish the indigenous peoples’ language and ethnic identities, the Indians were compelled to assimilate into the Spanish colonial system. Ladinos, a term used to describe non-Indians, refers to a mix of the descendants of the ancient Mayans and Spanish colonists—who are part of the dominant national culture. Ladinization is the process of shifting from Indian to Ladino. Although a diversity of experiences exists, Ladinos on average have higher social status than Indians (Falbo & De Baessa, 2006).
Like other Latinos, Guatemalans have a variety of phenotypes. There were African slaves in Guatemala, and many, due to their African roots, have dark skin and other Negroid features. Guatemala is home to more than 6,000 black Guatemalans. Prior to her trip, Zoe knew that Guatemala was a Central American country. She also knew that Spanish was spoken, the dominant language of the conquistadores. She did not know about the Garifina people or that Indian languages are spoken as well, namely Kiché and Q’eqchi’ (Falbo & De Baessa, 2006). Zoe knew that poverty rates were very high in Guatemala, but she was unaware of the class/caste/color differences. Q’eqchi people tend to have less formal education and lower earnings than other Indian groups (Falbo & De Baessa, 2006). Her upbringing did not emphasize her country of origin where the focus is family and community centered. Although in her family, respect for elders, hard work, and honesty were transmitted values, she cannot recall a conversation with her white mother about racism, racial pride, or racial socialization.
A skill in multicultural competence is to wait and listen for valuable information that the client may reveal, which could be a reflection of how the client is positioned by her or his culture, acculturation, and identity development. It appears that Zoe is largely defined as undifferentiated where colorblindness (e.g., not seeing color) is part of how she exists in the world. Persons with this orientation regard themselves as simply a person. Multicultural competence could be built with the learning exercise of a sociocultural identity wheel where she lists the various components of her identity (Metzger, Nadkarni, & Cornish, 2010). An instructor could point out the absence of any mention of being Guatemalan or a person of color or nonwhite, or adopted.
If Zoe ever entered therapy with a multiculturally competent mental health professional, there would be a need to listen to the range of conflicting emotions (gratitude from being adopted, sadness from not knowing her birth parents, envy of her white-skinned sister, feelings of alienation from a predominantly white culture that sees her as nonwhite, sense of safety with people of color). Confusion regarding her multiple identities as a dark-skinned and Guatemala-born American woman, as well as internalized racism and colorism, are the issues that tug at her yet are developmentally on task for this young woman.
Summary
This chapter focused on Latinos as a heterogeneous group. A demographical snapshot was provided and included information about representation in the population by ethnic group, the most populated states where Latinos reside, and educational attainment. Immigration was discussed, as were push and pull factors contributing to immigration. A case study was included, and cultural elements were discussed. An adopted Latina child and the confusion of learning about the meaning of race, color, and gender differences were addressed through the case study, including ways in which multicultural competence could be assessed and improved.