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GENDER IN HISTORY

Global Perspectives Second Edition

MERRY E. WIESNER-HANKS

~WILEY-BLACKWELL A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication·

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Wiesner, Merry E., 1952- Gender in history : global perspectives/ Merry Wiesner-Hanks. - 2nd ed.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4051-8995-8 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Sex role-History. 2. Social history. I. Title. HQ1075.W526 2011 305.309-dc22

2010003198

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CHAPTER Six

Political Life

The first histories written anywhere in the world were political, describing the actions of rulers and other leaders, and the relations - often violent - among various political entities. Rulers supported writers who recorded their deeds, and the court chronicles they produced are sometimes the only historical record available for a particular culture. Defining history prima- dly in terms of political events did not end with the ancient world, of course, but continues to today. If you look at almost any history textbook, you will find the story punctuated and periodized by politics: Chinese and Egyptian history is divided according to dynasties; Roman history divided into Republic and Empire; French, American, and Russian history revolve around u revolution; African and South American history are divided into precolo- nial, colonial, and postcolonial eras. These long-range political develop-

; ments are often further subdivided by civil or external wars and the rise and fall of various factions or political parties.

The story of politics and war has generally been told as one involving men only. In some ways this is understandable, for until the nineteenth (and .ju many areas until the twentieth) century, other than a few rulers and even fewer unusual cases, women did not have a formal political role. They did not hold office, sit in representative institutions, serve as judges, or in any

; other way participate in formal political institutions. Their absence from · J)Qlitical life was matched by an absence from most works of political the- tfoy. Authors discussing political rights and obligations rarely mentioned

.. · women at all, setting up the male experience as universal and subsuming women's rights under those of the male heads of their household .. or- family. Jf,they did mention women, it was to exclude them;,Aristotle's treatise Rolitics famously begins with the line "man is a poHticaLanimal" and his

.)~rief consideration of women (along with slaves and childr:en) asa group to i'be ruled rather thaf! rule makes it clear he was not including women in this }bse of "man."

138 Political Life

This assumption that politics only involves men has recently changed somewhat because of three historiographical trends. The first was a search for women who have exercised power in male-dominated institutions, for women warriors, great queens, mighty empresses, and other "women wor- thies." This search has uncovered a surprising number of such extraordi- nary individuals, and also found examples of political systems in which women's power was built into the system.

The second was a broadening of the notion of "politics" to include groups and organizations other than formal institutions of government through which people expressed their opinions and shaped the world around them. Voluntary societies, clubs and associations, interest groups, religious organ- izations, self-help groups, and charitable foundations are now recognized as important actors in the political story, effecting political change on their own or through their influence on institutions of government. These organ- izations were also often themselves established and run in ways that are familiar to scholars of politics, with elections, presidents, committees, and so on. Both women and men were active in such groups, with women's par- ticipation or leadership a significant factor in their success long before women gained formal political rights.

The third, and most radical change, has been the recognition that any- thing in a society having to do with power relationships, not simply formal politics or organized groups, is political. Not only are the relationships between king and subject, monarch and parliament now viewed as political, but also those between master and servant, landlord and tenant, father and son, husband and wife. When this power is formally recognized and legiti- mated, it becomes authority, but even if it is not, it is still power. This newer scholarship has pointed out that considerations of power are always rela- tional, that is, they involve power over someone or something, along with power to carry out a certain action; thus to be complete; any study of power must pay attention to both the dominant and subordinate individual or group, the hegemonic and the subaltern.

Within this broader notion of politics as power, women have figured on both the dominant and subordinate side. Women had formal authority much less often than men, but they clearly had power: Through the arrange- ment of marriages, they established ties between influential families; through letters or the spreading of rumors, they shaped networks of opinion; through patronage, they helped or hindered men's political careers; through giving advice and founding institutions, they shaped policy; through participation in riots and disturbances, they demonstrated the weakness of male authority structures. Women's power has also been an important metaphor, usually viewed negatively as a sign of chaos and weakness, but sometimes positively as a symbol of ':individuals going beyond their normal abilities for the good of the state. Women's actual political subordination is, of course, easy to

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Political Life I 3 9

• nd the newer political history has begun to explore its metaphorical ions. As we discussed in chapter 1, even relationships that do not women often describe the dominant individual or group in mascu-

s and the subordinate ones as feminized. Nations themselves are ender characteristics, described as motherlands or fatherlands or

,bodies in need of protection, and invasions or imperial conquests ed as rapes. broader concept of the "political" means that all the chapters in this

have a clear political dimension, because all of them involve relations er. As we have seen, families and organized religions were (and are)

chical structures of power, and for much of the world's history were tely connected with, or were themselves, the formal institutions of ment. As we saw in chapter 4, legitimate authority was often linked y or metaphorically with fatherhood, and was thus clearly gendered.

ilarly, work, education, and law all involved hierarchical power rela- ships, and in all of these realms gender was used as a way of represent- ositive and negative qualities. Consideration of the political dimensions

all of these areas would take another whole book, however, so this chap- will retreat somewhat from the broadest conceptualization of politics,

d focus on local, territorial, and national structures of authority, and on oups organized to influence and shape those structures.

Kin Groups, Tribes, and Villages (from I 0,000 BCE)

e earliest power structures in human society were kin groups, in which isions were made at the local level. Within these kin groups, individuals

. ad a variety of identities - they were simultaneously fathers, sons, hus- bands and brothers, or mothers, daughters, wives and sisters. Each of these identities was relational (parent to child, sibling to sibling, spouse to spouse) • and some of them, especially parent to child, gave one power over others . . rhe interweaving of these relationships and their meaning varied from cul- . ture to culture, but one's status in one relationship affected one's status in the others, and often changed throughout one's life. A woman's situation as daughter or sister in a specific kin group, for example, shaped her relation- ship with her husband; her becoming a mother often further altered her status vis-a-vis her husband or other kin group members. A man's relation- ship with his father and his status in the kin group often changed when he married, and in some areas changed again if he became the father of a son. In many areas, kin groups remained very significant power structures for millennia, and in some areas they still have control over major aspects of life, such as one's choice of a spouse or share of .inheritance.

140 Political Life

As we discussed in chapter 2, patterns of inheritance, residence, and membership in families and kin groups varied widely around the world, determining whom one reckone,d as kin and which specific individuals one had power over or owed obedience to. Kin groups themselves were concep- tualized in many areas as parts of tribes or bands or peoples, and this larger unit also had power over its members - it might determine which kin group had claim to which area of land, or whether there would be war with another band. In some areas, membership in a group came to revolve around lan- guage and other cultural traditions, what we conceptualize as "ethnicity," and to be enforced by endogamy, that is, by requiring that people marry within the group. Allegiance to an ethnic group continues to be extremely strong in many parts of the world today, of course, and is the source of some of the world's bitterest conflicts, such as those in the former Yugoslavia. (In many formerly colonial areas, divisions and hostilities between ethnic groups were enhanced by European colonial powers, and are not something that has existed for centuries.) Such ethnic allegiances also fed into the construction of national identities in the modern world, with national loyalties described in kin-group terms, as having "French blood" or "German blood."

In areas with agriculture, members of one kin group often settled with members of other groups in villages, which also developed structures of power to make decisions over issues of concern to the village such as which crops would be planted or how disputes among villagers would be settled. These structures varied from autocratic, in which the leader of the most prominent family in the village made all decisions, to democratic, in which decisions were made by vote, to consensual, in which decisions were reached after a long discussion.

Kin, tribal, and village structures of power were almost always gender and age related, and in most parts of the world, adult men had the most power. The leader of a village was often termed the "big man" or some variant of this, and village or tribal councils or voting bodies were made up of adult male heads of household or heads of families. There are some cul- tures where this was not the case. Among some Native American groups, kin groups were organized matrilineally and residence was matrilocal, so that one's mother's kin were more important than one's father's kin and related women often lived together. Some groups had a tribal council of adult women along with that of adult men, which had power over certain aspects of life, such as marital partners or the fate of prisoners captured from another tribe during warfare. Among the Cherokee, for example, the senior women in the clans were designated Beloved Women or War Women, and had a significant voice in decisions to end warfare. Some African peo- ples, such as the Igbo of Nigeria, also had separate women's councils that organized aspects' of life in which women predominated, such as agricul- tural production and local trading networks.

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Political Life 141

'.he more egalitarian or complementary decision-making structures found me cultures at the local level have led at times to romanticization, either Hage life- in general - as a place where the type of power wielded by en mattered - or of those cultures in which women had a formal role

. ecision-making. This is akin (and sometimes linked) to the search for itive matriarchy noted in chapter l, and often.involves a rejection of

· emporary Western capitalist society and a search for a utopia elsewhere. se who know village life well in the past and present" warn against such anticization, however, noting that even villages and groups that seem isolated are usually enmeshed in larger political, economic, and ideo-

ical systems, which tend to privilege male power domains and limit .omen's ability to exert real power in local and family matters. Even in .ose cultures most often praised for political egalitarianism, such as the 0quois of northeastern North America, women's decisions often had to be

atified by a group of men or were subject to male review. ;Discussions about the history of local gender power relations are often meshed in debates about the influence of European colonialism and the

, urces of contemporary gender inequality, and can be very heated, with all sides creating stereotypes and inventing utopian (or dystopian) pasts. Many "aspects of these debates will probably never be resolved, because they revolve around issues of informal power that by their very nature did not leave a written record. Oral traditions can be of some assistance, but these change over time and are themselves, of course, only the part of the story that pea-

: ple chose to remember. Uncertainties about these issues may be one reason • that political historians have generally focused on larger-scale political

· structures, viewing village life as the province for social historians, anthro- pologists, and folklorists.

Hereditary Aristocracies (from 3000 BCE)

In much of the world, kin, tribal and village structures of power remained · the primary political forces until the nineteenth or twentieth centuries, which has meant these areas have remained outside the purview of most traditional political history. This history has instead explored the larger- scale states that developed first in the ancient.Middle East and North Africa, and then in India, China, the Mediterranean, Central and South America, and ultimately other parts of the world as well. All of these states developed hierarchies based on hereditary aristocracies. These aristocracies were kin groups themselves, of course, but they claimed authority over other kin groups based on ties with a divine or heroic figure, military prowess, eco- nomic dominance, or other distinguishing qualities. (In many areas, heredi- tary aristocracies predated the development of written records, so that

142 Political Life

exactly how their authority was first established is not clear; by the time we learn about them, they are already in power.) This authority gave them spe- cial rights, privileges, and powers that were handed down from generation to generation, most prominently access to the labor of others. States based on hereditary aristocracies developed at widely different times in different parts of the world, from before the third millennium BCE to the eighteenth century CE. Some are still around today, of course, though the power of their hereditary rulers has often been limited by democratic or constitutional institutions of government.

The growth of hereditary aristocracies and larger-scale state governments affected relations between power and gender in ambiguous and sometimes contradictory ways. In many cases it led to restrictions on women and greater gender differentiation. Because the right to rule was handed down through inheritance, it was extremely important to male elites that the children their wives bore were theirs. Elite women in many state societies were thus increas- ingly secluded, and strict laws were passed regarding adultery (defined as sex between a man and a married woman not his own wife), which in some cases affected nonelite women as well. Women's own kin connections often became less important than those of their husbands, which made their status more derivative and dependent than it had been in kin groups. These processes varied in their intensity, particularly in the :rigidity of their control over female sexuality and their impact on ordinary women. Because they were dependent on the labor of others for their own power, however, hereditary aristocracies throughout the world intervened in the abilities of all kin groups, not simply their own, to make decisions regarding both production and reproduction. Thus both work and childbearing became matters of state and not simply family concern, and village authorities or government offi- cials - almost always male - intervened in issues in which women had previ- ously often had a voice as members of a kin group.

The development of hereditary aristocracies did not uniformly limit wom- en's power and status, however, but increased those of a small group of women and occasionally gave them legitimately sanctioned authority. Among the aristocracy itself, men were generally regarded as having more rights and power by virtue of their gender, but women were not completely excluded, and they could and did rule from time to time, from ancient Egypt to contemporary Britain. In fact, membership in an elite family has contin- ued to give women the opportunity for power in states that are officially democratic; Indira Gandhi in India and Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan, for example, followed in the footsteps of their fathers Jawaharlal Nehru and Zulfikar Bhutto and were elected as prime minister. (Indira's son Rajiv con- tinued the family tradition after his mother was assassinated; after his own assassination, his wife, Sonya, who is actually Italian, and his daughter Priyanka, became significant political forces in India. Priyanka is described

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Political Life 14 3

, 't supporters as an avatar, or reincarnation and embodiment, of her mother Indira.) world's earliest recorded histories all mention a few powerful women

g their long lists of male rulers, generals, and leaders. In Egypt, king- 'nked with divinity, and the ruler - who was eventually called the

·· oh - was regarded as divine. This divine force was found in all mem- o£ the pharaoh's family, and rulers or rulers-to-be occasionally married sisters or other close relatives in order to increase the amount of divin- the royal household. Whether or not they were sisters of the pharaoh, Egyptian queens, such as Nefertiti in the first half of the fourteenth

ry BCE, wielded real power, particularly over religious institutions. ere were several female pharaohs in Egypt's long history, such as Nitokerty, bekneferu, and Hatshepsut, although they were regarded as exceptions to , rule; Hatshepsut, for example, is always shown wearing the ceremonial rd which was a symbol of office for Egyptian rulers. In Mesopotamia,

·gon of Akkad's daughter Enheduanna was appointed by her father to an 1portant position in the temple hierarchy, and there were a few other omen from prominent families who were temple administrators, though ,cir numbers were always very small compared to the number of men wolved in positions of government. Several women, including empresses amiko and Jingu, are mentioned among the early rulers of Japan, gaining wer both through their family connections and their role as shamans or iko capable of hearing and transmitting the advice of the gods; accounts f their lives mix myth and history, but they became important parts of · panese national traditions. In Mesoamerica, Lady Ahpo-Katun, Lady

j\.hpo-Hel, and the Lady of Dos Pilas all ruled Maya city-states on their ,own, and the wives of rulers participated along with their husbands in the blood-letting rituals that were a key symbol of royal power. Maya rulers played both male and female roles in public ceremonies, wearing blended '.costumes that suggested a range of gender possibilities.

Given the life expectancies in most premodern cultures, kings and emper- , ors frequently began their reigns as children, with their mothers appointed ;1s regents; particularly if these women came from powerful families or had family members controlling the army, religious institutions, or other impor-

, rant groups, they might hold actual power for many decades. The most famous of these from classical China was the Empress Dowager Lii, the wife of the first emperor of the Han dynasty and the mother of the second emperor. Her reign was apparently stable and popular, though later Confucian historians who wanted to legitimate their own ideas reported that she killed all her rivals and built up her own family's power through strategic appointments and marriages. The "Evil Empress Lii" became a prime example about what would happen when a woman ruled, and the positive aspects of her reign were forgotten. Even in periods in which there

144 Poli.tical Life

was not a mother serving as regent (termed an "empress dowager" in China), the women surrounding kings or emperors often served as a counterbalance to the power of the all-male official bureaucracy. Those male bureaucrats included historians and official record-keepers, so that such women are gen- erally portrayed in court chronicles and other official histories as scheming and evil, with the stereotype of the weak ruler one who let himself be advised by women. By the later Ming period in China, high officials encouraged emperors to choose their spouses from among lower-ranking families so that they would not be as powerful, though this solution was not common elsewhere.

In western Africa, the role of queen mother was institutionalized among some of the city-states of the Hausa people. She was titled the magajiya, and could, with the permission of a senior council of male officeholders, depose the male ruler (sarki); she also acted as an intercessor with him in legal cases. The most famous magajiya was Queen Aminatu of Zazzau (later renamed Zaria after Aminatu's youngest daughter), who ruled from about 1536 to 1573 without a male cornier and expanded Zazzau's political boundaries and trading networks. Though her title meant queen mother, the magajiya was not necessarily the mother of the ruling sarki, but was actually chosen by the senior woman of the royal lineage, the iya, who acted in con- sultation with other female members of the royal family to pick the most capable woman; Aminatu, for example, was actually the daughter of the male ruler and was chosen as magajiya when she was 16. The iya was her- self in charge of religious life in Zazzau before the introduction of Islam, a traditional religion termed bori centered on spirit possession through which the royal family was thought to safeguard the health of the state.

In the Ottoman Empire, the mother of the sultan was also often an impor- tant figure, even though she was physically secluded in the palace complex. Hadice Turhan Sultan, for example, the mother of Sultan Mehmet IV (ruled 1648-87), commissioned both a mosque in the center of Istanbul and two fortresses at the entrance to the Dardanelles to help the Ottoman Empire ward off Venetian naval attacks. Turhan Sultan was thus key in building up both the actual power of the Ottoman Empire and the public representation of that power. Similarly at the Mughal court in South Asia, queen mothers and other relatives of the male ruler played important roles in political affairs, sometimes including public appearances.

Along with their positions as queen mothers, women occasionally ruled territories on their own, contributing to the development of intellectual and cultural institutions, religious systems, and political structures. In Japan, the early empresses were joined by a number of women who ruled during the Asuka and Nara periods (552-784 CE), all of them relatives of the previous emperor chosen as compromise candidates when warring factions were una- ble to agree on a successor; they often stepped down when a male candidate

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Polit,ical Life I 4 5

' finally chosen, but in two cases were recalled to rule when the male r proved incapable. The Muslim court of Aceh in northern Sumatra was rued by queens for nearly 60 years, from 1641 to 1699. The first of

e, Taj al-Alam, used the feminized title of sultanah, and maintained a t astounding to Europeans for its pomp and magnificence. Similarly, in ugis kingdoms of south Sulawesi (now the Celebes), women who car-

d the "white blood" of royalty could become ruling queens with legiti- ated authority. The best-known female Muslim rulers are probably the gums of Bhopal, who ruled over this second-largest Muslim state in India the nineteenth century. The Begums offer one of the few examples where

, de was handed down from mother to daughter over several generations. In Europe, the states that slowly developed after the disintegration of the

l,oman Empire began to favor primogeniture, the automatic handing down fa territory to the eldest son; this avoided the worst of battles over succes- , on, but also meant that the king could be totally incompetent. In some ates, daughters could inherit if there were no sons, but in many they could

IOt, a prohibition that was most extreme in France, where political theorists in the late Middle Ages invented a tradition termed the Salic Law. They daimed that earlier rulers had outlawed not only inheritance by a woman, :hut any inheritance through the female line, thus removing any sons of a princess from the succession. Other than in France, however, women ruled states and territories from time to time in Europe, and political theorists felt it necessary to consider the issue of female rulership, particularly at points where dynastic accidents left many women in charge.

One of these times was the sixteenth century, which saw Queen Isabella in Castile, Mary and Elizabeth Tudor in England, and Mary Stuart in Scotland as queens regnant, and Catherine de Medici and Anne of Austria in France as powerful queen mothers. The debate about female rulership

. was actually one about what we would term the social construction of gen- der, as writers vigorously and at times viciously debated whether a woman's being born into a royal family and educated to rule could (and should) allow

. her to overcome the limitations of her sex and become a successful ruler. Which was, they wondered, and which should be, the stronger determinant of character and social role, gender or rank?

The most extreme opponents of female rule were Protestants who opposed the Catholic rulers Mary Tudor and Mary Stuart and argued that female rule was unnatural, unlawful, and contrary to Christian Scripture. The Scottish reformer John Knox called rule by women "monstrous," echoing Aristotle's notion that the female sex in general is monstrous, and asserted that the sub- jects of female rulers needed no other justification for rebelling than their monarch's sex. Jean Bodin, a French jurist and political theorist, also based his opposition on Scripture and natural law, but added a family-based argument: the state was like a household, and just as in a household the

146 Political Life

husband/father has authority and power over all others, so in the state a male monarch should always rule. The English theorist Robert Filmer carried this even further, asserting that rulers derived all legal authority from the divinely sanctioned fatherly power of Adam, just as did all fathers. Male monarchs in this period used husbandly and paternal imagery to justify their assertion of power over their subjects, as in the statements to Parliament of the English and Scottish king James I: "I am the Husband, and the whole Isle is my law- full Wife ... By the law of nature the king becomes a natural father to all his lieges at his coronation ... A King is trewly Parens patriae, the politique father of his people." Criticism of monarchs was also couched in paternal language; pamphlets directed against the Crown during the revolt known as the Fronde in seventeenth-century France, for example, justified their opposi- tion by asserting that the king was not properly fulfilling his fatherly duties.

Those who supported rule by women generally avoided such paternal imagery, and also disputed Scriptural and natural law arguments against female rulership. They argued that Scriptural prohibitions of women teach- ing or speaking were only relevant for the particular groups to which they were addressed, and that a woman's sex did not automatically exclude her from rule just as a boy king's age or a handicapped king's infirmity did not exclude him. The English writer John Aylmer asserted that even a married queen could rule legitimately, for she could be subject to her husband in her private life, yet monarch to him and all other men in her public - a concept of a split identity that Aylmer and other political theorists described as the ruler's "two bodies" and what we might describe as a distinction between the queenship and the queen. A queen might be thus clearly female in her body and sexuality, but still exhibit the masculine qualities regarded as nec- essary in a ruler because of traits she had inherited or learned. In these argu- ments, the defenders of female rule were thus clearly separating sex from gender, and even approaching an idea ·of androgyny as a desirable state for the public persona of female monarchs.

It is perhaps not very surprising that the most ardent defenders of female rule were writing during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I (1533-1603), a monarch who astutely used both feminine and masculine gender stereotypes to her own advantage. She is one of the few female rulers who has left us at least a few comments about her own situation. Like her Hausa contempo- rary Aminatu, Elizabeth was an extremely effective ruler; she built up the national treasury, supported the navy and commerce, and encouraged the establishment of colonies and the disruption of Spanish trade with the New World. Most historians view her reign as one in which England first became a major world power, creating the basis for the later establishment of the British Empire. Though she had many suitors, Elizabeth never married, rec- ognizing that if she did she would put herself in a very awkward position in a society that, despite Aylmer's arguments to the contrary, regarded

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r.hrtndly and fatherly authority in the household as a model for good . ,ernment in the larger political realm. Elizabeth used her unusual status • !I virgin queen (immortalized in "Virginia," the name given originally by

11,nglish to all of North America not held by the Spanish or French) and ii person who combined masculine and feminine qualities skillfully in h her actions and words, noting: "I know I have the body but of a weak I feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king - and of a m of England too." !'hough Elizabeth clearly recognized that her situation would have been

different had she been born a boy, she did nothing to change gender etures in England or to lessen the legal disabilities facing women. She rly viewed her status as king as overriding her status as a woman, noting

I "we Princes ... [are] set on stages in the sight and view of all of world." · his she followed the pattern of most queens throughout the world, who ved their status as monarchs as overriding their status as women, and : not advocates of greater gender egalitarianism.

Warfare

rcditary rulers, male and female, used war as a means of expanding and 1:nding their territories, as have the various forms of government that ti succeeded them; war has thus been a central part of political history :e it was first written. From these earliest recorded histories, war has n profoundly gendered. Rape has long been a weapon of war and in ne cases linked with nationalist and ethnic loyalties; when Pakistan occu- d Bangladesh in 1971, for example, troops raped Bengali women to 1111rove the genes of the Bengali people," and during the 1990s Serbian tliers raped Muslim women in Bosnia under a policy of "ethnic cleans- '" shouting "death to all Turkish sperm." Conquests sometimes ended

l'h the symbolic or actual rape of the defeated soldiers as well as women 1t1 were on the losing side. · attle was often perceived as the ultimate test of both individual and col- ive manhood, and justified as defending those who could not defend mselves, especially children and women. Victors were portrayed as mas- Ille and virile, and losers as unmanly or feminized. A tenth-century tnese emperor, describing the troops of another dynasty, noted: "As to Song, they are not really our match! They are weak and not martial, just

r women." An English commentator attributed England's defeat in the ncrican War of Independence to the "loss of our ancient manners [and rl effeminacy," and an Irish commentator writing in the early twentieth itury noted, "Bloodshed is a cleansing and sanctifying rite and the nation 1ich regards it as a final horror has lost its manhood."

148 Political Life

Stories about women engaged in combat generally serve to highlight the serious nature of certain battles - the situation was so desperate that even women had to fight! - and to symbolize bravery beyond normal expecta- tions. Many cultures have stories of androgynous warriors, who disguised themselves as men to join - or lead - armies and save their state or commu- nity. Some of these, such as Hua Mulan of third-century CE China, immor- talized in the Disney cartoon feature, have become mythologized to a point where it is difficult to separate fact from fiction; she does appear in a number of early Chinese sources, however, serving in the imperial army with distinc- tion for over a decade and thus appears to have been a real person. By con- trast, Molly Pitcher, who supposedly took over an artillery position after her husband was killed in the battle of Monmouth during the American Revolution (and who has postage stamps, posters, and a stop on the New Jersey Turnpike named in her honor), was actually a creation of the centen- nial celebration of the American Revolution in 1876, though real women did help load and fire weapons in that war, and a few dressed as men to fight on a more regular basis.

Symbols such as Mulan and Molly Pitcher aside, the vast majority of those who have fought in organized warfare throughout history have been men (and boys), and professional military training has, until very recently, been closed to women. Contemporary historians have discovered that many more women have been involved in organized combat than wartime propa- ganda or traditional military history would lead one to expect, however, particularly in rearguard and guerrilla actions. In medieval Europe, women defended their castles and villages when their husbands were away, and in medieval Japan, wives of samurai were trained to fight with long curved swords and expected to defend their estates in their husband's absence. In eighteenth and nineteenth century Dahomey in West Africa, women were the core of the kingdom's standing army, fighting against the French when they colonized the area in the 1890s. During the twentieth century women fought in both Indochina and Algeria to end French colonialism and in a number of other national revolutions and civil wars. In Zimbabwe, for example, women underwent military training and fought side by side with men in the war for independence that ended in 1980; they held positions of authority in the military command structure and may have made up as many as one-quarter of the fighters of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army.

Women have also been important in providing supplies, for until the development of modern armies with their own supply services and support personnel, armies generally lived off the land, with many more people engaged in finding and preparing food and maintaining clothing and equip- ment than in actual combat. Thousands of women, later termed "camp fol- lowers," accompanied the armies of mercenary troops that fought and

maraudt armies d selves, b lages, ta find as v camps If tasks th~ of gende

The st one-timt ficial rel. tion of rr however diers. c~ military prov1s101 began tc personm courage, general I hearted i

Thep1 on marri soldiers the sex t brothels for offio forcibly serve as II turned bing the: ized mil womenc

Links literatun beginnin cians, an when "t "wish fc propaga1 invaded manner, ing in ne

~ to highlight d :perate that cv normal expect :, who disguis :tate or com111 China, immo

~ized to a poi1 ear inanumh 1y with disti11. 1erson. By .:rn sition after h the Amerirn p on the N<' of the centc1 1 real wornr• s men to figh

:time propt it, howev(• ipe, womc way, and i

?men wcrti ~nch wht'I! rywo111c11 ~ and in 11 ~bwe, for \side with ~itions of ~e up M )'-Jationt1 I i I

~ntil th1:1 \supporr \ peoplti f equip, P1P fol, ~t and \ \

,,;,, ~\

i~\

Political Life 149

:r?,µded across Europe between 1450 and 1650, for example. These · s depended on pillage, a task sometimes undertaken by soldiers them-

' but more often by women (and children), who raided farms and vil- ·, taking what they needed, and often taking anything else they could as well, pawning or selling it. Plunder was violent, and life in military s involved hard physical labor for everyone, so that women performed ,that were normally understood as masculine and armies became sites

gender transgression as well as hypermasculinity. The services provided by camp women included sex - which varied from

time arrangements for money or clothing, to more permanent but unof- 1 relations, to marriage - and the possibility of easy sex was one attrac-

tl of military service for young men. Other services were just as important, ever, and sometimes camp women even included the mothers of sol0

crs. Camp women occasionally had official positions as laundresses, and Hitary leaders from the Crusades through the American Civil War made iovisions for their support. During the late nineteenth century many armies \gan to delegate provisioning, cooking, and cleaning to uniformed male rsonnel and to prohibit women from accompanying armies. They dis- uraged soldiers who were not officers from marrying, for as one British

~neral put it (in a letter to his wife), a married soldier "is no longer whole- carted in his pursuit of glory." · The professional armies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries frowned Jl marriage, but continued to make nonmarital sexual services available to )ldiers through a variety of means. French and German armies regulated c sex trade in areas held by their troops, and during World War I mobile

rothels drawn by horses accompanied the troops, often divided into those 1or officers and those for enlisted men. During World War II, the Japanese forcibly conscripted 200,000 to 400,000 women, mainly from Korea, to 11crve as "comfort women" for their troops. US offic.ials during World War 11 turned a blind eye to women who provided sexual service to soldiers, dub- .bing them "patriotutes," and during the Vietnam War established author- iied military brothels within the perimeter of the base camps, with the women checked regularly by army doctors for venereal disease.

Links between heterosexual prowess, warfare, and manhood in official literature and popular culture were very strong in the twentieth century,

;beginning with the period leading up to World War I. British authors, politi- cians, and journalists saw the outbreak of war in 1914 as a great moment,

.when "the flashing of the unsheathed sword" could lift men from their "wish for indulgence and wretched sensitiveness." Much of the official propaganda early in the war focused on the plight of "brave little Belgium"

· invaded by the Germans, with Belgium portrayed in a highly feminized manner and depictions of German atrocities against Belgian women appear-

·. ing in newspapers and on recruiting posters.

(-'

l I i

I I "'

150 Political Life

The arms race of the Cold War was another period when manhood and warfare were explicitly connec;ted through heavily gendered language and images. A number of commentators have noted that this linkage - which the Australian physician and antinuclear activist Helen Caldicott wryly dubbed "missile envy" to parallel Freudian "penis envy" - was particularly strident because it no longer had any validity; nuclear missiles can be fired as easily by women as by men, and the doctrine of mutually assured destruction adopted by both sides turned the expected relations between combatants and noncombatants on its head. The women and children· on both sides - who would be wiped out in a nuclear strike - made such action unthinkable, and so protected the men who were soldiers, rather than the other way around. In the last several decades warfare has been masculinized by stress- ing its technological nature, a circular process that also makes computer technology appear more male as it is linked to combat. In South Korea, for example, men were mobilized to oppose the Communist North through both military service and highly skilled work in the industrial economy, while women were expected to take lower-level factory jobs or concentrate on reproducing the fighting and labor force. Computer and online games of combat have played a significant role in this linking of warfare, masculinity, and technology. The US Army now offers its own series of online games, "America's Army," designed in part as recruiting tools; these have been hugely popular, but have also provoked criticism as "militainment" by those concerned with the growing militarization of popular culture.

In the twentieth century military valor was connected to heterosexuality; the United States military disqualified homosexuals from serving for the first time in World War II, and is currently embroiled in long debates about how best to handle "gays in the military." These debates would no doubt have surprised military leaders from earlier times, for the first epics from many parts of the world portray male comradeship, often tested in battle, as the highest form of human connection, and see any attachment to women as weakening. This idea continued in Western culture at least until the eight• eenth century, for Shakespeare's history plays viewed extensive concern with heterosexual conquests - what today might be labeled being "macho" - as evidence of effeminacy, and Alexander Hamilton explained his departure for the army of the American Revolution to his new bride as an avoidance of "an unmanly surrender" to his love for her. ·

Not only were those with strong same-sex relations often regarded and portrayed as better soldiers, but so were those with no sexual relations at all, or at least no sexual relations that led to offspring. In several of the world's largest empires, including China and the Ottoman Empire, military leaders were often eunuchs, castrated at the order of their parents at an early age to increase their opportunities for advance in the imperial bureaucracy, Eunuchs did not simply serve as guards for royal women, but could be found

in many offici not have des, hereditary ari Their sexual ~ their power, a women warri, individual's sc political powe

War often c down traditio1 ating emergem by men. This b "contribution sons British po the war, and t many counttiei production of, latter case, war or opportunitie United States, allowed marrie, pattern througl situation callin~ followed a time

Villages, tribes, . tures encounterc but in a few case these have been regarded as citiz, most familiar to ment of nation-: was based on ea cities and village dence, wealth, a1

The earliest ex nnd fourth centu mwernment rule \vhich adult free . lived for several

,hen manhood and ered language and inkage - which the cott wryly dubbed i.rticularly strident 1 be fired as easily sured destruction ween combatants n on both side~ - :tion unthinkable, m the other way

\ 1linized by stress .. makes compute!' South Korea, for t North through

: 11strial economy, is or concentrate online games of

are, masculinity, >f online games, hese have been iment" by thos11 ;e. 1eterosexuali ty I serving for tlw ~ debates about 'ould no doubt, 'irst epics front :ed in battle, Uij 1t to women n8 mtil the eight• e concern wit'!\ ."macho" - 11r his departur an avoidan

regarded an ·· LI relations :everal of pire, milita

Political Life 1 5 I

in many official and military positions, favored precisely because they could not have descendants and so were regarded as more loyal to the ruling hereditary aristocracy than men who thought about their own families. Their sexual status - added to their own abilities - was thus the reason for their power, and they can be seen as in some ways parallel to cross-dressing women warriors or queens who did not marry; in all of these cases, the individual's somewhat ambivalent gender position contributed to his or her political power.

War often creates dramatic alterations in gender structures, for it breaks down traditional norms of conduct, turning women into booty but also cre- ating emergency situations in which women carry out tasks normally done by men. This has been well documented in twentieth-century wars; women's "contribution on the home front" during World War I was one of the rea- sons British politicians claimed women were finally given the vote right after the war, and their even greater contributions in terms of factory work in many countries during World War II allowed for astounding increases in the production of weapons and military supplies crucial to the war effort. In the latter case, war was not followed by an expansion of women's political rights or opportunities, but, as we saw in chapter 3, by an end, particularly in the United States, to wartime measures such as child-care centers that had allowed married women to work. This situation followed the more common pattern throughout history, in which war was viewed as an extraordinary

' situation calling for great sacrifices and bravery from all, with the peace that followed a time for a return to previous gender roles.

Citizenship (500 BCE-1800 CE)

Villages, tribes, and hereditary aristocracies were the primary political struc- :tures encountered by most people throughout most of the world's history, · but in a few cases in earlier times, and in many more in the last few centuries, these have been joined by forms of government in which individuals are regarded as citizens rather than members or subjects. The form of citizenship most familiar to us is national citizenship, which accompanied the develop- :ment of nation-states in the early modern period. This type of citizenship was based on earlier smaller-scale forms, in which some of the residents of ~ities and villages began to form institutions of government based on resi- dence, wealth, and personal status, rather than on tribal membership. > The earliest example of this in Europe is the city of Athens during the fifth nd fourth centuries BCE, when various leaders transformed Athens from a overnment ruled by a few individuals into a limited democracy, one in

which adult free males who held a certain amount of property and who had Jived for several generations in the city made political decisions by voting

I 5 2 Political Life

directly. The easiest way to become a citizen was to be the son of one, with the handing on of citizenship from father to son symbolized by a ceremony held on the tenth day after a boy was born. A citizen father laid his son on the floor of the house and gave him a name; this ceremony, rather than his actual physical birth, marked a boy's legal birth, and was not carried out for girls. Women were not citizens in Athens and played no political role, other than in the comedies of the playwright Aristophanes, in which he portrays women with power as examples of democracy run amok, or the utopian writings of Plato, in which he proposes that the best form of government might be one in which talented men and women who lived independently from their families made all decisions. In both Athenian reality and Plato's Republic, having a political voice was linked with financial and legal inde- pendence; slaves and people who worked for a living were certainly not free enough, nor were women who were married or could marry, for marriage placed them in a dependent relationship.

The notion of citizenship - membership in an abstract body of individuals - continued in the Mediterranean after hereditary monarchies again came to power, though in both the Hellenistic monarchies and the Roman Empire, citizenship primarily gave one legal privileges rather than a political voice. Women as well as men were officially described as citizens in legal cases, and in the Roman Empire even the children of former slaves could eventu- ally become citizens. This more legal and economic form of citizenship emerged again in European towns and cities that developed in the Middle Ages. Being the citizen of a town gave one preferential legal treatment and certain privileges: one paid lower taxes than noncitizens, could live in the city and buy property there without seeking anyone's permission, and could claim certain services if one fell ill or became incapacitated, such as staying in a city hospital or receiving public support. (In short, urban citizenship brought many of the same benefits we associate with national citizenship today, particularly the ability to live and work undisturbed in a particular location.) Citizenship also brought obligations, such as the duty to pay taxes and to defend the city if it was attacked. As in the Roman Empire, both women and men were citizens, obligated, if they were heads of household, to swear oaths of loyalty and provide soldiers and arms for the city's defense. Some towns and villages had an annual oath-swearing, in which women did not participate, but the other obligations of citizenship were the same.

This rather offhand acceptance of women as citizens began to change in the sixteenth century. Towns often became worried about the number of citizens who might claim public support, and increased fees for new citizens. (Worries about people moving in and becoming a burden on welfare rolls are not sim- ply a modern phenomenon.) Greek philosophy and Roman law became more widely known and accepted, and both emphasized the mental weakness of women as a reason to exclude them from politics and limit their legal privileges.

The middle-class mt governments increas as hereditary monan son around, but as d ity was to be derivati male household heac swearing as a symb secondary and "pass

Concepts of natic eighteenth centuries tioned Parliament it monarchy was overt of this Commonwe, Civil War never sug subjects should be . wives. The former , "natural," as thew< clear: "The wife is i man, and servants a erwise in the State is for . . . the good upon all for the pon

Eighteenth-centur to women's inferior for denying women J a pure democracy, women, who, to pi should not mix pron to "partake in civil , formal debate for th, was little serious dis the American Revol was based solely 01 owners were allowe they were not an intc accidental. By the ni ing rights in election with children, crimi1 ·political role accorc 'responsible for urgi1 ,public service from 1

Most of the thin ,]here were a few t

: the son of one, with olized by a ceremony father laid his son on nony, rather than his as not carried out for o political role, other in which he portrays mok, or the utopian form of government lived independently

m reality and Plato's ncial and legal inde- ere certainly not free ,marry, for marriage

oody of individuals - · ·chies again came to

the Roman Empire, an a political voice. izens in legal cases, ;laves could eventu• form of citizenship oped in the Middle legal treatment and 1s, could live in the rmission, and could ted, such as staying . :, urban citizenship 1ational citizenship ·bed in a particulav 1e duty to pay taxelt 1man Empire, bo eads of househol ,r the city's defens t which women di vere the same. ;an to change in t number of citize ,v citizens. (Worr ·e rolls are not s · 1 law became m 1ental weakness 1eir legal privileg

Political Life

The middle-class men such as merchants or artisans who actually ran cicy governments increasingly regarded women having independent power not ... as hereditary monarchs did - as a necessary expedient because there wasn't'a son around, but as disruptive and disorderly; in their minds, women's authott ity was to be derivative only, coming from their status as wife or widow of the male household head. They began to put more emphasis on the annual oath~ swearing as a symbol of citizenship, and to regard women's citizenship as secondary and "passive" whereas men's was "active."

Concepts of national citizenship that developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries built on this more gendered tradition. Women peti- tioned Parliament in England during the period of the Civil War after the monarchy was overthrown, claiming "a proportional share in the Freedoms of this Commonwealth," but even the most radical groups in the English Civil War never suggested that ending the power of the monarch over his subjects should be matched by ending the power of husbands over their wives. The former was unjust and against God's will, while the latter was "natural," as the words of the radical Parliamentarian Henry Parker make clear: "The wife is inferior in nature, and was created for the assistance of man, and servants are hired for their Lord's mere attendance; but it is oth- erwise in the State between man and man, for that civill difference . . . is for ... the good of all, not that servility and drudgery may be imposed upon all for the pompe of one."

Eighteenth-century thinkers and political leaders began to add moral issues to women's inferior reason and wives' dependence in marriage as a grounds for denying women political rights. Thomas Jefferson noted: "Were our state a pure democracy, there would still be excluded from our deliberations women, who, to prevent deprivation, of morals and ambiguity of issues, should not mix promiscuously in gatherings of men." Whether women ought to "partake in civil government dominions and sovereignty" was a topic of formal debate for the male students at Yale University in the 1770s, but there was little serious discussion of this in the founding of the new republic after the American Revolution. In a few cases in the early United States, voting was based solely on property ownership and unmarried female property owners were allowed to vote, but these anomalies did not last long because

. they were not an intentional extension of voting rights to women, but simply 11ccidental. By the nineteenth century such anomalies disappeared when vot-

.· ing rights in elections were specifically limited to males, leaving women along :with children, criminals, and the mentally ill among the disenfranchised. The · political role accorded to women was one of "republican womanhood," i•esponsible for urging their husbands and sons to civic virtue, morality, and

; r,'ublic service from the safety and tranquility of their homes. Most of the thinkers of the French Revolution agreed with Jefferson.

There were a few exceptions - the Marquis de Condorcet, for example,

1 5 4 Political Life

commented: "Why should individuals subject to pregnancies and to brief periods of indisposition not be ·able to exercise rights that no one ever thought of denying to people who suffer from gout every winter or who eas- ily catch cold?" But for most of the revolutionaries, the possibility of getting pregnant created a type of distinction unlike any other. Whereas wealth, family background, social class, and status of birth were distinctions they increasingly took to be meaningless in terms of the limits of citizenship - the 1791 Constitution limited voting rights to those men who had some prop- erty, but by 1792 all men over 21 could vote - sex, remained, in their eyes, an unbridgeable chasm. Pierre-Gaspard Chaumette, a Parisian official, com- mented in 1792: "Since when is it permitted to give up one's sex? Since when is it decent to see women abandoning the pious cares of their house- holds, the cribs of their children, to come to public places, to harangues in the galleries, at the bar of the Senate? Is it to men that nature has confided domestic cares? Has she given us breasts to feed our children?" (Parisian revolutionaries were obsessed with women's breasts - not only did they constantly use images of nursing mothers in their speeches and paintings, but in 1793 at the festival of Unity and Indivisibility honoring the new Republic, the deputies pledged their loyalty to the nation by drinking water spouting from the breasts of a large statue of an Egyptian goddess.)

Considerations - and rejections - of women's citizenship in 1792 did not simply arise out of abstract discussions of rights, but were in response to dramatic actions on the part of women, particularly in Paris, in the first years of the Revolution. Women drafted official grievance lists for elected deputies to take to the king, marched from Paris to Versailles, demanding that the king return to Paris, attended meetings and signed petitions con-

. cerning the future of the constitutional monarchy, participated in armed processions, and formed their own political society. Throughout all of these activities, they identified themselves as citizen - citoyennes in the feminine in French - and as patriots. Women such as Olympe de Gouges wrote and spoke vigorously about the need for women to be part of political categories currently being discussed - "the nation," "the individual," "the people." Women and men debated how revolutionary ideals of liberty and equality should change the family: should fathers' rights be reduced, all children inherit equally, unhappy spouses be able to divorce, or illegitimate children have civil rights? This politicization of women shocked both conservatives and revolutionaries, and none of the various constitutions drafted during the Revolution allowed women to vote, though they did allow women some civil rights; such as divorce and property ownership. These were taken away again in Napoleon's Civil Code of 1804 - which became the basis of many law codes in Europe with the Napoleonic conquests - which left adult unmarried women relatively free to engage in business and legal affairs, but, following the principle of coverture that we discussed in chapter 4, made

married wome wife's national

In many cou political and in teenth century. and freedom, a in states in whi Women as wel: from San Juan their homes w mapped out. 1 spies, carrying hospitals; a few efforts, the con women to vote, over minors (im der distinctions, or sell property,

The exclusion of and nationalist r movement for w many movement social problems c

Because the m has since been te traditional defini ans before many often the only is several decades a on the suffrage c. ing prominent in, and organization the Women's Soc women's rights g

· ultimately turned of civil disobedie1

· ate moves such as groups), lobbying

riancies and to brid :s that no one evn v winter or who e;1 s Jossibility of getting ~r. Whereas wealth, re distinctions they . of citizenship - thr ho had some prop tined, in their eyes, dsian official, com- p one's sex? Sinn· ,,res of their hous(' !S, to harangues i 11 ature has confidl'd tildren?" (Parisi.111 oot only did thl'y 1es and paintings,

,-, wiwring the new · by drinking water

goddess.) pin 1792 did not· re in response rn , Paris, in the first ~ lists for elected •.illes, demandin~ !d petitions con• ipated in armed ;hout all of thes@ · in the feminine mges wrote and litical categoricij " "the people.'' ty and equality ed, all children timate children h conservatives .drafted durinu -rv women somu ere taken away basis of many

1ich left aduh ;al affairs, bur, apter 4, made

Political Life I 5 5

t:tl.arried women totally subservient to their husbands and decreed that a · 'fe's nationality should follow her.husband's.

;In many countries of Latin America as well the United States and France, , fitical and intellectual ferment led to political revolutions in the early nine- nth century. Educated people debated new ideas about justice, equality, d freedom, and discussed what qualities would be required for citizenship ,states in which citizens had an actual voice in making political decisions .

Women as well as men were involved in these discussions in cities ranging from San Juan in Puerto Rico to Caracas in Venezuela, hosting meetings in their homes where political grievances were aired arid plans for reforms iuapped out. Less elite women also worked for independence, serving as spies, carrying weapons and supplies, and caring for the wounded in field bospitals; a few dressed as men in order to engage in combat. Despite these ¢£forts, the constitutions of the new Latin American states did not allow ,women to vote, hold political office, be a witness in court, or be a guardian ()Ver minors (including their own children). Civil law codes heightened gen- der distinctions, generally forbidding married women to sign contracts, buy

• ur sell property, maintain bank accounts, or keep their own wages.

'•."

Women's Rights Movements (1800-2010)

'Jhe exclusion of women from formal political rights in areas where political · ond nationalist revolutions established democratic governments sparked the movement for women's rights during the nineteenth century. This was one of many movements of reform and revolution that developed in response to the social problems created by industrialism and the rhetoric of political equality.

Because the movement for women's suffrage and political rights - what · has since been termed the "first wave" of the women's movement - fit with .traditional definitions of political history, it received attention from histori- ons before many other issues involving gender and politics; indeed, it was

.often the only issue concerning women covered in college textbooks until "several decades ago. The story that was told at that time focused primarily .on the suffrage campaign in the United States and Great Britain, highlight- ing prominent individuals such as Susan B. Anthony and Sylvia Pankhurst, und organizations such as the National Women's Suffrage Association and the Women's Social and Political Union. Scholars noted that the tactics of women's rights groups varied from country to country; those in England ultimately turned to militant moves such as hunger strikes and other types of civil disobedience, while in most other countries they used more moder- 11 te moves such as petition drives (a political tool first developed by women's roups), lobbying, and letters of protest.

1

I

l ! I 5 6 Political Life

More,recent scholarship has made clear that the first wave of the women's movement was international; not simply something emanating from the Anglo-American world. The "woman question," which along with suffrage debated the merits of women's greater access to education, property rights, more ,~quitable marriage and divorce laws, temperance, and protection for women workers, was an international issue, though with different emphases in different parts of the world. Reformers in India urged an end to sati, female infanticide, and the prohibition of widow remarriage; those in Europe worked for women's rights to own property and control their own wages; those in the United States worked for temperance and dress reform; those in Latin America sought improvements in working conditions, and a restructuring of the civil codes that limited women's land ownership and economic rights.

As we saw in chapter 4, in the United States and Britain, the key issue was women's access to individual rights, while elsewhere, including continental Europe, the emphasis was on women's duties and obligations. In most parts of the world, reformers did not dispute ideas about the centrality of mar- riage and motherhood in most women's lives, but used the rtotion of wom- en's responsibility for home and family as the very reason that women should have an equal voice with men, often intertwining this with ideas about what would make their nation stronger. Women, they argued, needed the vote to assure the well-being of their families and children, and would clean up corrupt politics in the same way that they cleaned up their house- holds. The Brazilian women's magazine Revista Feminina asserted in 1922 that "ours is a feminism that preserves religion and family ... demanding the equality that is indispensible [but] always seeking the collective happi- ness and progress of the nation." A Japanese suffrage song from the same era similarly called on women to "Be wise mothers and sisters to our people, And spread women's love throughout the land. Let us scrub away the age- old corruption of politics run by men and for men."

Advocates of women's rights in many countries used the rhetoric of nationalism in their calls for greater democracy, but growing nationalism in the nineteenth century also contributed to heightened gender differences. Nations were very often portrayed as eroticized allegories of women's bod- ies, or as wives and mothers who both nurtured and needed protection; they were, for example, "Mother Ireland" or "Mother India." Nationalists used such images to justify restricting rather than widening women's sphere of action in the name of national survival. True patriots were those willing to fight and die for their nation, a deeply masculinized role.

Supporters of women's rights fought such new restrictions as well as tradi- tional limitations, and by the middle of the nineteenth century, groups spe- cifically devoted to women's political rights began to be established in many countries of the world. They communicated with each other in what became an international feminist movement; international meetings included ones in

Washington, DC initially ridiculed groups were forr such groups inck group in history t The efforts of suf War I, were ultin ally extended to , national electiom Finland in 1906; and many Europ<

Suffrage rights reformers used id ments, noting he middle-class won Such arguments~ vote relatively ea1 states in the US Mormon women men. Racist votin began to argue fo granted voting ri Australia only in from voting by lit after they had off

The expansion century. Women , America, the Phili Switzerland), int African and Asiar women the right t As of 2010, Saud to men, although

Both supporter voting patterns t< they did not, and • voted. After gaini to other types of world peace.

By the 1960s, , the pace at whicl second-wave won tion movement." '

ating frn ng with 'ill property d protcvtH ferent e11q

~ tosa11, f

Europe• w ges; tho¼C

Latin !\t Iring of th~ fhts. te key is•HI jing COllli ~- In Ill< •~I ftrality of jotion of · ~ thar w !his with lrgued, 11 ~n, and lp tlwil' I ~erted i11 l

~ • detnil llective I rom tht< " fo our I' ~way th I b dww btionol ~ diffor tomen'!I !tectioni bnalisrn ~'s sph ~e wOI j i

reu u t' !gt:OUf)ij pedin that I ' 1,fod m

Political Life I 5 7

tington, DC, in 1888. and in Buenos Aires in 1910. Suffragists were :Uy ridiculed and attacked physically, and in many countries antisuffrage · s were formed whose tactics paralleled those of the suffrage groups; ,groups included women as well as men, for women have been the only Jin history to mobilize both for and against their own enfranchisement. £forts of suffragists, combined with international events such as World

.D, were ultimately successful, however, and suffrage rights were gradu- extended to women around the world. Women were allowed to vote in onal elections first in New Zealand in 1893, Australia in 1902, and in and in 1906; suffrage rights were granted in the United States, Canada, many European countries right after World War I. tffrage rights often excluded some groups of women. In several places, rmers used ideas about racial and class superiority to bolster their argu- ts, · noting how much more worthy and responsible honorable white clle-class women were than working-class, immigrant, or nonwhite men. 1 arguments are one of the reasons that white women were granted the • relatively early in Australia and New Zealand, and that one of the first ·es in the US to allow woman suffrage was conservative Utah, where rmon women argued their votes would outnumber those of non-Mormon . Racist voting restrictions often lasted long after women's rights groups

an to argue for their removal. Native Americans, female and male, were nted voting rights in Canada only in 1960 and Aboriginal peoples in stralia only in 1962. In many other places certain groups were excluded m voting by literacy tests and other discriminatory practices for decades •r they had officially been granted the vote. 'he expansion of women's suffrage continued throughout the twentieth tury. Women were granted the vote on an equal basis with men in Latin

1erica, the Philippines, India, China, Japan, and the rest of Europe ( except itzerland), in the 1930s and 1940s, and in most of the constitutions of ·ican and Asian states set up after World War II. In 2005, Kuwait granted men the right to vote, and in 2006 the United Arab Emirates did as well. of 2010, Saudi Arabia is the only country that specifically limits voting men, although there have begun to be protests against this. Both supporters and opponents of women's suffrage expected women's 1ting patterns to differ sharply from those of men, but in most elections . y did not, and in some countries, such as Egypt, very few women actually ted. After gaining suffrage, many women's groups turned their attention other types of issues, such as educational, health, and legal reforms, or ,rid peace. By the 1960s, women in many parts of the world were dissatisfied with t: pace at which they were achieving political and legal equality, and a :ond-wave women's movement began,.often termed the "women's libera-

on movement." Women's groups pressured for an end to sex discrimination

158 Political Life

in hiring practices, pay rates, inheritance rights, and the granting of credit; they !Opened shelters for battered women, day care centers, and rape crisis centers, and pushed for university courses on women, and laws against sex- ual harassment. In Western countries they pushed for abortion rights, and in India they mobilized against dowries and dowrf-related deaths. By the early 1970s, advocates of rights for homosexuals had also mobilized in many countries, sponsoring demonstrations, political action campaigns, and vari- ous types of self-help organizations. The United Nations declared 1975-85 to be the International Decade for Women, and meetings discussing the sta- tus of women around the world were held under UN auspices in Mexico City (1975), Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985), and Beijing (1995). These meetings were sometimes divisive, pointing out the great differences in women's concerns around the world, with sexual orientation and female genital cutting often the most explosive issues. The official Platform for Action of the Beijing Conference sought to avoid some of these divisions by calling for a general "empowerment of women," noting that this would mean different things in different areas of the world.

The reinvigorated feminist movement sparked conservative reactions in many countries, with arguments often couched in terms of "tradition." Women's rights, it was argued, stood against "traditional family values" and had caused an increase in the divorce rate, the number of children born out of wedlock, family violence, and juvenile delinquency; gay rights were even more . dangerous. Such arguments were effective in stopping some legal changes - in the United States, for example, the Equal Rights Amendment was not ratified by enough states to become law, though Canada passed a similar measure in 1960 and Australia m 1984 - but the movement toward greater egalitarianism in political participation, education, and employment continued. In the United States, the number of women in state legislatures quadrupled during the period 1970-90, and the number of female lawyers and judges went up almost as much. Around the world in 2010, women held about 18 percent of the seats on national legislatures, though Rwanda was the only country to have more than 50 percent of its national legislators female.

Colonialism, Anticolonialism, and Postcolonialism (1500-2010)

Questions about the relationship between gender and political life in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries - or even earlier - did not play themselves out independently in any country, but were tied to international politics and issues of imperialism and colonialism. The study of colonialism and its after- math has recently received a great deal of attention from historians, who initially focused on formal political structures and international relations but

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Political Life 15 9

· creasingly investigating broader issues such as the development of al identities and the cultural construction of difference. This scholar-

s often interdisciplinary in nature, combining artistic and literary evi- ,with more traditionai historical documents, and because of its strong tical emphasis is labeled postcolonial theory. Historians of the United

'.·and Europe are also now applying insights drawn from postcolonial y as they investigate racial and ethnic minorities, viewing their relation- 0with dominant groups as a type of colonialism within one country. perial power and ideas of the nation were explicitly and implicitly d with gender and the cultural constructions of masculinity and femi-

ty for both colonizers and colonized, beginning with the first European fony" of the English in Ireland. For centuries English commentators .ribed the Irish as both animal-like and feminized, the women showing "Id shamrock manners" because they did not wear corsets and the men

"brassy, cunning, and brutalized" and "easily subdued into docility." n the mid-nineteenth century potato blight was their fault, in the eyes of English writer Thomas Carlyle, for their "laziness" had led to their ttishly starving from age to age."

uch opinions about indigenous peoples were even more strongly held by · opean (and later American) officials, merchants, and missionaries who

blished colonies beyond Europe. They often viewed women's less restric- e dress in tropical areas as a sign of sexual looseness, men's lack of facial ir or trousers as a sign of effeminacy, and any marital pattern other than rmanent monogamy as a sign of inferiority. The English official Thomas acaulay, for example, compared Bengali men in the 17 50s to "women ... ervated by a soft climate and accustomed to peaceful employments." olonial rulers often regarded customs that they viewed as harmful to

women, such as child-marriage and sati in India or clitoridectomy in Kenya, as clear signs of the backwardness and barbarity of indigenous cultures and

. of their need for outside rule. They attempted to impose their own views of · proper gender relations on their far-flung colonies, establishing schools to : teach Western values and using taxes, permits, and registration documents to impose Western family structures.

Resistance to colonialism swept Africa and Asia after World War II, and both women and men were active in all types of opposition, though men usu- ally emerged as the official voices of the nationalist movements and young men in particular formed the majority of all military units. (Even in the liberation war in Zimbabwe, for example, in which women formed a significant share of the fighting force, the majority were still men under the age of 24.) Women participated in military actions (both independently and as members of guer- rilla units), demonstrated for the relief of political prisoners, made speeches, and engaged in civil disobedience, boycotts, protests, ·and riots. In India, both women and men were imprisoned for participation in boycotts and other types

(

. rntests against British rule in the 1930s. In the Algerian War h rule (1954-62), women smuggled information and bombs

ilong clothing, and some were tortured or executed for their activi- tith Africa, both black and white women protested the imposition of

eid and the forced relocation and dividing of African families. e new nations established as a result of these anticolonial struggles all

had to address what was described as the "woman question," that is, they had to determine what the legal and social status of women would be. Despite women's support of nationalist movements, and despite the support for women's issues expressed by some nationalist leaders such as Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, women's access to formal political power continued to be lim- ited in most postcolonial states of Africa and Asia. Though women were granted equal political rights in the constitutions of most newly independent states, women's concerns like more equitable marriage laws were generally not a high priority, and the few women who had high political positions were generally related to men with political .· power, such as Indira Gandhi or Benazir Bhutto, mentioned above. Many of the histories written about the new nations focused only on nationalism, neglecting efforts to achieve wom- en's rights and downplaying the actions of actual women. Carmen Pereira, an independence leader who fought the Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau in the 1970s, recognized this tendency, and noted that women were "fighting two colonialisms" - one of gender discrimination and one of nationalist struggle.

Pereira saw the struggle for women's rights and independence from Western political and cultural domination as linked, but in some areas these came to be seen instead as antithetical. Young male nationalists were often successful at changing traditions through which older men had held power over them, such as painful initiation rituals and unfavorable inheritance practices, but viewed traditions that involved women positively. Opposition to the West was often described as a return to "tradition" or "authenticity," which gener- ally meant a greater emphasis on women's role within the household and restrictions on their education, dress, movements, and opportunities. Efforts to change marriage laws or to end practices such as female genital cutting were denounced as Western imperialism, and women's modesty and sexual honor was linked with social stability and family loyalty. This linkage appealed to many women, and women as well as men became exponents of "tradi- tion." In Turkey, for example, one of the female legislators in the 1990s was refused her seat because she wished to wear a headscarf, a mark of conserva- tive Islam, which in the opinion of most of her colleagues signified too great an intrusion of religion into the secular legislature.

Most Communist countries in the twentieth century saw a disjuncture between theory and practice in terms of gender similar to that of many postcolonial states. As in nationalist movements, women played a variety of roles in the Communist revolutions in Russia, China, Cuba, Vietnam, and

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elsewhere, and Marxist ideology proclaimed that men and; women: were~ equal. Mao Zedong, for example, asserted that women were bound by f<:rwr ropes that should all be broken - political, clan, religious, and masculine authority. Educational opportunities for women were vastly improved in Communist countries, and women entered certain professions such as rn,edi-' cine in numbers far exceeding those in western Europe or the United States;; Women had (or have) equal rights in terms of property holding, marriage,; divorce, and authority over their children, and they can be party members and officials. On the other hand, once blatant forms of oppression such as footbinding in China were ended, issues perceived as "women's issues" such as access to birth control or programs to end family violence were not regarded as important. Almost all high political positions were held by men.

The end of Communism in the Soviet Union and eastern Europe and the loosening of economic controls in China provided opportunities for some individuals, but these were shaped by existing gender structures. Men were more able to gain capital with which to make investments and develop new business enterprises, and women were not hired because they were expected to want time off for pregnancy or the care of elderly relatives. For many women, especially in eastern Europe, the end of Communism meant food shortages, an end to paid maternity leave and government-supported day care centers, increased street violence, and a huge growth in prostitution. Ultraconservative nationalist leaders in formerly Communist countries often attributed social problems to women: working women are the cause of unemployment; complaining wives the cause of family violence, male alco- holism, and divorce; selfish mothers the cause of disaffected young people and gangs. As in postcolonial states, women's responses to eastern European nationalism were varied; iri -the former Yugoslavia, for example, some women were enthusiastic supporters of Serbian or Croatian nationalist lead- ers, while others formed groups such as the Women's Lobby, Women in Black against War, and the SOS Hotline for Women and Children Victims of Violence that campaigned against nationalist violence.

At the end of the twentieth century, the economic and technological changes discussed in chapter 3 led to an increasingly global economy, with many observers commenting that international business and financial institutions were more important than any government in shaping the lives of people around the world. This economic globalism was accompanied by a prolifera- tion of international agencies and organizations, both governmental and non- governmental, which set policy and made decisions; indeed, at the UN World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, there were about 5,000 official delegates and 30,000 representatives of nongovernmental organizations, ranging from large international agencies to tiny local grass-roots groups. If we use the broader definition of politics and include all relationships of

• it is clear that the situation at the beginning of the twenty-first tury is extremely complex, with men and women often enmeshed in a

·· huge number of power relationships, from kin and ethnic networks to inter- est groups formed on the World Wide Web. These relationships sometimes support one another in promoting greater gender egalitarianism or inequal- ity, but they also often conflict, making any generalizations about the direc- tion of trends around the world very difficult.

The power of government - the narrower definition of politics - in deter- mining gender roles and structures is not completely irrelevant, however, although generalizations are also difficult. About 75 percent of the refugees fleeing political persecution and war around the world are female, and the citizenship policies of many countries are still gender-specific, making it more difficult for women than for men to become legal residents. Though most of the countries of the world have ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), local and religious laws are often exempted, and it is difficult to enforce in any case. Almost all countries of the world allow women to vote, but they are discouraged from doing so, sometimes with violence or threats of violence, in Afghanistan, Kuwait, and other countries. A 2000 law in France requir- ing political parties to fill 50 percent of their candidacies with women - termed parite - or lose their campaign funding has had an impact only on smaller parties; the percentage of women in the French National Assembly or serving as mayors has increased only slightly since it was passed. On the other hand, an amendment to the Indian constitution in 1992 that required a third of the positions as village heads and council members to be women is beginning to have more-qf an effect on both village life and gender rela- tions than anyone predicted it would. Women are filling these positions, and many come from the country's lowest castes. In Uganda and Argentina, laws reserving a certain number of seats in representative bodies for women have increased their numbers significantly, and in Sweden, Germany, and South Africa, the decision by political parties to run more women has had the same effect. The nineteenth-century advocates of women's rights would cer- tainly view such measures as welcome, though perhaps they would also wonder why such changes took so long. They might also caution against complacency given the major disparities between men's and women's politi- cal opportunities that still exist in many parts of the world.

FURTHER READING

Because political issues have long been at the heart of history, most histories of women, particularly those that focus on one country in the modern period, include extensive discussion of politics and power; general political

histo soc1a cove1 York

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Political Life 163

c istories are much less likely to include considerations of gender than general cial histories however. A good introduction to the more theoretical issues vered in this chapter is Anne Phillips, ed., &minism and Politics (New

York: Oxford University Press, 1998). Examinations of the political roles of kirt · groups ancl tribes include

<Christine Gailey, Kinship to Kingship: Gender Hierarchy and State Formation in the Tongan Islands (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); Irene Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); Laura :f. Klein and Lillian A. Ackerman, eds., Women and Power in Native North America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995); Ifi Arnadiume, Daughters of the Goddess, Daughters of Imperialism: African Women Struggle for Culture, Power and Democracy (New York: Zed Books, 2000); Rosemary A. Joyce, Gender and Power in Prehispanic Mesoamerica (Austin:

.· University of Texas Press, 2001). · Studies of the interplay between gender and hereditary monarchy include

· Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); John Carmi Parsons, ed., Medieval Queenship (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Edna G. Bay, Wives of the Leopard: Gender, Politics, and Culture in the Kingdom of Dahomey ( Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1998); Sarah Milledge Nelson, ed., Ancient Queens: Archaeological Explorations (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira, 2003); Regina Schulte, ed., The Body of the Queen: Gender and Rule in the Courtly World, 1500-2000 (New York: Berghahn, 2006); Anne Walthall, ed., Servants of the Dynasty: Palace Women in History (ijerkeley: University of California Press, 2008). For an excellent study of Elizabeth I, see Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Gender (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).

Good overviews of issues regarding warfare are Linda Grant De Pauw, Battle Cries and Lullabies: Women in War from Prehistory to the Present (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998) and Leo Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism: War and the Changing Nature of Masculinity (New York: Knopf, 2003). More specialized works include: Stephanie Urdang, And Still They Dance: Women, War, and the Struggle for Change in Mozambique (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989); Jacklyn Cock, Women and War in South Africa (Cleveland: Pilgrim Press, 1993); Margaret S. Creighton and Lisa Norling, eds., Iron Men, Wooden Women: Gender and Seafaring in the Atlantic· World, 1700-1920 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Billie Melman, ed., Borderlines: Genders and Identities in War and Peace, 1870-1930 (London: Routledge, 1998); Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine American Wars (New

I 64 Political Life

Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998); Meredith Turshen and Clotilde Twagiramariya, eds., What Women Do in Wartime: Gender and Conflict in Africa (London: Zed Books, 1998); Susan R. Grayzel, Women's Identities at War: Gender, Motherhood, and Politics in Britain and France during the First World War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Robert B. Edgerton, Warrior Women: The Amazons of Dahomey and the Nature of War (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000); Robert D. Dean, Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001); Stefan Dudnik, Karen Hagemann, and Josh Tosh, eds., Masculinities in Politics and War: Gendering Modern History (New York: Manchester University Press, 2004); Seungsook Moon, Militarized Modernity and Gendered Citizenship in South Korea (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005); Nancy M. Wingfield and Mara Bucur, eds., Gender and War in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006); Marilyn E. Hegarty, Victory Girls, Khaki-wackies, and Patriotutes: The Regulation of Female Sexuality during World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2008); John A. Lynn II, Women, Armies, and Warfare in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

Most of the research involving gender and citizenship has focused either on the United States or Europe. Good places to start are the general essay collections, Gisela Bock and Susan James, eds., Beyond Equality and Difference: Citizenship, Feminist Politics and Female Subjectivity (London: Routledge, 1992) and Kathleen Canning and Sonya 0. Rose, eds., Gender, Citizenships and Subjectivities (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002). Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988) and Hilda L. Smith, All Men and Both Sexes: Gender, Politics, and the False Universal in England, 1640-1832 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002) provide theoretical discussions. The situation in Athens is explored provocatively in Eva Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York: Harper and Row, 1985). For the United States, see Mary Beth Norton, Founding Mothers and Fathers: Gendered Power and the Forming of American Society (New York: Knopf, 1996); Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: UniversityofNorth Carolina Press, 1996);LindaK.Kerber,No Constitutional Right to be Ladie5;: Women and the Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Hill and Wang, 1998); Mark E. Kann, The Gendering of American Politics: Founding Mothers, Founding Fathers, and Political Patriarchy (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999). For Europe, the French Revolution has received the most attention: Joan Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988) and Visualizing the Nation: Gender, Representation, and Revolution in

Eigl Chr Lib1 199 the Pres (Ber

C fem but wid eds. Indi Sufi Au, Fen Wei Tra (Lo Wo Ma inL 20( the to f

(

Gei Ru1 His 19~ Uni Pal. WO

eds (Bl, Bu, 181

1 exJ am Sin Bei Pre

forshen and Clotilde mder and Conflict in 'I/omen's Identities at d France during the rolina Press, 1999); f Dahomey and the '; Robert D. Dean, War Foreign Policy fan Dudnik, Karen nd War: Gendering , 2004 ); Seungsook ;P · in South Korea \1. Wingfield and y Eastern Europe ;. Hegarty, Victory j Female Sexuality

(" ress, 2008); John Modern Europe

\is focused either \he general essay ~ Equality and ~tivity {London: \e, eds., Gender, \ 2002). Carole ~iversity Press, \r, Politics, and \: Pennsylvania \ The situation bf the Phallus: \w, 1985). For r and Fathers: \York: Knopf, and Anxious : \Chapel Hilh bnstitutional i {New York1 \can Politic v {Westpor received t ' \ the Age \ 1988) an 1plution

Political Life 16 5

Eighteenth-Century France {Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001); Christine Faure, Democracy without Women: Feminism and the Rise of Liberal Individualism in France {Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991); Harriet B. Applewhite and Darline Gay Levy, Women and Politics in the Age of the Democratic Revolution {Ann Arbor: Uni;versity of Michigan Press, 1993); Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France {Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006).

Older works on the campaign for woman suffrage and the second-wave feminist movement also focused primarily on the United States or Europe, but this has begun to change. General surveys of women's movements world- wide include Chandra Talpade. Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres, eds., Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991); Caroline Daly and Melanie Nolan, eds., Suffrage and Beyond: International Feminist Perspectives {Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1994); Amrita Basu; ed., The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women's Movements in Global Perspective {Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995); Joan W. Scott, Cora Kaplan, and Debra Keates, eds., Transitions, Environments, Translations: Feminisms in International Politics {London: Routledge, 1997); Maroula Joannou and June Purvis, eds., The Women's Suffrage Movement: New Feminist Perspectives {Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998 ); Maxine Molyneux, Women's Movements in International Perspective: Latin America and Beyond (New York: Palgrave, 2001); Estelle B. Freedman, No Turning Back: The History of Feminism and the Future of Women (New York: Ballantine, 2002). For further references to feminism, see the suggested readings following chapter 4.

General collections on gender and colonialism include Clare Midgley, ed., Gender and Imperialism {Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998); Ruth Roach Pierson and Nupur Chadhuri, eds., Nation, Empire, Colony: Historicizing Gender and Race {Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998); Philippa Levine, ed., Gender and Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004 ); Angela Woollacott, Gender and Empire {Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). Works that look specifically at the role of women in imperialism include Nupur Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, eds., Western Women and Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance {Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992) and Antoinette Burton,

· Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, ,1865-1915 {Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).

Most studies of the links between gender and empire focus on the British :;experience, including Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender (and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (London: Routledge, 1995); Mrinalini ;Sinha, Colonial Masculinity: The "Manly Englishman" and the "Effeminate Bengali" in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University

\J}tess, 1995) and Specters of Mother India: The Global Restructuring of an

r-

166 Political Life

Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006); Ian Christopher Fletcher, Laura E. Nym Mayhall, and Philippa Levine, eds., Women's Suffrage in the Britishi Empire: Citizenship, Nation, and Race (New York: Routledge, 2000); Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Routledge, 2003). Works that discuss other colonial settings include Julia Clancy-Smith and Frances Gouda, eds., Domesticating the Empire: Race, Gender and Family Life in French and Dutch Colonialism (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1997); Nancy Rose Hunt, Tessie P. Liu, and Jean Quataert, eds., Gendered Colonialisms in African History (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997); Tamara L. Hunt and Micheline R. Lessard, eds., Women and the Colonial Gaze (New York: Palgrave, 2002); Jean Allman, Susan Geiger, and Nakanyike Musisi, eds., Women in African Colonial Histories (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002); Patty O'Brien, The Pacific Muse: Exotic Femininity and the Colonial Pacific (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006). General studies of the interplay between feminism and nationalism include Miranda Davis, ed., Third World, Second Sex: Women's Struggles and National Liberation (London: Zed Books, 1983 ); Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London: Zed Books, 1986); "Links across Differences: Gender, Ethnicity and Nationalism," special issue of Women's Studies International Forum, 19:1/2 (1996); Social Text Collective (Anne McClintock, Aamir Mufti, Ella Shohat), eds., Dangerous Liaisons: Gender, Nation, and Postcolonial Perspectives (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage, 1997); Caren Kaplan, Norma Alarcon, and Minoo Moallem, eds., Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Ida Blom, Karen Hagemann, and Catherine Hall, eds., Gendered Nations: Nationalism and Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Berg, 2000); Sita Ranchod Nilsson and Mary Ann Tetreault, eds., Women, States, and Nationalism: At Home in the Nation? (New York: Routledge, 2000); Zillah Eisenstein, Sexual Decoys: Gender, Race, and War in Imperial Democracy (London: Zed Books, 2007).

For studies of gender and politics in Latin America, see June E. Hahner, Emancipating the Female Sex: The Struggle for Women's Rights in Brazil, 1850-1940 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990); Francesca Miller, Latin American Women and the Search for Social Justice (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1991); K. Lynn Stoner, From the House to the Streets: The Cuban Women's Movement for Legal Reform, 1898-1940 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991); Janet H. Momsen, Women and Change in the Caribbean (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Steve Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995);

Elizabeth Dore anc and the State in Lat Karin Alejandra R

· and the State in Chi. Press, 2000); Lorr: Gender Identity Pc Hopkins Universit: eds., Gender and t (New York: Palgra Feminisms in El Sc; University Press, 2 Revolutionary Me Natividad Gutierre Latin America (But

For specific stud1 see Stephanie Urda1 (New York: Mond South African W01 1984); Jane L. Paq in Africa (Boulder, Women, the Mau CO: Westview Pr, Islamism, Socialisr. Temma Kaplan, Cr the United States an Mikell, ed., Africa Africa (Philadelphi: TANU Women: < Nationalism, 1955 Nnaemeka, ed., Si Diaspora (Trenton, Sheryl McCurdy, ec in Africa (Portsrr Mobilizing the Mt Movement in Gui1 Hannah Evelyn Br Resistance to Gove

For the Middle E Revolution in Iran and Erika Friedl, ed Iran (Syracuse, NY Women, Islam, ana ed., Remaking W:

)06); Ian Chri11t eds., Women'.s Su New York: Rout: s, Empire and c; 3 ). Works that dl ' Frances Gouda, Y Life in French rirginia Press, 1 (,I :tert, eds., Gend )97); Tamara L. H 1ial Gaze (New Yt canyike Musisi , : Indiana Univc ; Femininity and :ess, 2006). Gen sm include Mira ggles and Natir wardena, Femi ,oks, 1986); "Lin i," special issue ,cial Text Colfoctl 'angerous Liaiso polis: University l Nation (Lond1 oo Moallem, et ial Feminisms, cl Ida Blom, Kat·

: Nationalism ti/ : Berg, 2000); Si men, States, a, dge, 2000); Zillah fJerial Democra,y

! June E. Hahner, Rights in Brazil, . Francesca Mille,; ? (Hanover, N If 1 nm the House to )rm, 1898-1940 [omsen, Women ,ity Press, 1993); 'd Power in La/1/ 1a Press, 1995);

Political Life 16 7

Dore and Maxine Molyneux, eds., Hidden Histories of Gender ,State in Latin America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000); lejandra Rosemblatt, Gendered Compromises: Political Cultures

ii!State in Chile, 1920-1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina -11000); Lorraine Bayard de Volo, Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs: tldentity Politics in Nicaragua, 1979-1999 (Baltimore, MD: Johns ns University Press, 2001); Nikki Craske and Maxine Molyneux,

·. ender and the Politics of Rights and Democracy in Latin America York: Palgrave, 2002); Julie D. Shayne, The Revolution Question:

nisms in El Salvador, Chile, and Cuba (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers ersity Press, 2004); Jocelyn Olcott, Revolutionary Women in Post- jutionary Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005); vidad Gutierrez Chong, ed., Women, Ethnicity, and Nationalisms in

America (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007). or specific studies of gender and politics in the recent history of Africa, tephanie Urdang, Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bissau

ew York: Monthly Review Press, 1979); June Goodwin, Cry Amandla! uth African Women and the Question of Power (New York: Africana: . 84); Jane L. Parpart and Kathleen A. Staudt, eds., Women and the State Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1989); Cora Ann Presley, Kikuyu

omen, the Mau Mau Rebellion, and Social Change in Kenya (Boulder, : Westview Press, 1992); Sondra Hale, Gender Politics in Sudan:

amism, Socialism and the State (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); emma Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy: Women's Grassroots Movements in Je United States and South Africa (New York: Routledge, 1996); Gwendolyn ikell, ed., African Feminism: The Politics of Survival in Sub-Saharan

frica (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997); Susan Geiger, 'ANU Women: Gender · and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan ationalism, 1955-1965 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1998); Obioma naemeka, ed., Sisterhood, Feminisms, and Power: From Africa to the

'/)iaspora (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1998); Dorothy L Hodgson and ;Sheryl McCurdy, eds.~ "Wicked" Women and the Reconfiguration of Gender in Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2001); Elizabeth Schmidt,

· Mobilizing the Masses: Gender, Ethnicity, and Class in the Nationalist ,Movement in Guinea, 1939-1958 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2005); Hannah Evelyn Britton, Women in the South African Parliament: From

. Resistance to Governance (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2005). For the Middle East and North Africa, see Guity Nashat, ed., Women and

Revolution in Iran (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983); Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl, eds., In the Eye of the Storm: Women in Post-Revolutionary Iran (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994); Deniz Kandiyoti, ed., Women, Islam, and the State (London: Macmillan, 1991); Lila Abu-Lughod, ed., Remaking Women: Feminism and Modernity in the Middle East

16 8 Political Life

(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998); Ellen L. Fleischmann, The Nationandits "New" Women: The Palestinian Women's Movement, 1920- 1948 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Nadje Al-Ali, Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: The Egyptian Women's Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Elizabeth Thompson, Colonial Citizens: Republican Rights, Paternal Privilege, and Gender in French Syria and Lebanon (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Beth Baron, Egypt as a Woman: Nationalism, Gender, and Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

For Asia, see Susan Pharr, Political Women in Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981); Tani Barlow, Gender Politics in Modern China (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993); Elaine Kim and Changmoo Choi, eds., Dangerous Women: Gender and Korean Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1998); Raka Ray, Fields of Protest: Women's Movements in India (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Tanika Sarkar, Hindu Wife, Hindu Nation: Community, Religion and Cultural Nationalism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001); Hayami Yoko, Tanabe Akio, and Tokita-Tanabe Yumiko, eds., Gender and Modernity: Perspectives from Asia and the Pacific (Melbourne: Trans Pacific, 2003); Louise Edwards, and Mina Roces, eds., Women's Suffrage in Asia: Gender, Nationalism and Democracy (New York: Routledge, 2004); Elizabeth Martyn, The Women's Movement in Post-colonial Indonesia: Gender and Nation in a New Democracy (New York: Routledge, 2005); Louise P. Edwards, Gender, Politics, and Democracy: Women's Suffrage in China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008).

For Australia, see Miriam Dixson, The Real Matilda: Women and Identity in Australia (Sydney: UNSW Press, 1999); Marilyn Lake, Getting Equal: The History of Australian Feminism (St Leonards, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 1999).

For western Europe, see Gisela Bock and Pat Thane, eds., Maternity and Gender Politics: Women and the Rise of the European Welfare States, 1880s-1950s (London: Routledge, 1994); Claire Duchen, Women's Rights and Women's Lives in France, 1944-1968 (London: Routledge, 1994); R. Amy Elman, Sexual Politics and the European Union: The New Feminist Challenge (Oxford: Berghahn, 1996); Susan Kingsley Kent, Gender and Power in Britain, 1640-1990 (London: Routledge, 1999); Louise Ryan and Margaret Ward, eds., Irish Women and Nationalism: Soldiers, New Women and Wicked Hags (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2004); Joan Wallach Scott, Parite: Sexual Difference and the Crisis of French Universalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

For the Soviet Union and eastern Europe, see Mary Buckley, Women and Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989); Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller, eds., Gender Politics and

Post-Commi,. Union (New Market: Citi Europe (Lor (New York: 1 and the Cami Indiana Unh in Soviet anr.

There is a inal sources, wiesnerhank

tann, The "lt, 1920- e Al-Ali, Women's Elizabeth lege, and fniversity zder, and

fniversity rn China 1angmoo m (New )Vements a Sarkar, ionalism .beAkio, ves from

1-trds, and 'ism and Women's a New Gende1;

rd, CA:

Identity ~ Equal: . Unwin,

nity and i States, s Rights i194); R. r:/eminist der and yan and Women :h Scott, :hicago:

Women [ichigan tics and

Political Life 169

· st-Communism: Reflections from Eas,ter11 'fi,q.:rop(! and the Former Soviet nion (New York: Routledge, 1993); Batbara Einhorn, Cinderella Goes to arket: Citizenship, Gender, and Women's Movements in East Central rope (London: Verso, 1993); Barbarq: .E.· qeµ;i:eµpS,, Bolshevik Women ew York: Cambridge University Press, 1997)ltfilabetl-fWood, The Baba d the Comrade: Gender and Politics in Revolutionary Russia (Bloomington: diana University Press, 1997); Sarah Ashwin, Gender, State, and Society Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (London: Routledge, 2000). There is a much longer list of selected readings, along with links to orig-

b"tal sources, on the website associated with this book:, www.wiley.com/go/ . Wiesnerhanks.