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Annual Review of Sociology
The (Un)Managed Heart: Racial Contours of Emotion Work in Gendered Occupations Adia Harvey Wingfield Department of Sociology, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri 63130, USA; email: ahwingfield@wustl.edu
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2021. 47:197–212
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at soc.annualreviews.org
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-081320- 114850
Copyright © 2021 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Keywords
race, gender, emotional labor, service economy, intersectionality, work
Abstract
The concept of emotional labor has been very useful for elucidating how the expansion of a service economy perpetuated new forms of work that maintained gender divisions and inequalities. Research has been slower to catch up to the ways that emotional labor has racial implications as well, but recent studies are making important contributions andmoving the literature in this direction. In this review, I consider how increasing racial diversity in the US population informs how emotion work is performed in the current economy. I also discuss how other macrostructural changes such as the rise of aesthetic labor, the gig economy, and the overwhelming growth of the service industry can reshape our understanding of the intersections between race and gender in emotional labor.
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INTRODUCTION
Once usedmostly among academics, the concept of emotional labor has now gone relatively main- stream. The term has its own Wikipedia entry and has been the subject of articles in The Atlantic, The New York Times, and Vogue. Developed in sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild’s (1983) book The Managed Heart, emotional labor refers to the ways that work shifted in the late twentieth cen- tury to include the commercialization of emotions. Hochschild (1983) noted that as the United States moved to a primarily service-based economy, workers were no longer simply assembling products—they were now manufacturing emotions in themselves and others. Distinguishing be- tween the routine emotional performances that are part of everyday life and the organizational pressure to induce emotions in oneself and others, Hochschild (1983) contended that, in a service economy, emotions become subject to commodification.
This conceptualization of emotion work has consequences for both the development of the self in the modern economy and the perpetuation of gender inequality.Hochschild (1983) worried that when emotions became subject to organizational control, workers could face specific forms of alienation, disengagement, and detachment from themselves and their own feelings. She predicted that organizational control over workers’ feelings would have adverse consequences for service industry employees. Additionally, Hochschild (1983) noted that, given the gender segregation common in many workplaces, emotional labor ran the risk of perpetuating gender inequality, as women were expected to summon and instill emotions that reflected stereotypical ideas about suitable feelings for women. Specifically, women working as flight attendants were charged with evoking feelings of deference and comfort, while men working as bill collectors could engage feelings of belligerence, assertiveness, and aggression. These emotional expectations presented another way to maintain gender segregation and inequality, even within the same company.
Upon publication of Hochschild’s (1983) work, many researchers considered various aspects of her arguments in more detail. Sociologists examined the impact of deep or surface acting on worker well-being (Grandey 2003, Leidner 1993), whether emotional labor allowed workers to develop authority (George 2008), and how workers rely upon each other for mutually constitutive emotional labor that helps withstand the challenges of the job (Lively 2000). But a great deal of the research that assessed Hochschild’s (1983) original claims examined how emotional labor maintained gender inequalities.
Subsequent research on gender and emotional labor largely confirmsHochschild’s (1983) orig- inal arguments. For instance, studies of the legal profession reveal that while the emotional expec- tations associated with attorneys included anger, belligerence, and aggressiveness, women working in this profession faced significant barriers meeting these emotional norms (Pierce 1995). These dynamics are also present among women working construction, who also found that the avail- able emotional outlets for (White) men were largely discouraged when it came to women (Paap 2006). Yet studies of men working in occupations dominated by women indicate that they too en- counter barriers achieving the normative emotional states in these environments.Men working as nurses do not benefit from institutional supports that allow them to conform to professional norms of being nurturing and caring (Williams 1995, Wingfield 2009). Additionally, men employed as paralegals and legal secretaries are also discouraged from meeting the emotional dictates that are present among these more women-dominated occupations (Pierce 1995).
Other studies built on Hochschild’s (1983) discussion of the relationship between gender in- equality and emotion work to consider additional aspects of the interrelationship between the two. In a study of police officers, Martin (1999) argues that gender informs both the organiza- tional and occupational norms that govern how officers regulate emotions. Her findings indicate that gender both shapes and is shaped by organizational structures in ways that impact emotional
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labor.Other work explores whether gendermatters in the link between emotional authenticity and burnout and finds that while resolving feelings of agitation exacerbates feelings of inauthenticity and burnout, these findings do not vary by gender (Erickson & Ritter 2001). Lois’s (2010) study of homeschooling mothers shows that role conflict between two related but distinct identities (mothers and teachers) exacerbates the burnout that can accompany emotional labor.
The early research on emotion work offers important contributions for understanding how organizations continue to reproduce gender inequality through work. The rise of the service in- dustry led to a surge of women working in retail, food service, and housekeeping (Rendall 2014). And these workers do not just provide service with a smile—they comprise workers in the largest sector of the US economy who sell feelings of deference, amiability, and pleasantness along with apparel, meals, and clean rooms. With women disproportionately represented in these jobs, the concept of emotional labor offers a way of understanding some of the added struggles, burdens, and challenges these workers encounter. Importantly, considering emotional labor helps to highlight a dimension of their work that is frequently overlooked and rarely compensated in our service- driven economy.
Since its initial conception, however, there have been major changes in the circumstances and characteristics around which emotion work is done. For one thing, the term itself has undergone considerable concept creep. As a 2017 Slate article entitled “Please Stop Calling Everything that Frustrates You Emotional Labor” attests, the mainstreaming of the concept resulted in numerous misapplications. Hochschild (1983) actually coined three related but distinct terms in develop- ing a sociology of emotions. Feeling rules are the expected emotional norms in a given situation. Emotion management, which she also refers to as emotion work, specifically refers to the adjust- ment of feelings in everyday and private life, while emotional labor describes how workers, as part of their jobs and under explicit organizational mandates, are responsible for creating emotions in themselves and others (Hochschild 1983). By way of example, feeling rules necessitate that I should feel happy for a newly engaged friend; emotion management is the work that I do to create these feelings of happiness in myself and to express joy and excitement to this friend (rather than perhaps bitterness or resentment); and emotional labor occurs if I am required to summon these feelings as part of my job as a jewelry store employee, where my salary and commission depend on making store customers believe I share their enthusiasm and optimism about their impending nuptials. (Though it is not named as such in the film, the 2011 movie Bridesmaids aptly illustrates the consequences of a main character’s inability to perform emotional labor successfully in her work at a jewelry store.)
Yet as the concept gained popularity and mainstream attention, emotional labor as a term became a catchall. In popular media and news outlets, writers and journalists attached it to every- thing from women’s efforts to maintain emotional equilibrium in their households to soothing tense feelings at work—areas that fall outside of the boundaries of the original definition, even though they would technically be considered emotion management. Clearing the air after a particularly contentious faculty meeting may require emotional intelligence and a deft touch, but it does not necessarily fit the original definition of emotional labor. In popular discussions, the nuances between emotional labor and emotion management were lost, and the concept of feeling rules largely forgotten. This concept creep has meant that while more lay audiences are familiar with the general terminology of emotional labor, its potential for perpetuating various kinds of structural inequalities (including but not limited to those based on gender) may go overlooked.
Without the attention to the broader dynamics that mandate and enforce emotional labor, researchers and lay audiences risk potentially overlooking institutional, organizational, and struc- tural processes that enable this labor to persist and reinforce systemic inequalities. If emotional labor gets mischaracterized as the unpaid household work that typically falls to women, then it
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can be easy to miss other important sociological factors—for instance, organizations’ encroaching control over workers’ lives, the impact this can have on employees’ well-being, and the ways some groups of workers find themselves doing additional tasks as a result (Gerstel & Clawson 2018, Wingfield & Alston 2014).
This need for attention to structural dynamics is particularly salient in a changing economy. At the same time that the concept of emotional labor has perhaps become overused, the economic shifts that led to its rise are also undergoing significant change. When Hochschild (1983) first wrote about emotional labor, she focused on the rise of the service industry and how it provided a space for emotion work to reproduce gender inequality. Today, however, the ranks of service industry workers are significantly more racially diverse. Black workers in particular are heavily overrepresented in low-wage service work, so the inattention to the racial dynamics of emotional labor represented a major gap in the literature. Additionally, the conditions under which many workers in the service industry toil have become more insecure and uncertain (Chen 2006).
Not only has the service industry grown and changed since Hochschild (1983) originally con- ceptualized feeling rules, emotion management, and emotional labor, researchers have also be- come more attuned to the importance of considering how gender intersects with other categories, including but not limited to race, class, sexuality, and nationality (Collins 2000). While hardly universal, it is more common for researchers to acknowledge that focusing on mechanisms that perpetuate gender inequality without specifying which women (and men) are affected by these processes offers limited utility. Thus, sociologists are beginning to consider how the expectations and requirements of emotional labor perpetuate forms of gender inequality that are racialized and classed as well (though, as this review indicates, this is an area that would benefit from additional research).
In the rest of this review, I consider the literature that examines how race shapes emotionwork. I highlight how this emerging body of research takes an intersectional approach to addmore nuance to previous discussions that focused on gender inequality alone. Following this, I consider how the growth and increasing diversity of the service economy have implications for how emotional labor is done. I then conclude with a discussion of some of the omissions in existing studies, plus potential directions for future research.
THE RACIAL DYNAMICS OF EMOTION WORK
In a very early study of race, organizations, and emotion work,Mirchandani (2003) was a forerun- ner in calling many gender scholars to task for their silence on the way that race factored into their findings, particularly given that many studies in this area featured predominantly or exclusively White respondents and did not acknowledge how this might skew certain outcomes. For instance, studies of how the legal field is gendered argue that men attorneys are free to show strong emo- tions of belligerence and anger, but this research fails to consider that anger has been racialized for Black men in ways that could make such emotional expression risky at best (Pierce 1995, 2012). Similarly, the original depiction of emotional labor emphasized the ways that (White) women flight attendants were tasked with making passengers feel cared for and supported (Hochschild 1983), but there is no attention to the ways this work might be complicated for Black women, who are often stereotyped as domineering and emasculating (Collins 2004).
Mirchandani (2003, p. 722) argued that this “almost complete silence on the racialization of emotion work” was a major limitation that curtailed the extent to which researchers could un- derstand the full dynamic and scope of this labor. As a consequence, researchers not only draw conclusions about the performance, consequences, and implications of emotion work from pre- dominantly or exclusivelyWhite samples, but they also overlook racial hierarchies that inform the
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interactions where emotional labor takes place. Mirchandani (2003) emphasizes that these iden- tities are shifting and interlocking. For a Black woman attorney, race, gender, and class overlap in ways that will necessitate different kinds of emotional labor depending on whether her workplace interactions involve White women colleagues, White men judges, or Black men clients. Without attending to these realities, however, researchers’ assessments and understanding of emotional labor are incomplete.
Following Mirchandani’s (2003) work, several subsequent studies attempted to examine how race matters along with gender in shaping emotional labor in the workplace. Harlow’s (2003) work, for instance, shows that among college and university professors, race informs the ways Black faculty engage in emotion management. Given that White students frequently perceive them as unqualified and unintelligent, Black professors do the emotion work of creating a level of detachment and disengagement from student assessments of their work. This emotion work allows these faculty members to avoid feelings of disappointment and frustration associated with the racial undertones embedded in student comments and evaluations.
Race and gender intersect in unique ways for Black women professors.White students are par- ticularly likely to label these professors mean or cold, descriptors leveled to characterize Black women who do not evoke the nurturing, self-sacrificing manner associated with the so-called modern mammy representation of Black femininity (Collins 2004, Wingfield 2007). Students in Harlow’s (2003) study do not evaluate White women or Black men in this manner, pointing to a specifically racialized and gendered aspect of Black women professors’ classroom teaching. The research on Black professors thus indicates that even in a within-group context, emotion manage- ment can be unevenly distributed between Black men and Black women.
Feeling rules are also a racialized construct and one that reveals further gender differences be- tween Blackmen and Black women (Wingfield 2010). Far from being neutral, the feeling rules that govern emotional expression in the workplace are racialized in ways that differently affect Black workers. Specifically, Black workers are held to different standards for emotional performance than are theirWhite colleagues. Even in workplaces (such as law firms or investment banks) where feelings of anger and aggravation are generally acceptable, Black workers are reluctant to display these feelings publicly due to broader stereotypes of Blacks as generally angry and potentially vio- lent. Additionally, the feeling rules present in many workplaces do not take into consideration the differential impact they can have on Black workers. Thus, emotional norms mandating pleasant- ness and geniality mean that Black workers experience pressure to conceal feelings of annoyance and indignation. This is particularly the case when Black employees are confronted with racial aggressions inside and/or outside of the workplace.
Feeling rules are racialized and gendered in that they leave Black men and Black women with different perceptions of how and when they can express anger (Wingfield 2010). While both groups generally attempt to avoid this emotion, research indicates that Black women are more likely to deploy this feeling selectively. They believe that strategically displayed expressions of anger could allow them to be taken more seriously. In this context, Black women workers delib- erately calculate when to reveal anger, because they believe it could temporarily offset some of the doubts and marginalization that they encounter at work. These findings indicate that Black employees are scrutinized not just for what they do but also for what they seem to feel and that they respond to this oversight in ways that are shaped by both race and gender.
Finally, more recent research on the airline industry offers insights into how the process of emotional labor unfolds differently for Black workers in this field. Departing somewhat from Hochschild’s (1983) framework of interviewing just flight attendants and bill collectors, Evans (2013) includes Black pilots and flight attendants. In doing so, she is able to generate a broader understanding of how Black workers engage in emotional labor in a field where they are widely
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underrepresented. Not only that, she focuses attention on an industry that has been subject to significant deregulation, which resulted in greater profits for airlines but major workplace changes (many of them deleterious) for workers (Avent-Holt 2012, 2019).
As part of their work, Black pilots and flight attendants engage in an ongoing process of emo- tional labor. Pilots undertake this emotional labor to conceal feelings of anger and frustration in response to doubts about their qualifications and skills. These doubts come from both passengers and colleagues, both of whom question Black pilots’ competence and professionalism. Black flight attendants also engage in emotional labor when dealing with these same groups, but the manifes- tations take a different form.While Black flight attendants do not necessarily find that colleagues express doubts about their competence, they do have to do emotional labor to conceal feelings of dissatisfaction and alienation from White coworkers who frequently isolate and ignore them. Their emotional labor also includes tamping down negative emotions that surface in response to racist comments and statements fromWhite passengers. Importantly, this research shows that for Black airline industry workers, race is a central factor shaping how they engage in emotional labor, and that it informs how emotional labor occurs both between workers as well as toward customers.
Piloting and flight attendant work are also very gendered occupational categories, with men being far more represented in the former and women disproportionately present in the latter. (Men are 95% of pilots and women 5%, while men are 22% of flight attendants compared to women’s 78%.) Thus, Black workers in both of these jobs wrestle with being people of color in implicitly racialized, highly gendered spaces. For Black pilots, this means that even though they work in culturally masculinized jobs where aggression and directness are emotional norms, attempts to conform to these emotional dynamics actually work against them, with many finding that expressions of anger or assertiveness lead to being sanctioned or disciplined. Black pilots’ experiences thus parallel those of other Black workers in occupations dominated by men such as law, medicine, and finance who report similar outcomes (Wingfield 2013).
Black flight attendants, in contrast, are employed in a field that has a long history of sexualizing its workforce, which has historically been mostly composed of women. For these workers, this history (and its continuation into the present) means concealing their frustration at how this has evoked gendered racism. Black flight attendants, particularly women, deal with both pilots’ and passengers’ crude assumptions about their sexual availability and lewd comments, including the apparently common line, “I like my coffee Black, just like I like my women” (Evans 2013, p. 65). Statements like these reflect gendered racist depictions of Black women as hypersexual, subjecting these flight attendants to forms of harassment that may be less salient for their colleagues who are White women or men of color.
These studies of Black employees’ emotion work indicate the assumptions of Whiteness at- tached to many of the professions in which they are employed.When Blacks are the ones working in professional spaces, whether as pilots or professors or in other career fields, the implicit char- acterizations of these jobs as ones for Whites create a tension from colleagues and customers that requires emotion management to balance. Furthermore, as most jobs are also gendered, the be- liefs that White men or women should be working in these fields complicate the manner in which Black workers experience racial slights (as evidenced by the gendered and racial sexual harassment flight attendants recount) as well as their reactions to it.
Racial Differences Among Women Workers
Other research, similarly influenced by the push to consider both race and gender in the execution of emotional labor, takes a different approach. These studies focus on women in professional and nonprofessional settings to assess how racial differences create nuanced variations of emotion
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work. Much like the aforementioned research on gender differences in emotional labor between Black men and Black women, these studies find that these intersections complicate sociologists’ understanding of how emotional labor reproduces gendered inequalities.
Studies of women in the nursing profession find that women nurses of color do a partic- ular form of emotion work that involves managing feelings related to race-related incidents (Cottingham et al. 2018). By focusing specifically on women working in the nursing industry, this research highlights the contrasts between women of color in a profession and work space that is predominantly White. Black nurses constitute only about 12% of the profession, with White women heavily overrepresented at 69% (https://datausa.io/profile/soc/registered-nurses). In that setting, women nurses of color find that they do emotion work in dealing with racial interac- tions from both colleagues and patients.
In the nursing profession, women of color find that they deal with both overt and subtle racial aggressions from patients and colleagues. These can include situations where patients express explicitly racist sentiments, leaving nurses of color to do the emotion work of managing anger and frustration. Nurses of color also encounter microaggressions from patients and colleagues, including patient perceptions that nurses of color are more appropriately suited for lower-status jobs, and colleagues’ unwillingness to offer assistance and support. These interactions leave nurses of color doing racialized emotional labor that can deplete the emotional reserves necessary to provide essential nursing care (Cottingham et al. 2018).
Racial differences are also present in emotion work among women principals (Ipsa-Landa & Thomas 2019). Given that gendered assumptions of leadership and authority can disadvantage women, principals present an interesting case because they show howwomen in positions of power balance “gendered associations of femininity with expressions of care for others’ emotional well- being, on the one hand, and masculinity with authority and expertise, on the other” (Ipsa-Landa & Thomas 2019, p. 391). Focusing on bothWhite women and women of color working as principals highlights how the need to balance emotional support and authority can vary depending on the racial and gender characteristics of the leader in question.
Among the sample of principals interviewed, White women initially perceive demonstrations of authority as a necessity that must be balanced with providing the emotional support they want to offer to colleagues in subordinate positions. They begin their roles as principals focused on doing the emotion work of making colleagues feel valued, understood, and energized. However, as time passes,White women principals eventually adopt a more directive leadership style in order to become more effective in transforming their faculty and avoid burnout. In contrast, principals who are women of color believe showing authority and providing emotional labor for their faculty are compatible projects. Their leadership styles consequently remain consistent over time, with no major adjustments to their strategies for emotional labor.
Other studies of women of color yield different results and indicate how emotional labor can extend to the corporeal realm. In order to consider the ways race, gender, and class intersect among racial minority workers and customers, Kang (2003) engaged in ethnographic research at three Korean immigrant–owned nail salons.One salon’s client base consisted primarily ofWhite upper- middle-class women; another had a clientele of working-class Black women; while the third served a middle-class,multiracial client base that sought quick, efficient services. These varying clienteles show how emotional labor extends to work that is done on the body and how this body labor varies depending on the interracial and cross-class dynamics between the workers and the customers in question.
Body labor is informed by the race and class position of both the worker and the customer. That is, in nail salons where Korean American workers primarily serve upper-class White women clientele, they focus much more on providing a posh, luxurious experience of high
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service designed to make customers feel catered to and pampered. But in salons where the customer base is primarily Black and working class, workers offer expressive service intended to make customers feel respected and diffuse any potential interracial tensions. This is particularly important given the often fraught history and tensions between Korean Americans and Blacks (cf. Lee 2002). Emotional labor thus extends to work done on the body but also reflects racial and class considerations that intersect with gendered ones.
Considering Race and Gender in Emotion Work
Much of the research on race, gender, and emotion work can be categorized into two broad areas: the research focusing on gender differences in emotion management among Black workers, and studies of racial differences among womenworkers. Both strands of this literature represent an im- portant departure from much of the preceding work focused exclusively on gender and emotional labor and the inherent assumptions of a predominantlyWhite workforce that guidedmany of these studies. The first wave of emotion work research established the concept and highlighted the ways that it maintained gender-based inequality in work settings. This occurred through a complex process wherein organizations in a burgeoning service-based economy commodified emotions, requiring workers to produce feelings in themselves and others that in some ways conformed to gendered ideas about appropriate emotional norms for women and men. But these studies did not address how broadly gendered emotional norms, such as the idea of anger as a legitimate feeling for men and deference as a more suitable one for women, perpetuate racial inequalities as well.
The research that does take both race and gender into consideration thus develops the lit- erature on emotion work in important ways. For instance, research on Black workers’ emotion management challenges Hochschild’s (1983) claim that organizations are primarily responsible for setting the rules, contexts, and standards under which emotional labor is done (Evans 2013, Harlow 2003, Wingfield 2010). Black employees in these studies do not work for firms that es- tablish explicit rules and norms about the kinds of emotion work expected in response to racial incidents. Instead, these workers draw from their experiences with and understanding of the racial dynamics present in broader society (e.g., thatWhites are profoundly uncomfortable with and hos- tile to Black frustration and anger with racist sentiments) and use that knowledge as the basis for emotional labor. In contrast, Korean American–owned nail salons implicitly structure the emo- tional and body labor expected of employees through decor, setting, and example (Kang 2003).
These studies thus indicate that emotion work does not simply reinforce gender inequality but is amechanism that perpetuates racial inequality within workplaces as well. It does so both through organizational mandates and by drawing from larger schemas around racial and gendered norms that are then reproduced by workers and customers within workplace settings. Furthermore, the different outcomes for Black and Asian American workers also illustrate that workers of color draw from these organizational and structural racial dynamics in ways that create very different manifestations of emotional labor.
Yet there is still room for more development here. With few exceptions, most of this work continues to fall into the Black/White paradigm that has characterized much of the research on race in sociology. Given that Asian Americans are the fastest-growing racial minority group in the United States, it would be useful for studies to consider in more depth how these workers engage in emotional labor, particularly in the professional jobs where they tend to be overrepresented in entry-level positions but underrepresented in leadership roles (Chin 2020). Similarly, as the na- tion’s largest racial minority group, Latina/o communities are underrepresented in this literature as well. Research that examines how groups in the racial middle perform emotional labor would be a welcome contribution to this subfield (O’Brien 2005).
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“MA’AM, THIS IS A WENDY’S”: THE EXPANSION AND TRANSFORMATION OF THE SERVICE INDUSTRY
The research that does consider how emotional labor is a racialized as well as gendered process has fleshed out the concept more fully. However, the current spate of research has not yet caught up with changes in the workforce that could potentially have an impact on how emotional labor occurs in the modern economy. In order to provide a more comprehensive vision of how race, gender, and emotional labor occur and how they remain significant mechanisms of workplace inequalities, researchers must consider (a) the changes to the service industry over the past few decades and (b) the way work itself has shifted over this time period as well.
While it may not have seemed like it at the time, in the late 1970s the US economy began undergoing a profound shift (Acker 2003). For much of the twentieth century, the United States boasted a robust manufacturing industry that helped facilitate its rise to and place among the world’s other dominant superpowers. However, toward the end of that century, manufacturing jobs began to decline, a process correlated with technological advances, the diminishing power of unions during that time, and rising automation (Frank 2013, Hernandez 2018, Rosenfeld 2013, Scott 2015). This was also the period of time where wages began to cease keeping pace with workers’ productivity, as economic gains began to flow to the top and to those in the upper income strata of society (Saez 2015).
As manufacturing declined, a burgeoning service industry began to grow, providing employ- ment to the rising numbers of White women who were entering the labor force en masse in the wake of the Civil Rights and women’s movements. This gendered shift allowed families to offset some of the losses associated with the decline in manufacturing (Acker 2003). In a two-income, heterosexual family, men may have experienced declines and fewer employment options in the manufacturing industry, but womenmoving into service industry jobs (retail, hospitality, customer service) would balance out some of these financial challenges, even as these jobs remained sex- segregated and likely to perpetuate women’s economic disadvantage (Scott 2015, Toossi 2002). Furthermore, many women working in the service industry were expected to do emotion work that comported with broader gendered ideas about appropriate emotions for women.
That service industry is now the largest sector powering the US economy (US Bureau Labor Stat. 2020). Today, service industry jobs range from restaurant work to personal services, with jobs available in essentially any category that allows workers to cater to or meet the needs of others. However, although the service industry now provides the majority of jobs in the United States, many researchers note that these jobs frequently do not allow workers to keep pace with economic growth (Chen 2006, Silva 2013). In fact, many service industry workers suffer from economic insecurity—jobs are frequently low-paying, with few benefits and low status; they also can leave workers without the predictability of established, set hours, instead forcing them to find out their schedules a few days in advance or learn that they will be denied hours if demand is low (Henly & Lambert 2014,Kalleberg 2009). Firms also prefer to hire workers part time,which relieves them of the responsibility for paying for many benefits often allotted to full-time employees (retirement and health insurance being a few). Ultimately, service industry jobs have proliferated over the past few decades, but they are also associated with growing economic uncertainty and income inequality (Kalleberg 2018, Leidner 1993, Lopez 2010).
It is important to be mindful that the service industry is not all fast food and retail work, however. Health care, education, and information technology, for instance, are all considered part of the service economy, which means there is a wide variation in jobs that constitute service work. Despite their higher status, benefits, and wages, even workers in good jobs can find themselves under pressure to satisfy customers, even when data indicate that such an approach does not
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necessarily create optimal outcomes. This widespread push toward metrics and accountability means, for instance, that in health care, medical doctors can be evaluated on how satisfied patients are with the care they receive and their rapport with the practitioner who provides it (Zgierska et al. 2014). While these feelings can potentially help create a sense of control and predictability for patients, doctors and nurses who are working to instill these feelings may do so in ways that run counter to their ability to provide optimal patient care (Wingfield 2009). This can possibly be exacerbated in cases where patients actually do not know their correct diagnosis or their best course of treatment. In academia, a similar precedent exists, as professors can be assessed by student evaluations that are highly subjective and reflect racialized and gendered biases (Chavez & Mitchell 2020). Perhaps more troubling, these evaluations rarely offer effective measures of teaching ability (Boring et al. 2016).
As is often the case, this process is complicated by race in several ways. For Black doctors who already confront challenges getting patients to accept their authority, making patients feel deferred to can further undermine their ability to do their jobs effectively. Black doctors also do the emotional labor of concealing feelings of irritation and anger toward White colleagues who stereotype low-income patients of color as drug abusers or lacking the personal responsibility to maintain good health. Indeed, research indicates that Black women doctors describe these emo- tions associated with their work, particularly when employed in the public sector (Wingfield 2019). Black men working in high-status service jobs such as attorneys or engineers also find that it takes extensive time and energy to prevent White colleagues from viewing them as angry Black men who lack the demeanor and soft skills appropriate for leadership roles (Wingfield 2013).
Thus, while the service industry is now more multiracial than it was in years past, it also re- mains vertically segregated. Workers of color are concentrated in service jobs with low pay and prestige and remain underrepresented in jobs that provide higher wages and status (Branch & Jackson 2020). The growth among workers of color in the service industry is in part due to the growing racial diversity in the country, but the internal stratification likely also reflects challenges in educational and occupational systems that present barriers to workers of color seeking employ- ment in other fields such as medicine (Wingfield 2019), law (Melaku 2019), consulting (Rivera 2015), or construction (Paap 2006).
A look at where workers of color are most heavily represented in the service industry throws this segregation into sharp relief. According to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, as of 2020, Black workers are 31% of bus service and urban transit workers; 30% of home health care service workers; and 29% of barbers. Latino/as, who are classified as an ethnicity rather than a racial group, are 43% of workers who provide landscaping services; 28% of barbers; and 24% of taxi and limousine service drivers. Asian Americans constitute a full 46% of nail service and personal care workers and 16% of taxi and limousine service drivers (Table 1). These data indicate that
Table 1 Service industry occupations with the most workers of colora
Occupation Black Asian Latina/o Nail salons/personal services 6% 46.4% 9.4% Bus service and urban transit 31.4% 7.2% 18.7% Home health care services 30.5% 6% 18.4% Barbering 29% 6% 28.4% Landscaping services 7.4% 1% 42.7% Taxi and limousine services 29.9% 15.6% 23.5%
aPercentages do not add up to 100 because Latina/os are counted as an ethnicity rather than a race.
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Black, Latina/o, and Asian American workers are significantly overrepresented in many jobs in the service industry, particularly in home health care, personal services, barbering, and landscaping.
With more workers of color in the service industry, it is essential to consider how intersections of race and gender inform the performance of emotional labor in these jobs. Earlier research in- dicates that for workers of color, emotional labor may be guided not only by organizational struc- tures but by racial dynamics that exist in the larger society in which institutions are embedded. If that is so, then how does a growing population of color reshape the expectations and performance of emotional labor among service industry workers when these jobs become even more common- place and widespread? Put another way, if service workers are more likely to be Black, Latino/a, or Asian American, how might that influence customers’ and managers’ general perceptions of what sort of emotion work is most suitable and appropriate coming from workers in these jobs?
It is useful here to consider the ways that race and gender intersect to create particular stereo- types of various workers.While Blacks in general are frequently depicted as angry, lazy, and unin- telligent, Black women are often cast as combative, irresponsible single mothers (Kennelly 1997), while Black men are represented as predators prone to criminal behavior (Collins 2004). Latino/as are often broadly stereotyped as illegal immigrants, but Latinas are frequently depicted in media as maids, while Latinos are shown as criminals (O’Brien 2005, Smith et al. 2019). Asian Amer- icans are often positioned as model minorities, but intersections of gender and race represent Asian American women as overly aggressive or extremely passive, while Asian American men are stereotyped as effeminate and docile (Chou 2005, Espiritu 1997).
These representations create additional difficulties for workers of color trying tomeet the emo- tional demands of their jobs. Black men working in health professions do emotion work of making clients feel safe and secure to offset stereotypes of threatening Black masculinity (Wingfield 2013, 2019). Among retail clerks, racial stereotypes about warmth and approachability mean that Black service providers do more emotional labor than their white colleagues (Grandey et al. 2019). Sim- ilar patterns may be present for other workers of color as well. For instance, Asian American women working in food service might find that depictions of them as especially servile could lead to more emotional labor, as they work harder to make patrons see them as appropriately deferen- tial. Conversely, Latinos employed in the transportation industry may perform emotional labor to convince customers that they are law-abiding citizens. Rising numbers of workers of color in the service industry mean that it is essential to reconsider how expectations of emotional labor reflect both gender and race.
Another factor to consider is the rise of aesthetic labor for many service industry workers. Aes- thetic labor occurs when workers are expected to do work to meet a certain look as part of their jobs—think brands likeHooters or TheGap,which require employees to present a certain appear- ance as part of their work (Warhurst & Nickson 2007). The assumptions associated with aesthetic labor are also racialized as well as gendered and classed, as expectations around the right look often implicitly assume aWhite, thin, seemingly middle-class employee ( J.Misra & K.Walters, unpub- lished manuscript). A 2003 lawsuit filed against clothing chain Abercrombie and Fitch provides an example of this, as plaintiffs alleged that the store’s focus on appearance in their recruitment and hiring practices perpetuated racial and gender discrimination by advantaging White employees. [The company ultimately agreed to a consent decree in 2004 (Greenhouse 2004).] The process of doing aesthetic labor could also conceivably give rise to emotional labor for workers of color who must conceal feelings of frustration and irritation at the racial dynamics of this work.
The pressure for service workers to perform aesthetic labor can have material consequences. In many states, organizations can legally fire workers who wear certain hairstyles. These styles do not affect employees’ ability to do their jobs effectively, but companies in most states can ban their workers from wearing dreadlocks, braids, twists, or Afro hairstyles. Though these styles are
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technically ones that can be worn by any worker, they are also disproportionately present among Black employees. Thus, these requirements and the associated expectation that these workers per- form this aesthetic labor can have disproportionate—and costly—impact. For Black women in par- ticular, chemically straightening hair on a regular basis can amount to what Melaku (2019) refers to as an inclusion tax: an additional cost paid to function in predominantly White workplaces.
Apart from aesthetic labor, an additional major change to consider in the service industry involves the rise of the gig economy as a component of service work. Companies like Uber, DoorDash, Airbnb, and others offer a new model of service industry work that was largely nonex- istent when sociologists first began studying emotional labor. These companies are built on a unique business model wherein workers are classified not as employees but as independent con- tractors, which absolves the companies from responsibility for labor protections such as workers’ compensation, insurance benefits, or sick or parental leaves. Gig workers still provide services to others but use their own platforms and resources and have minimal contact with and support from the companies with which they contract.
Work in the gig economy offers varied measures of economic mobility (Ravenelle 2018). Though companies premised upon this platform tout the independence, autonomy, and choice that gig work provides, researchers have also shown that many gig workers can be categorized as so-called strugglers who find that the time and investment they put into this work do not yield corresponding financial benefits. In other words, while platforms in the gig economy emphasize that workers have the ability to earn as much or as little as they want to by controlling their work hours, this earning potential is often undermined by business models that require workers to spend more time working than is realistically possible (Ravenelle 2018).
One aspect of gig work that researchers have yet to consider involves how the rise of gig econ- omy platforms can potentially shape the racial and gendered emotional labor done in the service industry. While studies document the difficulty the gig economy presents for economic mobility and advancement, there is less research that considers how it presents a specific platform that can shape the expectations and performance of emotional labor for workers. Do women who drive for Uber or Lyft, for instance, do the emotion work of appearing friendly but suitably distant from men passengers to try to ward off potential harassment? Howmight this emotion work take a par- ticular form if the Uber driver in question is Latina or Asian American, given that these women of color are often stereotyped as sexually available? If these women drivers do this work of balancing amiability with aloofness, can we even classify this as emotional labor, as it is not explicitly required by organizations that rely heavily on independent contractors rather than full-time employees? Do the lack of protections these companies provide further shift the impetus of emotional labor back onto workers, with consequences driven by gender and race? These questions have yet to be fully answered.
Nor have researchers considered how this emotional labor may vary depending on the posi- tion of the worker in the gig economy structure. In 2017, Uber employee and engineer Susan Fowler documented her ongoing experiences with sexual harassment in a widely read blog post (Fowler 2017). Fowler shared multiple examples of how coworkers whose repeated comments on her appearance, unwanted attempts to establish romantic and sexual relationships, and derogatory statements about women in engineering created a work environment she found hostile and un- welcoming. Fowler’s experiences highlight how emotional labor may be a widespread response for marginalized employees coping with harassment in the workplace and also underscores the ways this harassment can be shaped by race and differ depending on the status of the worker in the gig economy.
Finally, researchers must also consider how the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pan- demic continues to reshape the global economy and the implications of these changes for how
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race and gender matter in the performance of emotional labor. Many businesses and service in- dustry jobs in retail and hospitality were catastrophically affected by COVID-19 and the economic collapse it caused and likely will not recover. However, history shows that major catastrophes can, in some cases, have an equalizing effect. For example, the Great Depression positioned Presi- dent Roosevelt to pass New Deal reforms that helped to provide economic security for many Americans. There is the possibility that the economic effects of COVID-19 could increase sup- port for policies that would help service workers experience more economic stability such as paid leave, publicly funded health and child care, and higher minimum wages. But it is important to be cautious here—the New Deal’s economic policies still maintained major racial divisions, as Black workers were deliberately excluded from many of these newfound opportunities to achieve upward mobility and establish greater economic security (Katznelson 2001). Researchers would thus want to assess whether workers of color would, on the whole, benefit from any economic and policy changes that occur as a result of the current pandemic, and scholars would need to consider whether improvements in the conditions under which service work is done have an impact on ex- pectations and the performance of emotional labor. At the time of this writing it is difficult to say definitively, but the COVID-19 pandemic is certain to give rise to major, long-lasting, structural and economic changes that will impact work and workers in a myriad of ways.
In short, the service industry today has become much more multiracial than it was when so- ciologists first began to study the process and mechanisms of emotional labor. Black and brown workers constitute a larger segment of this workforce than they did in the early 1980s, particularly in transportation, personal service, and home health care. The service industry has also grown ex- ponentially, becoming the largest source of employment in the US economy and including gig work that has upended traditional understandings of what it means to be an employee and how work spaces are defined. Yet it is also poised for redefinition following the COVID-19 pandemic. This means that organizations may not necessarily hold the level and extent of control over work- ers’ emotions that was originally theorized.
Instead, workers of color in the expansive service industry may engage in emotional labor shaped by broader, long-term racial and gendered dynamics. This can mean responding to racial biases by following different feeling rules than their White colleagues, concealing anger and frus- tration, and presenting deceptively happy, pleasant exteriors no matter what acts of racism they encounter (Wingfield 2010). Alternately, new reforms to come may offer them more worker pro- tections that lessen the need for racialized, gendered emotion management, particularly if service industry workers are able to attain more occupational and economic security in the labor market.
WHAT COMES NEXT? DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
What does this all mean for considering new directions in the study of race, gender, and emo- tional labor? The existing body of research in this area offers some insights for how we might expect emotional labor to unfold in the context of a more racially diverse service industry, a grow- ing gig economy, and broader expectations that workers across industries will adopt a neoliberal approach that prioritizes customer satisfaction over other measures. No longer a concept that fo- cuses primarily on how emotional labor perpetuates gender differences, researchers have become much more attuned to the ways gender and race intersect for workers in the service economy. Findings from these studies suggest that today, in a more racially diverse America, the emotional labor done by workers of color may be decoupled from organizational structures and more em- bedded in broader racial landscapes. Emotional labor is also expected in the wide range of jobs that exist under the service industry’s umbrella, even when customers may not be best served by workers’ efforts to keep them happy and placated.
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There are still remaining areas where sociologists can continue to develop the work in this area. One potential pathway might be to consider additional ways that researchers can deploy an intersectional approach to examine emotional labor. The research that considers how women of color engage in complex strategies for emotion work has laid a useful beginning for thinking intersectionally about how emotional labor is performed (Cottingham et al. 2018, Evans 2013, Ipsa-Landa & Thomas 2019, Kang 2003). However, this work is far from exhaustive and focuses primarily on women in culturally feminized occupations. Surprisingly, sociologists have yet to consider how women of color who do supposed men’s work engage in emotion management, and there is still very little research that focuses on men of color and the strategies they use for emotional labor in the workplace. These are areas where future research would be well suited.
Additionally, qualitative researchers have thus far provided a great deal of the research on race and emotional labor. While there are studies using quantitative methodology that seek to mea- sure and assess emotion work (Bono & Vey 2005, Chu et al. 2012), few use this methodological approach to consider how racial differences are present or how race and gender intersect to inform the ways various groups engage in emotional labor. Yet quantitative approaches could potentially add much to the research in this area by documenting how race shapes emotion management across a broader scale than is possible with qualitative data.
Overall, the research on race, gender, and emotion work has yielded insightful research that gives sociologists a promising start for further pursuing this line of study. The work in this area documents that these intersecting factors yield different patterns of emotion management that are not necessarily linked to or driven by organizational structures. Yet there is still additional room for further study, for example, of how workers of color adapt to do this work in the gig economy, in a more racially diverse service sector, and of how various race/gender groups engage in this labor. Plus, there is ample room for quantitative scholars to contribute to this field. The existing research provides a useful starting point, but there remains much fertile ground for further work.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations,memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks to Joya Misra for helpful thoughts and feedback on this manuscript and to Ranen Miao for research assistance.
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